Yoon entered a courtroom of the Seoul Central District Court around 9:57 a.m. local time (0057 GMT) after arriving at the court through its underground parking lot.
He was photographed and filmed in the defendant’s seat by photographers and cameramen, who left the courtroom before the hearing was formally launched.
On April 4, the constitutional court upheld a motion by the parliament to impeach Yoon over his short-lived martial law imposition. With the court’s decision, the conservative leader officially lost all presidential power.
Yoon declared an emergency martial law on the night of Dec. 3 last year, but it was revoked by the opposition-led National Assembly hours later.
The impeachment motion against Yoon was passed in the parliament on Dec. 14 last year.
Yoon was apprehended in the presidential office on Jan. 15 and was indicted under detention on Jan. 26 as a suspected ringleader of insurrection.
If convicted of being the insurrection ringleader, Yoon could face the death penalty or life imprisonment.
He was released on March 8 as the prosecution decided not to appeal against the court’s release approval.
Ahimbisibwe, who previously served as the Jinja Road Division Police Commander, had been suspended last year following allegations of domestic violence that culminated in the shooting of his ex-wife.
He was subsequently subjected to both disciplinary and criminal proceedings, including a two-month period of remand at Luzira Prison.
His lifeless body was found with a rope around his neck inside a septic tank at his residence in Nakitokolo, Kyengera Town Council, located in Wakiso District.
Addressing the media, police spokesperson ACP Kituuma Rusoke confirmed the death and stated that the cause remains undetermined until a postmortem is conducted.
“We want the outcome of the postmortem to establish what exactly caused the death. Just having a rope around someone’s neck is not sufficient to conclude it was suicide,” Rusoke stated.
Rusoke further noted that SSP Ahimbisibwe had ongoing disciplinary and criminal cases related to last year’s domestic incident that led to his suspension.
“He was facing both internal disciplinary action and criminal charges. At one point, he was remanded. We will share more information as investigations progress,” he added.
The body has been transferred to the Mulago City Mortuary for a comprehensive postmortem examination, which is expected to shed light on the exact cause of death.
As the investigation continues, police are urging the public to refrain from speculation and allow due process to take its course.
Speaking at a commemoration event marking the 31st anniversary of the Genocide against the Tutsi, held in the former Ntongwe Commune and surrounding areas, Prof. Dusingizemungu emphasized the role of colonial powers, particularly Belgium, in dividing Rwanda and instigating the hatred that ultimately fueled the genocide.
He asserted that these historical injustices, for which substantial evidence exists, must be addressed through legal means.
Senator Dusingizemungu stated that Rwanda’s history is replete with instances of actions that undermined national unity and cultural heritage, and that those responsible should face legal consequences.
He referenced Rwanda’s pre-colonial map to illustrate how Belgium allegedly betrayed the nation by stripping portions of its territory, which were annexed to Uganda and the present-day Democratic Republic of Congo, and by perpetrating acts of cruelty against the country.
“I believe the time has come to file a legal case,” he said. “We have legal experts who support us. We must find the courage to proceed with this case because we have professionals who can help us do it.”
Dr. Philbert Gakwenzire, President of IBUKA (the umbrella organization for Genocide survivors), supported this call, asserting that sufficient evidence exists to prosecute Belgium for inflicting profound harm upon Rwanda and for promoting divisive and discriminatory practices.
Dr. Gakwenzire stated that he has often reflected on the disastrous legacy of colonialism in Rwanda, the effects of which are still felt today.
“It is possible for them to be held accountable in court for what they did because what happened exceeds the limits of human reason,” he said. “I won’t even go into how they took away our sense of self — to the point that even today we look up to them as superior and consider them the ultimate example.”
Dr. Gakwenzire cited specific examples, drawing from historical documents, of evidence that could be used in a legal case against the colonial regime for inciting ethnic hatred in Rwanda.
He presented two cases from 1960 and 1961, years marked by widespread violence. In one report, the then Mayor of Kigali described incidents in Kicukiro, noting, “There is no real problem, except that Hutus celebrating their victory in the communes, beat Tutsis and raping Tutsi women.”
According to Dr. Gakwenzire, when this report reached the highest colonial administrator at the time, Colonel Guy Logiest, he reportedly praised the Hutus for their actions against the Tutsis and even justified the looting and consumption of Tutsi-owned cattle.
Dr. Gakwenzire concluded by stating that while those who committed these acts may live with shame, they must still be brought to justice.
In an exclusive interview with IGIHE, Kabasinga shared her experiences, ranging from the daily struggles of her job to the broader issues of tracking genocide suspects and the urgent need to combat the rising tide of genocide ideology.
Kabasinga noted that a major challenge in prosecuting genocide suspects lies in identifying them, as many deliberately conceal their identities. Some change their names and nationalities, claiming to be Congolese, Zimbabwean, Malawian, or Cameroonian, which complicates the process of bringing them to justice.
“They change names, claim to be Congolese, Zimbabwean, Malawian, or Cameroonian. So, imagine trying to convince someone in Cameroon that their neighbour took part in the Genocide in Rwanda—it’s not easy,” she explained.
Another major hurdle is the difficulty of international cooperation in extraditing suspects. Countries require detailed documentation before arresting and handing over individuals. This demands that prosecutors in those countries fully understand the gravity of the crimes, which is not always the case.
Kabasinga highlighted legal barriers in some nations, where their laws prevent the extradition of individuals who have acquired citizenship, preferring instead to try them domestically, if at all.
“Some countries question why they should spend millions of dollars prosecuting these individuals, sending them to prison for life. They see it as a financial burden and say, ‘This isn’t our problem.’ That’s one of the core challenges,” she added.
She also pointed to a disturbing trend where some genocide perpetrators seek refuge under the guise of being political opponents of the Rwandan government. This narrative is often accepted by host countries, giving them undeserved protection.
During her time at the ICTR, Kabasinga found it particularly difficult to work with foreign colleagues who lacked an in-depth understanding of Rwanda’s history.
“As a Rwandan, sitting in court and listening to a witness say, ‘I was hiding in a sorghum field,’ the translation into French or English sometimes didn’t capture the full meaning. A judge from Norway, for example, might not even know what sorghum is or how one could hide there. It was hard for us Rwandans because I couldn’t just turn around and explain everything to the court,” Kabasinga recounted.
She recalled the case of François Karera, the former prefect of Kigali, whose trial began in 2006. Prosecutors requested that the entire court visit Rwanda to better understand the history of the Genocide, which proved instrumental in delivering a sound judgment. Karera was convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity and sentenced to life imprisonment.
{{Genocide perpetrators should not still be free}}
Kabasinga stressed that, in 2025, it is unacceptable that some individuals who took part in the Genocide against the Tutsi have still not been brought to justice. She warned that this fuels a culture of impunity.
“When countries refuse to prosecute these individuals, the message sent is clear: ‘If it happens again, there will be no consequences.’ That should never be acceptable.”
She further noted with concern that genocide ideology is on the rise, even among the younger generation—a worrying trend that could lead to history repeating itself elsewhere.
She pointed out that some individuals living abroad are engaged in denial and minimisation of the Genocide against the Tutsi and are actively influencing Rwandan youth with their propaganda. Stronger measures are needed to stop this.
Kabasinga called for intensive education of young people about Rwanda’s history so they can recognise and reject false narratives.
She also confirmed that, internationally, efforts to punish those spreading genocide ideology remain weak and inconsistent. She urged nations to take this issue seriously and adopt firm stances.
Kabasinga also emphasized that trivializing genocide ideology must never be tolerated at the international level.
“At 7:35 this morning, the Bishop of Rome, Francis, returned to the home of the Father,” Farrell said in a statement.
“His entire life was dedicated to the service of the Lord and of his Church,” he added.
Pope Francis’ passing on Easter Monday is a blow to the global Catholic community, casting a shadow over one of the most sacred days in the Christian calendar. It leaves millions mourning during a time traditionally reserved for hope and renewal.
The Pope had been hospitalised several times in recent months due to health concerns, the most critical of which occurred in late February. On February 28, Pope Francis suffered a severe breathing crisis and was rushed to Rome’s Gemelli Hospital.
Dr. Sergio Alfieri, the Pope’s lead physician, revealed that at one point, the medical team seriously considered halting treatment due to the pontiff’s deteriorating condition.
Pope Francis experienced a violent bronchospasm and aspirated vomit, which endangered multiple organ systems. The medical team faced a critical decision: whether to stop treatment and allow him to pass peacefully, or continue with aggressive interventions despite the risk of further damage to his organs.
After a tense discussion, they chose to proceed with treatment, and Pope Francis remained alert during the crisis, although at one point, doctors feared he might not survive the night.
Thanks to quick intervention and the efforts of his medical team, which included a non-invasive aspiration procedure and intensive medication, Pope Francis’ condition was stabilised. However, just days later, he suffered a second acute respiratory episode, which required the insertion of a specialised tube to clear his lungs.
The Vatican’s transparency during the Pope’s hospitalisation was notable, with daily updates on his condition. According to Dr. Alfieri, Pope Francis insisted on honesty about his health status, stating, “He wanted the truth about his condition to be shared. Nothing was hidden or omitted.”
After 38 days in the hospital, the Pope was discharged on March 23, appearing frail but determined. He thanked well-wishers from a hospital balcony, expressing gratitude for their prayers. Following his discharge, the Vatican confirmed that Pope Francis would undergo a strict two-month recovery period at his Vatican residence, Casa Santa Marta, with continuous medical supervision and oxygen support.
Despite his recovery, Pope Francis continued to face health challenges.
Pope Francis, born Jorge Mario Bergoglio in Argentina, became the 266th Pope of the Catholic Church in 2013, following the resignation of Pope Benedict XVI on February 28, 2013.
Known for his humility, compassion, and commitment to social justice, he broke new ground in the papacy, emphasizing the importance of caring for the poor, the environment, and promoting interfaith dialogue.
The ministry said Russian troops “remained at previously occupied lines and positions” while Ukrainian troops “attempted to attack the positions of Russian troops” in the Donetsk region overnight.
It added that Ukrainian forces had fired at Russian positions 444 times and counted more than 900 Ukrainian drone attacks.
Meanwhile, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said on Sunday that 26 Russian assault actions have taken place from 00:00 (2100 GMT on Saturday) to noon (0900 GMT), accusing Russia of violating its self-declared ceasefire.
Putin said the truce starts from 6 p.m. local time (1500 GMT) on Saturday and lasts until midnight on Sunday into Monday (2100 GMT on Sunday). Zelensky said on Saturday that Ukraine will respond in kind to the ceasefire.
The students, who come from various parts of the country including Kigali, Gicumbi, and Kamonyi, earned these competitive scholarships through ALX’s eight-month Pathway initiative. The package includes full tuition, accommodation, meals, a brand-new laptop, and a monthly stipend.
ALX Pathway is a rigorous program designed to prepare high school graduates with essential skills in entrepreneurship, financial literacy, mathematics, and career planning, equipping them to thrive in globally competitive academic environments.
The eight selected students expressed readiness to take on the challenge and represent both their families and Rwanda with pride.
“I’m the first in my family to attend university. I still can’t believe it. It feels like a dream. I never imagined this could happen to me,” said Kevin Ikuzwe, one of the recipients.
Pacifique Tumusifu, who is set to study Software Engineering, shared, “When I joined the Pathway program, I told myself I’d take whatever knowledge I could, even if I didn’t get a scholarship. Getting this opportunity is truly an answered prayer. I knew university would be a heavy burden for my parents, and I had no way to ease it.”
For their families, these scholarships come as a huge relief. One parent, who has been unemployed for two years, said, “I was starting to lose hope, but now my daughter is going to an international university. I am so thankful to the ALX Pathway team for making this possible and covering all her needs, even providing her with a monthly allowance.”
Sylvie Umutoni Rutaganira, another recipient who will study International Business, described her weekly commute from Gicumbi to the ALX Hub in Nyarutarama for classes. “If I hadn’t stayed committed to attending every week, I wouldn’t have received this chance to study abroad,” she said.
These students will pursue studies in fields such as Software Engineering and International Business, all sharing a common goal; to become valuable contributors to Rwanda’s development through the knowledge they gain.
Nimie Chaylone, Country Director of ALX Rwanda, highlighted the significance of the program: “For many, attending a world-class university felt like an impossible dream. But through ALX Pathway, and partnerships with institutions like Code University in Berlin, Northwestern University, and Vanderbilt, we’re opening new doors for Rwandan students.”
She added that some partner universities offer scholarships worth more than $320,000 over four years, and that the Pathway program will continue to expand its impact.
Applications for the next ALX Pathway cohort are currently open, with the deadline set for April 21, 2025.
Interested students can apply via the ALX Africa website or call 0796 163 394 for more information.
{{About ALX Rwanda}}
ALX Rwanda is a non-governmental organization focused on developing tech talent and cultivating future leaders. It offers fully funded training programs in fields like Data Analytics, Data Science, Cloud Computing, Salesforce Administration, Software Engineering (front-end and back-end), AI Career Essentials, and more.
These courses are free thanks to support from the Mastercard Foundation, offering African youth the opportunity to gain in-demand digital skills that improve their chances of employment. To be eligible, applicants must be African nationals aged 18 or above and have strong English language skills.
Watch the video here:
[Scholarship Announcement Video->https://drive.google.com/file/d/1eFy61Xhh0VT-_LpCqPXsXIgLrKlTbi8_/view]
Among those whose lives were cut short during the darkest chapters of Rwanda’s history was the country’s last queen, Rosalie Gicanda.
Queen Gicanda was killed on a day like today, April 20, 1994, just weeks into the Genocide. She was the widow of King Mutara III Rudahigwa, one of Rwanda’s most prominent historical figures. Those who knew her remember a woman of remarkable humility and moral strength, who lived with quiet dignity even as the monarchy she represented was dismantled.
Born in Rwamagana in 1928, Rosalie Gicanda married King Mutara III in January 1942. After his death in July 1959, she continued to live in Rwanda, even as political change swept the country.
In 1961, amid the shift to a republic, President Grégoire Kayibanda expelled her from the royal palace in Nyanza in an effort to erase traces of the monarchy. She then settled in Butare, now Huye District, where she remained out of the public eye for over three decades.
Despite her quiet life under both the First and Second Republics, Queen Gicanda was consistently denied the honour and protection that her status warranted. A devout Catholic, she lived modestly with her elderly mother and a few companions who assisted with household chores.
When the Genocide began, Queen Gicanda sought protection from Butare Prefect Jean Baptiste Habyarimana, a man known for resisting the massacres. But following Habyarimana’s arrest and assassination on April 17, fear spread rapidly through her household. She turned to Ngoma’s mayor, Joseph Kanyabashi, for help—but he declined.
On April 20, soldiers led by Lieutenant Pierre Bizimana stormed her residence under orders from Captain Ildephonse Nizeyimana, who was then Head of Intelligence and Operations at the ESO military school.
They abducted Queen Gicanda and six other women, taking them to a site behind the former National Museum of Rwanda, where they were executed. Her 80-year-old mother and a young caretaker, initially left behind, were also killed shortly after. A local priest intervened to ensure she was buried with dignity, and Mayor Kanyabashi later dispatched prisoners to carry out the burial near her home.
Queen Gicanda’s legacy is not only remembered through history books but also through personal testimonies, including one from President Paul Kagame. In 2017, he shared in an interview with Jeune Afrique how the queen had once helped save his life.
In 1961, during attacks on Tambwe Hill, where his family lived, a letter from Queen Gicanda arrived inviting them to seek refuge in Nyanza. They escaped just before attackers reached their home, later fleeing to Mutara and eventually into exile in Uganda.
President Kagame also revealed in a 2024 interview that he returned to Rwanda in secret during his years in exile to visit the queen in Butare.
This year’s commemoration takes on renewed significance following the arrest of Brigadier General Jean Baptiste Gakwerere, one of Queen Gicanda’s alleged killers. Gakwerere, once Secretary-General of the FDLR militia group, was recently handed over to Rwanda by the M23 rebel group after being captured during fighting around Goma.
At the time of the Genocide, he was a lieutenant at ESO/Butare and a close associate of Captain Nizeyimana. He reportedly led a notorious unit known as the “New Formula” soldiers, responsible for many of the massacres in Butare, including the killing of Queen Gicanda and Prefect Habyarimana.
Three decades on, Queen Rosalie Gicanda remains a potent symbol of grace, resilience, and national tragedy. Her life and death continue to remind Rwandans of the human cost of hate, and the enduring need to uphold dignity, memory, and justice.
The solemn event took place in Mwima, Nyanza District, where Queen Gicanda is buried.
The event was preceded by a memorial Mass held in remembrance of Rwanda’s last queen, bringing together her family, friends, and officials from various institutions. The group, led by Minister Bizimana, later proceeded to Mwima Hill, where they laid wreaths at her final resting place and offered prayers in her honour.
Queen Rosalie Gicanda, the widow of King Mutara III Rudahigwa, was tragically killed on April 20, 1994, just weeks into the Genocide. Revered for her humility and quiet dignity, she remains a powerful symbol of resilience and national identity. Her killing marked one of the many painful losses Rwanda endured during the Genocide.
This year’s commemoration is part of the broader 100-day national mourning period honouring more than one million lives lost in 1994.
In a letter dated April 17, 2025, to the President of the House of Representatives, Foreign Affairs Minister Caspar Veldkamp outlined a strategic realignment of the Netherlands’ global diplomatic footprint. The move, which aims to trim the mission network’s budget by 10% (equivalent to €70 million), comes amid shifting geopolitical dynamics and a broader government effort to cut costs.
Under the plan, the embassies in Burundi, Cuba (Havana), South Sudan (Juba), Libya (Tripoli), and Myanmar (Yangon) will be closed, along with consulates-general in Antwerp (Belgium) and Rio de Janeiro (Brazil). The closure of these seven missions is expected to save €25 million.
Minister Veldkamp said the decision was driven by a need for a “realistic foreign policy” that balances values, economic interests, and national resilience in an increasingly fragmented world.
“Far-reaching changes are under way around the world,” he noted, citing the rise of new power blocs, the assertiveness of China, the resurgence of Russian influence, and the evolving foreign policy orientation of African states.
The closure of the Dutch embassy in Bujumbura is particularly significant, given the Netherlands’ longstanding development cooperation with Burundi. While the letter acknowledges the political and development ties in the Great Lakes region, it notes that the country’s relative geopolitical weight and the scope for diplomatic influence were key considerations in the decision to close the mission.
Security and high operational costs were also factored into the closures of embassies in places like Juba and Tripoli. In these locations, mitigating security risks has become increasingly expensive and complex.
Despite the closures, the Netherlands intends to maintain its diplomatic presence through alternative structures. In Brazil, for instance, the Dutch network includes the embassy in Brasília and two Netherlands Business Support Offices (NBSOs), allowing for continued engagement even after the closure of the consulate-general in Rio de Janeiro. In Belgium, the proximity of the principal mission in Brussels will compensate for the Antwerp consulate’s closure.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs emphasised that all closures will be carefully managed to ensure a smooth handover of responsibilities. Other Dutch embassies will assume co-accreditation for countries affected by the closures to maintain consular services and diplomatic relations.
Minister Veldkamp also hinted at the possibility of opening new missions in other parts of the world, including Syria, depending on future geopolitical developments. Details on additional closures and potential expansions are expected to be included in the ministry’s 2026 draft budget.
