The new tariffs are set to take effect from Thursday.
Beijing has called on the international community to unite against Trump’s tariffs, as Chinese exporters face significant challenges from the new levies.
In 2024, the US imported approximately $440 billion worth of goods and services from China, while China imported around $145 billion in goods and services from the US.
This center, hosted by the University of Rwanda (UR) Regional Centre of Excellence for Biomedical Engineering and eHealth in collaboration with the Ministry of Health, marks a transformative step in the country’s efforts to standardize data-driven healthcare.
Following South Africa, Rwanda now becomes the second African country to host such a center, signaling a shift in the balance of global health data leadership toward the region.
The designation was communicated by the Acting WHO Regional Director, Dr Chikwe Ihekweazu, effective from 12 March 2025 for a period of 4-year period up to 12 March 2029.
This positions Rwanda as a key player in the development, implementation and global advocacy for WHO international health classifications, namely the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11), the International Classification of Health Interventions (ICHI) and the International Classification of Functioning and Disability (ICF).
The center will play a strategic role in strengthening Africa’s health data infrastructure through training, policy development, and research cooperation.
Speaking at the launch, Ihekweazu emphasized the center’s importance to the region. “A first for Rwanda, and only the second on the continent, this proud milestone signals Africa’s growing capacity for leadership in health information systems. Congratulations to UR’s Regional Centre of Excellence in Biomedical Engineering and eHealth upon this designation,” he said.
Ihekweazu stressed the urgent need for countries to shift from development to implementation of global health classification tools.
“Good data, whether for better mortality statistics or smarter resource allocation, makes all the difference. COVID-19 exposed the weaknesses in our systems, but today, we are witnessing progress. Every country now has mechanisms to generate more reliable health and mortality data,” he remarked.
He also encouraged wider adoption of tools like the WHO Digital Open Rule Integrated Cause of Death Selection (DORIS) software and the new online training for medical certification of cause of death. These, he said, are crucial to closing persistent gaps in data accuracy across the continent.
Dr. Muhammed Semakula, Ministry of Health Head of the Department of Planning, Monitoring, Evaluation and Health Financing, representing Minister of Health, lauded the center as a reflection of Rwanda’s progress in digital health.
“This recognition signifies our country’s commitment to evidence-based policymaking, robust disease surveillance, and efficient resource allocation,” he said.
Semakula revealed that Rwanda has already embedded ICD-11 across its health systems, with 97% of citizens enrolled in health insurance schemes, thus not only improving the accuracy of diagnoses and reimbursements but also enhancing the quality and timeliness of healthcare services.
According to him, implementing a unified classification system will address discrepancies between healthcare facilities and insurance systems, reducing inefficiencies and complaints.
The WHO Country Representative for Rwanda, Dr. Brian Chirombo, applauded the collaborative efforts that led to the establishment of the new center. “I would like to congratulate University of Rwanda and the Ministry of Health for this tremendous achievement,” he said.
Chirombo emphasized that health classifications are more than just technical tools. They are the language through which experts understand and communicate the complexities of health and disease. “They allow us to track disease outbreaks, develop public health policies, and evaluate their impact,” he noted.
He further reported that between 2018 and 2024, in collaboration with WHO, the University of Rwanda and the Ministry of Health designed of a short course curriculum on medical coding offered at the University of Rwanda.
Health professionals in medical coding and certification of causes of death were trained, field tested ICD-11 through electronic medical records (EMR) in two hospitals, and embedded the ICD-11 in the OpenMRS and eBuzima platform, an EMR which the country is deploying in health centers.
These initiatives not only improved national systems but also contributed to global knowledge and experience sharing through WHO-FIC meetings.
Central to the development of the Regional Centre of Excellence for Biomedical Engineering and eHealth is Dr. Michael Mugisha, a Senior Lecturer at the University of Rwanda and co-founder of the WHO Collaborating centre. Proudly reflecting on the achievement, he expressed gratitude for this milestone.
Mugisha explained that ICD-11 is not only a tool for documenting diseases but also for capturing health interventions, enabling data-driven planning, resource allocation, and research.
“Now, with structured and uniform data across hospitals, from health posts to referral hospitals, we can aggregate and analyze information to inform policy and guide decisions. We can answer questions like how many cesarean sections were performed last month, or which districts are seeing certain disease trends,” he said.
Crucially, he added, the center will act as Rwanda’s voice on the global stage. “With a WHO Collaborating Center, we now have the platform to reflect Rwanda’s unique health context in international classification standards. We will be contributing to revisions, ensuring that African-specific conditions and realities are recognized globally,” he said.
Mugisha highlighted the value of local expertise. “We have very talented scientists, clinicians, and researchers in Rwanda. We are mobilizing them to contribute to the global cause of improving how diseases and interventions are documented and understood worldwide,” he noted.
As Rwanda steps into this leadership role, this WHO Collaborating Centre is not only a symbol of national progress but also a regional beacon, demonstrating what is possible when technology, data, and public health vision align.
Mudiamvita made this admission during a visit to the Uvira territory in South Kivu province, aimed at boosting the morale of soldiers and local militia members fighting against AFC/M23.
Congolese soldiers and local militias in Uvira are largely composed of those who had fled when AFC/M23 took control of the city of Bukavu on February 16, just two weeks after capturing Goma, another key city in the region.
Since AFC/M23 took control of Bunagana town in North Kivu province in June 2022, the DRC military has explained to the Congolese people that their retreat was strategic, allowing them to regroup and prepare to reclaim lost territories.
Mudiamvita was questioned about the frequent claims by the DRC military that they were retreating for strategic reasons, only to lose further ground. He explained that the root cause was the poor living conditions of the soldiers.
“If soldiers are not given adequate resources and are living in poor conditions, what results can you expect from them? The blame lies with politics. That is why we are to improve the situation,” he stated.
{{Military budget increase}}
As the conflict in eastern DRC worsened, the government decided to significantly increase the military budget. Last year, the government allocated $19.5 billion over five years to the military and other security sectors, amounting to $3.8 billion per year.
In 2023, the government raised the military budget by 300%, increasing it from $330 million in 2022 to $1 billion. This increase has been largely used to purchase modern military equipment, including fighter jets, refurbish military infrastructure, and train new soldiers.
However, soldiers—especially those on the front lines—have complained about low salaries and delayed payments. Reports indicate that some of the funds sent from Kinshasa never reached the eastern region, as senior officers allegedly pocketed the money instead.
Last month, the DRC government announced an increase in the basic salary of soldiers to $500 per month. However, there is little confidence that the increase will be properly distributed, as many believe corrupt officials will continue to divert the funds.
Many leaders in the DRC are known for their dishonesty, and when an opportunity arises, they exploit the system for personal gain. Mudiamvita himself has been accused of similar actions.
Mining industry leaders in the former Katanga province recently revealed that when Mudiamvita became Minister of Defense, he and his colleagues quickly took control of some of the region’s mining operations.
One of them said, “We wondered where the money went, but the answer is simple: everyone comes to Lubumbashi and Kolwezi to fend for themselves. Ministers always come to our provinces to take their envelopes… they don’t come to help us; they come to defend themselves.”
Although Mudiamvita acknowledges that politicians play a significant role in the DRC military’s defeats, the junior soldiers have paid the price. Many of them have been imprisoned since early 2022 for deserting the battlefield.
These junior soldiers have been tried in various courts in North and South Kivu provinces and have been sentenced to death for desertion.
The high-stakes meeting had been billed as the first formal engagement between Kinshasa and the M23 since the rebel group seized control of Goma and Bukavu, the two largest cities in eastern Congo.
Though no official reason has been given for the delay, sources from both camps indicated that invitations for the session had not been dispatched as of Monday.
A Congolese official attributed the postponement to logistical challenges, saying, “It’s simply a matter of organization.”
However, behind the scenes, the delay appears more politically charged. The rebel alliance has issued a list of six preconditions it insists must be met by President Félix Tshisekedi’s government before entering any meaningful negotiations.
The demands include a public declaration from President Tshisekedi showing commitment to direct talks, the repeal of restrictive parliamentary resolutions, the cancellation of death sentences and arrest warrants for AFC/M23 leaders, the release of alleged sympathizers detained based on ethnicity or association, and an end to hate speech and discriminatory practices against Swahili and Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese. The rebels also want a formal bilateral ceasefire agreement signed before talks proceed.
The talks were arranged following a surprise meeting in Doha between President Félix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame, mediated by Qatari Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani. During the meeting, the two leaders agreed on the need for a ceasefire and urged Congolese factions to pursue dialogue.
The meeting took place against the backdrop of Tshisekedi’s claims that Rwanda is supporting M23’s offensive in the east. Rwanda has consistently denied these allegations, insisting that its primary concern is the continued presence of the FDLR in the DRC. Rwanda maintains that the militia group, linked to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, poses a significant threat to Rwanda’s security due to its genocidal ideology.
Just two days before the Kagame–Tshisekedi meeting in Doha, AFC/M23 rebels had withdrawn from planned talks with Kinshasa in Angola, in protest against international sanctions imposed on members of the group.
The M23, which now controls nearly half of Eastern Congo, had been advancing rapidly towards Kisangani—the country’s third-largest city—until the Qatari-brokered ceasefire halted their movement.
The rebel leadership, including Corneille Nangaa (AFC President), Bertrand Bisimwa (M23 Political Head), and Major General Sultani Makenga (Military Commander), are currently facing death sentences issued in absentia by a Congolese military court.
The government has placed bounties of up to $5 million on their capture, with an additional $4 million reward for their alleged accomplices.
Justice Minister Constant Mutamba defended the rewards in March, calling the rebel leaders “fugitives guilty of treason and war crimes.”
But Nangaa, speaking from an undisclosed location believed to be within rebel-held North Kivu, dismissed the move as an act of desperation.
“This so-called trial and the baseless punishments are a clear sign of a regime gripped by panic and on the verge of collapse,” he said.
It remains to be seen whether Tshisekedi’s administration will heed the rebel alliance’s demands and pave the way for direct talks aimed at silencing the guns in eastern DRC for good.
Sources within the country’s political and business circles say Angeline used her influence to orchestrate the arrest of Rwandan businessman Dushimimana Protais, the head of Dupro International Trade Company (DITCO), an oil import firm that recently beat Prestige in a government fuel procurement deal.
Dushimimana’s company had secured contracts to supply fuel to various government ministries, a move that placed him at odds with Prestige, which had been struggling to recover from an earlier setback involving the detention of its fuel shipments in Tanzania due to tax evasion allegations.
According to insiders in Gitega, Dushimimana was arrested in early 2025 and is currently being held at the overcrowded Mpimba Central Prison in Bujumbura alongside his lawyer, Ciza Felicien.
Neither of the two has been granted access to a court hearing, with their release reportedly hinging on direct orders from the First Family.
The Rwandan businessman is accused of playing a role in the blockage of Prestige’s fuel shipments from Bahrain—an accusation some believe is being used to justify his detention and eliminate him from the competition.
Observers say this move has further exacerbated Burundi’s fuel crisis, as one of the few functioning suppliers has now been silenced. Prestige, meanwhile, is reportedly positioning itself as the sole fuel importer, tightening Angeline Ndayishimiye’s grip on the country’s critical energy sector.
Fuel prices in the country have skyrocketed—now five times higher than previous levels—forcing many Burundians to resort to black market purchases.
Daily life has become unpredictable, with the state petroleum company, SOPEBU, posting last-minute fuel distribution lists on X. Vehicle owners face strict rations, with taxis limited to just 20 litres of fuel per week.
Frustration is mounting. “You post the list at 3 p.m. while we’ve spent the whole day queuing at the wrong station. How is this fair?” one of the consumers vented.
Anger is also growing toward President Ndayishimiye and his family, who are increasingly seen as enriching themselves at the expense of a nation that ranks among the five poorest in the world, with a GDP per capita of just $193. Critics argue that the First Family’s alleged attempts to monopolize strategic sectors like oil are worsening the plight of Burundians.
“Corruption and the misappropriation of public funds are at the root of this crisis,” said Patrick Nkurunziza, leader of the opposition coalition Burundi Bwa Bose, in an interview with AFP.
“These odious practices are so deeply embedded in the current political system that any effort to reverse them is almost futile.”
Despite regularly presenting themselves as pious figures—often seen giving public sermons—President Évariste Ndayishimiye and his wife now face growing scrutiny over the stark contrast between their religious image and their actions, which many see as exploitative and self-serving.
There are growing fears that the First Family’s actions to silence business rivals could deepen instability, cripple the energy sector, and dash any remaining hopes of recovery for millions of Burundians.
His arrest came as a shock to many who had begun to believe he would never be found. As Rwandans often say, “A thief has only 40 days”, his time had finally run out.
Rwanda’s then-Minister of Justice, Johnson Busingye, said that Kabuga’s arrest was a great relief and a major milestone. “Having been on the run for 26 years, this shows that you can run, but you can’t hide forever. People had started to think he’d never be caught,” he said.
Despite the initial celebration, Kabuga’s trial soon became a highly unusual legal case. He was the only Rwandan to be tried by the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals (IRMCT) in The Hague. Others were tried earlier in Arusha, before that tribunal closed.
During the three years before the trial was suspended in 2023, the proceedings were filled with unprecedented events. Kabuga’s trial was not business as usual, nor a mockery, but it was full of legal and procedural complexities.
{{A highly unusual trial}}
Kabuga’s courtroom appearances were limited to only 90 minutes per session, unlike other defendants who could sit through full-day hearings. His trial was scheduled three times a week, also unlike the intensive daily trials others faced. Due to reported health issues, Kabuga often attended via videoconference.
Five medical experts assessed him and concluded that he was not fit to stand trial. In September 2023, based on their report, the court formally suspended proceedings against him.
Kabuga became the first accused to be released from trial obligations due to health-related unfitness.This decision deeply disappointed many Rwandans, especially Genocide survivors, who had hoped for justice and accountability.
{{A billion-franc debt to the UN}}
Another astonishing aspect of Kabuga’s case is that he became the first Rwandan tried at the UN level to owe the organization money. Initially, Kabuga claimed he couldn’t afford a lawyer and was appointed French attorney Emmanuel Altit.
However, the court later opened an investigation into Kabuga’s finances and found he had enough means to cover the cost of his defense.
His eldest son, Donatien Nshimyumuremyi, unintentionally revealed this in a press statement on September 22, 2022, saying his father had substantial wealth and could hire any lawyer he wished. The court followed up, requesting detailed information about Kabuga’s assets.
On October 18, 2022, his son provided the requested information. A year later, in October 2023, the court concluded that Kabuga indeed had the capacity to pay back the $1,184,500 (approx. Rwf 1.7 billion) in legal fees and trial preparation costs.
Assets were identified in France, the UK, Belgium, Kenya, and Rwanda, including bank accounts, properties, and other valuables. Although exact figures remain confidential, the court confirmed that Kabuga had sufficient resources to pay the full amount.
{{Asset freezing and international cooperation}}
The court moved to freeze his known assets across the four countries. However, collecting the funds has proven difficult due to legal procedures in each country. Some governments have been slow to cooperate.
Additionally, even after the court ruled him unfit for trial, Kabuga remains detained in The Hague. Two countries declined to accept him on their soil, citing his role as a major architect of the Genocide against the Tutsi.
Though the court has not yet ruled out extraditing him to Rwanda, medical experts claim his condition makes such travel unsafe.
As of now, Kabuga is in legal limbo, neither standing trial due to illness, nor released, as no country is willing to accept him. It’s reminiscent of the biblical curse on Cain. “Now you are under a curse and driven from the ground… you will be a restless wanderer on the earth.”
He shared his reflections during the 31st commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, held on April 7, 2025, by Rwandans and friends of Rwanda in the United States.
Wilkens highlighted Rwanda’s extraordinary efforts to seek its own solutions for justice and healing, pointing to community-based initiatives like Gacaca courts that were instrumental in fostering reconciliation in a deeply divided society.
“Gacaca and other conflict resolution methods focused on understanding the consequences of what happened and its impact, so that citizens could collectively engage in the healing process. It was not about revenge or retribution,” he said.
Wilkens emphasized the accountability shown by many Rwandans and how it demonstrated a national resolve to transform.
At the event, Troy Fitrell, representing the U.S. State Department, expressed his country’s commitment to supporting Rwanda’s pursuit of justice and warned against the dangers of genocide denial and hate speech.
“We reject any and all efforts to distort history for political gain. Specifically, we fully denounce any attempts to deny or downplay the Genocide against the Tutsi,” he stated.
He called on those who spread hateful rhetoric to redirect their efforts toward promoting peace rather than sowing division and inciting violence.
Immaculée Ilibagiza, a survivor of the genocide, gave a personal testimony and emphasized the importance of forgiveness.
“Since surviving the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, I’ve made it my mission to remind people that hatred is dangerous. I am living proof that where love is absent, people will torture and kill their neighbors. That’s where discrimination begins,” she said.
Nicole Karekezi, President of IBUKA-USA, stressed the importance of using the correct terminology when referring to the genocide.
“It is the Genocide against the Tutsi in 1994, as recognized by the United Nations. It’s not ‘violence in Africa,’ nor ‘ethnic conflict,’ and certainly not ‘genocide against Tutsi, Hutu, and Twa.’ Such mislabeling distorts the truth and reopens our wounds,” she asserted.
Rwanda’s Ambassador to the U.S., Mathilde Mukantabana, noted that remembering the genocide againt the Tutsi is a responsibility for all humanity, not just survivors.
Meanwhile, U.S. Congressman Tim Welberg commended Rwanda’s development as a symbol of hope, forgiveness, and resilience.
Commemoration activities for the 31st anniversary of the Genocide against the Tutsi will continue in various U.S. cities, organized in collaboration between Rwandan communities and friends of Rwanda.
The accusations stem from revelations that the suspect, 58-year-old Ryan Wesley Routh, had reportedly tried to obtain advanced military weapons from Ukraine in preparation for an attack on Trump.
In a post on X on Tuesday, April 8, Trump Jr. blasted Kyiv for failing to alert U.S. authorities about Routh’s attempt to source weapons through contacts he believed were tied to Ukraine’s military.
“If you think it’s bad that Ukraine never said thank you for everything the United States has done for them,” Trump Jr. wrote, “the fact that they seemingly did not tell us that this sociopath literally tried to buy arms from them to assassinate my father seems like a much bigger deal. Wonder why?!?”
Court documents made public this week reveal that Routh, a convicted felon and pro-Ukraine activist, was arrested near Trump’s Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida in September 2024. Authorities say he was carrying a rifle and had previously attempted to obtain a rocket-propelled grenade launcher and a Stinger missile from a source he believed had access to Ukraine’s arsenal.
According to filings by the U.S. Department of Justice, Routh used encrypted messaging apps to contact what he thought was a Ukrainian weapons supplier.
In one of the messages, he allegedly stated, “I need the equipment so that Trump don’t get elected,” suggesting clear intent to use the weapons for political violence.
Despite his failure to join the Ukrainian military in 2022, Routh remained involved in activities connected to the conflict, including efforts to recruit former Afghan soldiers to fight for Ukraine.
U.S. prosecutors claim he viewed the wartime chaos as an opportunity to acquire heavy weapons discreetly, telling his contact that “one missing [weapon] would not be noticed.”
Routh never received the arms he sought and was apprehended shortly after his last known attempt to secure the weapons. He currently remains in custody and faces a possible life sentence if convicted. His trial is scheduled for later this year.
Ukrainian military officials have acknowledged that Routh made multiple efforts to enlist, but they deny any official connection to him. The Ukrainian government has not responded publicly to Trump Jr.’s accusations of a cover-up.
The incident is linked to one of two assassination attempts on Donald Trump during the 2024 election cycle. The more widely known attempt occurred in July at a campaign rally in Butler, Pennsylvania, where a rooftop gunman opened fire, injuring Trump and killing a supporter. The assailant, 20-year-old Thomas Matthew Crooks, was killed by Secret Service agents on the scene.
Dated April 8, 2025, the letter follows the Rwandan government’s decision to sever diplomatic and cooperative ties with Belgium, citing the country’s continued promotion of propaganda intended to isolate Rwanda from its partners.
The decision also references a directive issued on March 27, 2025, by the Rwanda Governance Board (RGB), which prohibits both local and international non-governmental organizations (NGOs), particularly those rooted in faith or public interest, from engaging in any cooperation with the Belgian government or its affiliated institutions.
“We advise you to begin preparing all necessary arrangements to transition to a different educational system for the 2025–2026 academic year,” the letter reads in part.
The ministry assured the school of its continued support throughout the transition process as it detaches from the Belgian educational model.
École Belge de Kigali has operated in Rwanda since 1965. In 2018, the school moved from Kiyovu in central Kigali to Gisozi Sector, Gasabo District, in line with Kigali’s master urban plan.
In the 2022/2023 academic year, the school had more than 500 students and 45 teachers. The École Belge network also operates in Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and Morocco.
The March 27 announcement from RGB further emphasized that no financial aid, donations, support, or funding from the Belgian government or its affiliated institutions would be permitted in Rwanda.
This includes budgetary support, project funding, technical assistance, and indirect financial contributions channeled through partner organizations. The governance agency warned that any entity violating these directives would face serious consequences.
Among the penalties outlined are suspension or revocation of operational permits, in accordance with laws governing NGOs, religious organizations, and other institutions. Additional administrative actions could be taken against any organization found to be in breach of these new regulations.
Kabila confirmed the decision to Jeune Afrique on April 8, 2025, stating. “After six years of complete retreat, one year in exile, and in light of the escalating security crisis, I have decided to return to the DRC without delay, in order to play a role in seeking a solution,” he said
He specified that he would return via the country’s eastern region because “there are dangers at home.” However, he did not clarify whether he would pass through Katanga or areas currently controlled by the AFC/M23 coalition.
Kabila explained that his decision to return came after consultations with several heads of state, former presidents, political actors in the country, and international organizations. This announcement comes after a period marked by signs of Kabila reemerging into the political scene and regaining media attention.
In December 2024, he met with opposition leaders Moïse Katumbi and Claudel Lubaya in Addis Ababa. In February 2025, he broke a six-year silence by publishing an article in the Sunday Times, focusing specifically on the security and governance crises plaguing his country.
Kabila has frequently voiced criticism of his successor, Félix Tshisekedi, accusing him of being the root cause of the country’s current troubles. He had not returned to the DRC since December 2023, when he discreetly left the country, avoiding the general elections.
He resurfaced in January 2024 in South Africa, where he had enrolled in a postgraduate program at the University of Johannesburg. Since then, he has also been seen in neighboring countries like Namibia and Zimbabwe.
In March 2025, Kabila announced he had been forced to suspend his studies due to the worsening security situation in eastern DRC.
“I had to put my studies on hold two or three months ago in order to make time for what’s happening back home,” he told a Namibian media outlet.
Meanwhile, the DRC’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner, recently stated that the Congolese government does not require Joseph Kabila’s involvement in resolving the security crisis in the eastern part of the country.
