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Addressing Council members on Friday, December 12, during a briefing on the DRC and the UN peacekeeping mission MONUSCO, Amb. Ngoga urged the Council to base its decisions on verified facts from the field, particularly amid worsening violence targeting the Banyamulenge and other Kinyarwanda-speaking Tutsi communities in South Kivu.

He stressed that as MONUSCO’s mandate comes up for renewal, Rwanda expects a mission firmly anchored in the Washington Peace Agreement and the Doha Framework, which he described as the only viable pathways to sustainable peace.

Critics say MONUSCO has failed to stabilize eastern DRC, despite more than 20 years of UN peacekeeping and tens of billions of dollars in funding.

Amb. Ngoga said the next MONUSCO mandate must prioritise strict impartiality and political neutrality, effective support to ceasefire implementation, political dialogue, and robust compliance with human rights due diligence policies.

He cautioned against offensive operations targeting parties previously engaged in political processes and called for a realistic, resource-conscious focus on stability, accountability, and political solutions.

“MONUSCO’s effectiveness will depend on how well it aligns its operations with the political tracks that offer the only viable path forward,” he said, reiterating Rwanda’s commitment to fully implement its obligations under the Washington Peace Agreement.

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Turning to the situation in South Kivu, Amb. Ngoga delivered a detailed account of what he described as systematic persecution of the Banyamulenge community dating back to 2017.

He told the Council that more than 85 percent of Banyamulenge villages in South Kivu have been destroyed, while an estimated 700,000 cattle, the community’s main economic lifeline, have been raided or killed.

He cited multiple incidents from 2025, including ultimatums issued by Wazalendo militias and elements of the Congolese army (FARDC) demanding that Banyamulenge civilians leave Uvira or face death, denial of access to water points, abductions, killings, and attacks accompanied by chants calling for the community’s extermination.

“These are early warning indicators of atrocity crimes, discrimination, dehumanisation, forced displacement, and the denial of basic services,” he said.

Amb. Ngoga also raised alarm over the deployment of tens of thousands of Burundian soldiers into South Kivu at the invitation of the Congolese government, operating alongside FARDC, the FDLR, and allied militias.

He said coordinated military blockades imposed on Banyamulenge areas, particularly in the Minembwe Highlands, have deprived civilians of food, medicine, and humanitarian access for nearly a year.

He further highlighted repeated air attacks carried out by Congolese government forces and their allies, including drone strikes near internally displaced persons’ camps in Mikenge and Nzibira, and said at least 50 air attacks were recorded between March and December this year.

“No one is speaking about this,” he told the Council, adding that Rwanda has repeatedly raised these concerns with mediators, Council members, and regional mechanisms without response.

Drawing on historical parallels, Amb. Ngoga recalled how diplomats in the same chamber spoke out during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, despite never having been on the ground, and said their courage saved lives.

“As a former investigator, I know the importance of recreating the scene,” he said, urging the Security Council to use its authority to establish the factual reality in South Kivu rather than rely on silence or denial.

He also reiterated Rwanda’s long-standing concern over the continued presence of the FDLR in eastern DRC, describing it as an existential threat to Rwanda and its people, and accusing successive Congolese governments of supporting the group despite existing UN resolutions. The militia group comprises remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi who fled to eastern DRC.

Amb. Ngoga’s remarks come against the backdrop of rapidly changing dynamics in South Kivu. On 10 December 2025, the rebel coalition AFC/M23 confirmed the capture of the strategic city of Uvira, marking its deepest advance in the province this year.

The group described the takeover as a liberation and accused Kinshasa of repeated ceasefire violations, hate speech, and attacks against Kinyarwanda-speaking communities. It also cited direct military involvement by Burundi and cited the prolonged blockade of Minembwe, which has forced thousands of civilians to flee, many seeking refuge in Rwanda.

Addressing the escalating situation, Amb. Ngoga stressed that Rwanda is not seeking war and has no intention of engaging in conflict with Burundi. He called for renewed international support to ongoing mediation efforts, particularly those led by the United States and Qatar, and urged all parties to implement agreed commitments in good faith.

“This conflict has gone on for too long,” he said. “If we all commit to the Washington Agreement and fully support the Doha process, there is still a possibility for a peaceful solution.”

Jack Ma and Jerry Yang are in Kigali for Africa’s Business Heroes, Alibaba’s flagship initiative supporting African entrepreneurs and job creation.

The seventh edition of Africa’s Business Heroes (ABH) Summit opened Friday at the Kigali Convention Centre, bringing together leading innovators, investors, policymakers, and development partners as 10 outstanding entrepreneurs compete for a share of $1.5 million (approximately Rwf 2.2 billion) in grant funding.

The two-day summit, hosted in Kigali for the third consecutive year under the theme “Defining Africa’s Future Today,” celebrates African entrepreneurship and showcases homegrown solutions transforming sectors from agriculture and biotech to fintech, health, and manufacturing.

The programme, founded by Alibaba Philanthropy and inspired by Jack Ma’s 2017 visit to Africa, has grown into one of the continent’s most influential entrepreneurship competitions.

This year, ABH attracted a record-breaking 32,000 applications from across the continent, with the top 10 finalists now battling for cash prizes that include a $300,000 (Rwf 437 million) grand award, $250,000 (Rwf 364 million) for the first runner-up, $150,000 (Rwf 218 million) for the second runner-up, and $100,000 (Rwf 146 million) for each of the remaining seven finalists.

Since 2019, many Rwandans have emerged as winners in the Alibaba initiative. These successful entrepreneurs include Albert Munyabugingo, founder of Vuba Vuba; Francine Munyaneza, founder of Munyax Eco; Yvette Ishimwe, founder and CEO of IRIBA Water Group; Christelle Kwizera, founder of Water Access Rwanda; and Kevine Kagirimpundu, co-founder and CEO of UZURI K&Y.

The 2025 ABH Grand Finale follows the 7th ABH Semi-Finals, which was held for the first time in Dakar, Senegal, on 10–11 September 2025.

Winners will be announced on Saturday, December 13.

This sentiment is echoed by President Tshisekedi, who continues to search for a justification for the persistent fighting between the Congolese Army (FARDC) and the M23 rebel coalition.

Since the signing of the agreements, the situation has drastically shifted. While the DRC initially engaged in the process with hope, it quickly escalated its fighting with the M23 and began accusing Rwanda of being the root cause of the tensions.

In a swearing-in ceremony for new officials held on Thursday, President Paul Kagame addressed the growing pressure on Rwanda to resolve regional security issues, emphasizing that each country involved must take responsibility for its role in the conflict, rather than placing the burden on one party alone.

At first, the DRC seemed to accept the agreements. However, after signing, the narrative quickly changed. The government accused Rwanda of continuing to support M23, further intensifying cooperation with Burundian forces and rebel groups like Wazalendo.

This shift in stance has led to a rise in violence targeting Tutsi Congolese and Banyamulenge, deepening the already fragile situation.

Fayulu’s remarks reflect a growing discontent among many Congolese politicians, who believe the agreements are destined to fail. In an interview with France 24, Fayulu argued that the problem would not be solved by the agreements themselves but by imposing sanctions on Rwanda.

When asked why he believed Tshisekedi had been misled by Kagame, Fayulu responded, “I wouldn’t say Trump worked with Kagame, but he wanted to sign an economic partnership agreement between the DRC and the United States. He succeeded.”

Fayulu’s comments suggest that the issue is being mishandled, as several countries, including Uganda, DRC, Tanzania, Burundi, and Rwanda, are involved and must all take responsibility for resolving the crisis. Despite this, Fayulu places the blame squarely on Rwanda.

Fayulu further argued that the failure to properly address the 2018 elections has contributed to the current situation. He claims that he was the true winner, but President Kabila chose Tshisekedi as the winner instead.

Although the DRC had been deeply involved in the peace process, signing the agreement with confidence, the government’s rhetoric shifted after the signing. The DRC now claims that the agreement was “made for Rwanda’s benefit,” accusing Rwanda of manipulating the peace process. Rwanda, however, maintains that the real value of the agreement lies in addressing the root causes of the problem, which had been ignored for years.

Politicians in DRC and Tshisekedi’s government continue to argue that the solution lies in M23 withdrawing from the territories it controls and returning to its original position. However, Rwanda and other parties believe this approach is flawed, as it would strip M23 of its rights as Congolese citizens who should not be excluded from national discussions.

Fayulu also dismissed the Doha talks between the RDC and M23 as ineffective, calling them a mistake. According to him, they have achieved nothing, and what’s truly needed is a Kinshasa-based dialogue that involves Congolese citizens. He suggested that talks should include Kabila, Corneille Naanga (leader of M23), and others—figures previously accused of collaborating with Rwanda but now excluded by Tshisekedi’s government.

Fayulu’s position seems contradictory, as he now believes that figures like Kabila and Naanga, whom he previously accused of complicity with Rwanda, should be included in the peace talks.