The complaint, submitted on July 10, 2026, details a series of actions by state authorities and individuals linked to the ruling establishment that the legal team avers amount to crimes against humanity in different parts of the country. The ICC prosecutor’s office is expected to assess the submission before deciding whether any further action, including a possible preliminary examination, is warranted.
The lawyers cited 11 incidents, including deaths and injuries at Kinshasa’s Makala prison during a 2024 attempted prison break, as well as killings in Lubumbashi, Kolwezi and other parts of the former Katanga region.
Hervé Diakiese, one of the lawyers involved in the case, accused the youth movement Force du Progrès, which has been associated by critics with President Félix Tshisekedi’s ruling UDPS party, of involvement in some of the cited abuses. Human Rights Watch has previously raised concerns over violence involving members of the group during political unrest, while the UDPS has rejected accusations linking the party to such acts and said individuals may have been misusing the group’s name.
Diakiese also accused some political actors of promoting ethnic-based rhetoric favouring members of the Luba community, President Tshisekedi’s ethnic group.
“There are statements showing a sense of superiority among some people from the President’s community,” he said, alleging that some officials and individuals close to power have used language suggesting that the Luba are not simply holders of political power but represent power itself.
Another lawyer involved in the complaint, Bernard Maingain, said the decision to seek international justice was motivated by Congolese institutions’ to address the said abuses.
“Article 15 of the Rome Statute has been respected,” Maingain said, referring to the provision that allows individuals or groups to submit information to the ICC prosecutor. He argued that the complaint had been properly filed and should be examined according to ICC procedures.
The complaint was also submitted in Belgium because some of the individuals mentioned in the case are said to hold Belgian nationality.
Following the filing of the complaint, the next stage will involve reviewing the
allegations and determining whether they fall within the court’s jurisdiction and meet the criteria for further action.
Bernard Maingain, one of the lawyers involved in the complaint, said the decision to seek international justice was motivated by Congolese institutions’ failure to address the abuses in question.The complaint, submitted on July 10, 2026, details a series of actions by state authorities and individuals linked to the ruling establishment that the legal team avers amount to crimes against humanity in different parts of the country.
Announced on Monday at a Paris summit hosted by French President Emmanuel Macron, the landmark alliance, which includes defence heavyweights Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and Spain, aims to build an integrated, sovereign missile defence architecture to deter escalating Russian aerial threats.
A new role for Ukraine and the “Freyja” initiative
Significantly, this agreement marks a paradigm shift in how the West interacts with Kyiv. Rather than treating Ukraine as a passive recipient of military aid, the coalition positions Ukraine as a founding co-developer. The alliance’s immediate flagship initiative is the Freyja project, designed to break Europe’s reliance on prohibitively expensive U.S. Patriot interceptors, which cost upwards of $4 million per shot.
Instead, the coalition will focus on manufacturing a low-cost, mass-producible European alternative. By leveraging Ukraine’s active combat experience and cutting-edge domestic defence firms, such as Fire Point, which recently prototyped a $700,000 interceptor, the coalition plans to fuse Western aerospace engineering with Ukrainian wartime innovation.
The reality check: No cash, no timeline
Yet, behind the grand rhetoric of the joint declaration lies a stark industrial reality: the initiative currently exists only on paper. The charter commits member states merely to “exploring appropriate opportunities for funding,” leaving the project without a designated budget, a lead nation, or a centralised administrative secretariat.
Developing, testing, and integrating a brand-new anti-ballistic missile system from scratch is an incredibly complex engineering feat. Defence analysts warn that delivering an operational Freyja system will take several years, meaning it will offer zero protection for Ukraine’s vulnerable power grid during the immediate, impending winter bombardment campaign.
Furthermore, the coalition must navigate deep-seated European rivalries. While Macron used the Paris summit to urge European states to abandon “go-it-alone” national procurement, getting European capitals to collaborate remains notoriously difficult, a reality recently highlighted by the near-collapse of joint Franco-German defence programs.
Predictably, the initiative drew immediate fire from the Kremlin. Moscow spokesman Dmitry Peskov swiftly dismissed the alliance, branding it a “coalition of the deluded” and warning that such steps would only further destabilise the region.
Ultimately, the Paris declaration is a major political victory for Ukraine’s long-term integration into European defence infrastructure. However, until member nations back their signatures with hard currency, the Freyja project remains a promising blueprint rather than an active shield. For now, Europe’s skies will continue to rely on dwindling legacy stockpiles while this new coalition attempts to turn political promises into physical defences.
French President Emmanuel Macron (C-L) and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky (C) pose for a group photo with heads of states and governments ahead of the Coalition of the Willing summit on security guarantees for Ukraine at the Hotel des Invalides in Paris, France, 13 July 2026. (EPA)
The new service will allow customers to send money from a bank account to a mobile wallet, from a mobile wallet to a bank account, and between accounts or wallets held with different providers through one interconnected platform.
The term Person-to-Person (P2P) interoperable transfers refers to the ability for individuals to send money directly to each other even when they use different banks or mobile money services.
NBR said the system will make digital payments faster, simpler and more affordable by reducing barriers between financial service providers.
In a public notice issued on July 13, the central bank described eKash as Rwanda’s national digital payment infrastructure that enables customers to “send, receive, and make payments across licensed financial institutions in a more accessible, reliable, affordable, and inclusive manner.”
From July 14, all P2P transfers between participating banks and electronic money issuers will be processed through eKash, creating a single connection point for licensed financial institutions.
According to the central bank, customers will continue using their existing bank accounts and mobile wallets, with no need to open new accounts or install additional applications.
The central bank has set a maximum transaction limit of Rwf10 million per transfer through eKash, while the highest fee that can be charged is Rwf20 per transaction. Financial institutions may apply lower fees, including zero charges, depending on their pricing policies.
“The maximum fee chargeable to customers for a Person-to-Person transfer through eKash is Rwf20 per transaction. Financial institutions may apply a lower fee, including zero fees, in line with their respective pricing decisions,” NBR said.
The central bank expects the initiative to improve financial inclusion by expanding access to digital financial services and strengthening Rwanda’s payment ecosystem.
NBR said it will continue supervising eKash operations, including system performance, service availability, customer protection and complaint handling.
The regulator also urged banks and electronic money issuers to educate customers about the service, including applicable fees, transaction limits and available support channels.
Customers needing assistance can contact their financial institution or reach NBR through the Intumwa Chatbot and its official communication platforms.
The introduction of eKash is expected to make digital transactions more accessible and affordable, with customers able to conduct bank-to-bank, wallet-to-wallet, bank-to-wallet and wallet-to-bank transfers instantly.
OPEC made the forecast in its latest monthly oil market report. Of the total 800,000 bpd demand growth, the oil demand in the non-OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) countries is expected to take up the biggest share and grow by about 740,000 bpd year-on-year in 2026.
In its June report, OPEC had forecast global oil demand growth of 1 million bpd year-on-year for 2026.
In 2027, global oil demand is estimated to rise by about 1.9 million bpd year-on-year, representing an upward revision of about 200,000 bpd from OPEC’s June forecast.
On the supply side, the report said that in June, crude oil production by OPEC+ countries increased by about 3 million bpd month-on-month to average at 36.28 million bpd. However, major producer Saudi Arabia reported lower oil production in June compared with a month ago.
In 2027, global oil demand is estimated to rise by about 1.9 million bpd year-on-year
The National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda (NISR) received the Innovative Project for Impact Award for its AI-Assisted Coding of Multilingual Job Descriptions for Faster Employment Statistics project, which uses artificial intelligence to classify job and economic activity descriptions in Kinyarwanda, English and French.
The AI-powered tool is designed to accelerate the processing of Labour Force Survey data by automating the coding of job descriptions, a critical step in producing employment statistics. The innovation is expected to improve efficiency, reduce processing time and strengthen the production of timely official statistics for policy and planning.
The award was announced during Innovate for Impact 2026, a programme under the AI for Good platform by the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) that identifies and supports AI solutions developed to address real-world challenges. The 2026 edition recognised 59 projects selected from nearly 400 global submissions.
The AI for Good Summit highlighted projects demonstrating how artificial intelligence can be applied to practical challenges, particularly in areas where scalable and resource-efficient solutions can deliver meaningful impact.
NISR’s project was among innovations recognised for its ability to address local needs while offering a model that can be adapted to other contexts. The use of multilingual AI is particularly significant in environments where language diversity can create challenges for data processing and digital services.
The project was developed under the first cohort of the Data Science Capacity Building Initiative (DSCBI) through collaboration with the Ministry of ICT and Innovation, the Rwanda Information Society Authority (RISA), the African Institute for Mathematical Sciences – Rwanda (AIMS Rwanda), Mastercard, and Cenfri. The initiative aimed to strengthen data science capacity and support the adoption of advanced technologies in addressing development challenges.
NISR said the recognition reflects the Government of Rwanda’s visionary leadership and commitment to leveraging artificial intelligence to strengthen the production of official statistics.
The award comes as Rwanda continues to expand its focus on responsible AI development and adoption. President Paul Kagame attended the AI for Good Global Summit 2026 in Geneva, Switzerland, in his capacity as Co-Chair of the newly launched AI for Good Global Commission.
Addressing heads of state, technology leaders, investors and development partners, President Kagame called for greater investment in infrastructure, skills development and accountable governance to ensure AI benefits communities worldwide.
“We must be intentional about designing, funding, and governing AI so that it can reach its full potential,” Kagame said last Wednesday.
He identified access to computing infrastructure, connectivity and reliable energy as key priorities, alongside the development of skills needed for an AI-driven economy and governance frameworks that promote trust and transparency.
President Kagame also highlighted Rwanda’s practical applications of AI, including the Health Intelligence Center, which uses real-time health data and artificial intelligence to support disease prediction and policy decisions.
In June 2026, Rwanda’s Cabinet approved the establishment of the National Artificial Intelligence Agency, which will coordinate AI development, innovation, investment, adoption and governance as part of the country’s digital transformation agenda.
The AI for Good Global Summit, organised by the International Telecommunication Union (ITU), continues to serve as a platform for showcasing AI solutions that advance inclusive development. Rwanda’s recognition at the summit demonstrates how locally developed technologies can contribute to global efforts to use artificial intelligence for social and economic progress.
The National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda (NISR) received the Innovative Project for Impact Award for its AI-Assisted Coding of Multilingual Job Descriptions for Faster Employment Statistics project.The award was announced during Innovate for Impact 2026, a programme under the AI for Good platform by the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) that identifies and supports AI solutions developed to address real-world challenges. The 2026 edition recognised 59 projects selected from nearly 400 global submissions.
The question is no longer distant. France has officially set the first round of its next presidential election for April 18, 2027, with a possible run-off on May 2, 2027. Macron, who has served two consecutive terms, cannot run again. This means that in less than a year, France will have a new president, and Rwanda will be dealing with a new political personality at the Élysée.
For Rwanda, this transition is important because the Macron years marked one of the most significant diplomatic resets between Kigali and Paris since the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. Relations that had for decades been shaped by suspicion, accusations and unresolved historical grievances were gradually reopened through a more direct political conversation.
Macron’s approach to Rwanda was unusually personal and symbolic. In May 2021, during his visit to Kigali, he stood at the Kigali Genocide Memorial and recognised France’s heavy historical and political responsibility in Rwanda. He said that only survivors could grant forgiveness to France.
“Standing here today, with humility and respect, by your side, I have come to recognize our responsibilities,” said Macron.
That moment did not erase the past, but it changed the diplomatic atmosphere. It allowed both countries to move from confrontation toward cooperation. In June 2026, Macron and President Paul Kagame jointly inaugurated a memorial in Paris in honour of the victims of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. Macron described the memorial as placing the genocide “at the heart” of France’s capital and history, and as the result of a long search for truth.
This is why the end of the Macron era raises a serious question. Will the next French president preserve this relationship, deepen it, cool it down or reverse its symbolism?
The answer depends on who wins.
At this stage, the race appears fragmented. The far-right National Rally is in a strong position, while the centre is divided between former prime ministers Édouard Philippe and Gabriel Attal. Reuters has reported that Philippe and Attal are seen as the favoured figures to lead the centrist challenge, while polls have placed the National Rally in a leading position.
Gabriel Attal, the candidate of continuity
Gabriel Attal may represent the clearest continuation of the Macron line. He formally launched his presidential bid in May 2026, joining a crowded centrist race. He is young, ambitious and closely associated with Macron’s political family, even though he is trying to show that he has his own identity.
For Rwanda, an Attal presidency would likely mean continuity. There is no strong public record suggesting hostility toward Kigali. Having been part of the Macron era, he would probably preserve the main pillars of the reset: recognition of historical responsibility, diplomatic cooperation, cultural ties and pragmatic engagement with Africa.
However, Attal would also inherit France’s broader position on the conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. France has condemned the M23 offensive as being made possible by Rwanda’s active support, while also supporting diplomatic solutions.Rwanda has repeatedly refuted backing AFC/M23, arguing that the movement is made up of Congolese citizens with longstanding grievances against the Congolese state.
Therefore, under Attal, Rwanda-France relations would likely remain warm, but not without pressure on the DRC issue.
Gabriel Attal, who formally launched his presidential bid in May 2026, may represent the clearest continuation of the Macron line.
Édouard Philippe, the pragmatic centre-right option
Édouard Philippe is another major figure to watch. Macron’s former prime minister has spent years positioning himself as a credible successor, especially for voters of the centre and centre-right. Le Monde has described him as trying to establish himself as the natural successor to Macron, while also distancing himself from the current president.
For Rwanda, Philippe would probably mean continuity, but with less emotion and symbolism than Macron. He is likely to approach Rwanda through a pragmatic lens: diplomacy, economic interests, security, Europe-Africa relations and regional stability.
A Philippe presidency would probably not dismantle the reconciliation work achieved under Macron. But it might make the relationship less personal. Kigali could still count on serious engagement from Paris, but perhaps not the same level of symbolic investment that Macron brought to genocide memory and bilateral repair.
Macron’s former prime minister, Édouard Philippe, has spent years positioning himself as a credible successor, especially for voters of the centre and centre-right.
Jordan Bardella, the uncertain far-right alternative
Jordan Bardella may be the most important unknown. The president of the National Rally has emerged as one of the most serious contenders for 2027. A Reuters report in November 2025 said an Odoxa poll predicted that Bardella could win the next presidential election against any opponent tested at that time.
Bardella’s Rwanda policy is not clearly defined. He has not built his political identity around the Rwanda question. But he comes from a political family whose historic instinct has been sceptical, sometimes hostile, toward President Paul Kagame’s government and toward France’s language of historical responsibility.
This matters because the National Rally has traditionally defended the honour of the French army and rejected what it sees as excessive “repentance” in foreign policy. If Bardella becomes president, he may choose pragmatism, especially if he wants to appear presidential and internationally credible. But Rwanda should expect a colder, more cautious and less emotionally invested France.
The relationship would probably not collapse automatically under Bardella. France has interests in the Great Lakes region, and Rwanda has become too important diplomatically, economically and strategically to be ignored. But the warmth of the Macron-Kagame chapter would likely fade.
Jordan Bardella, the president of the National Rally, has emerged as one of the most serious contenders for 2027.
Marine Le Pen, the most difficult scenario for Kigali
Marine Le Pen would likely represent the most complicated scenario for Rwanda. Her record is far clearer than Bardella’s. In 2011, she strongly criticised Nicolas Sarkozy for receiving President Kagame in Paris. In that statement, she described Kagame as a dictator, defended the French army and Operation Turquoise, and accused Kigali of dishonouring the French army by accusing France of involvement in the genocide.
That language is not a small detail. It reflects a political view of Rwanda that is fundamentally different from Macron’s. Where Macron chose recognition, Le Pen has historically chosen defence of France’s military record and confrontation with Kigali’s accusations.
Her candidacy is also legally uncertain. Reuters reported in January 2026 that Le Pen had been barred from public office for five years over a conviction for misusing EU funds, and that her appeal would determine whether she could run in 2027. If she cannot run, Bardella is expected to stand for the National Rally.
If Le Pen were elected, Rwanda-France relations would likely cool sharply. The risk would not only be diplomatic distance, but also a symbolic reversal of Macron’s reconciliation work.
Marine Le Pen would likely represent the most complicated scenario for Rwanda.
Raphaël Glucksmann, sympathetic on memory but demanding on politics
Raphaël Glucksmann presents a different kind of complexity. On the history of the Genocide against the Tutsi, he may be among the French political figures most aware of the depth of the issue. He co-directed Tuez-les tous !, a documentary on the genocide and the role of France, which examined the international failure to stop the killings and the controversy surrounding French policy at the time.
This background could make him sympathetic to Rwanda’s long-standing position on historical truth. A Glucksmann presidency would probably not reverse Macron’s recognition of France’s responsibility. On memory, he could even go further than some centrist politicians.
But Glucksmann is also a strong human-rights advocate. His relationship with Kigali would likely remain respectful on historical issues while placing greater emphasis on governance, human rights and regional security, including the conflict in eastern DRC. These issues would likely feature more prominently in bilateral engagement.
Raphaël Glucksmann brings a nuanced understanding of the Genocide against the Tutsi’s history and legacy.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon, recognition of France’s responsibility but strong criticism of Kagame
Jean-Luc Mélenchon would also bring a mixed approach. He supports France recognising its responsibility in Rwanda, and has criticised those who dismiss that process as repentance. But he has also described Paul Kagame’s government as authoritarian and has linked Rwanda to mass violence in the DRC.
His political movement, La France Insoumise, has taken an even harder line on the DRC conflict. In January 2025, it called for strong sanctions against Rwandan political and military leaders and a total embargo on Rwandan mineral exports.
A Mélenchon presidency would therefore be difficult for Kigali. It would not be hostile to Rwanda because of genocide memory. On that point, Mélenchon is closer to historical recognition. But it would probably be very confrontational on the DRC, human rights and Kagame’s rule.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon takes a mixed position: supporting France’s responsibility over Rwanda while criticising Kagame’s government.
Bruno Retailleau, cautious conservatism
Bruno Retailleau, the candidate of the traditional right, is harder to assess on Rwanda specifically. He does not have the same visible Rwanda record as Le Pen, Macron or Mélenchon. His approach would likely be conservative, state-oriented and security-focused.
For Kigali, this would probably mean a cooler but manageable relationship. Retailleau would not necessarily seek confrontation with Rwanda, but he would be unlikely to invest heavily in the symbolic dimension of reconciliation. The relationship could become more administrative, less presidential and more dependent on regional developments in the Great Lakes.
Bruno Retailleau, the candidate of the traditional right, is harder to assess on Rwanda specifically.
The DRC question could shape everything
Whoever replaces Macron will inherit one sensitive file: the conflict in eastern DRC. This issue now sits at the centre of how many Western capitals view Rwanda. France has taken a firm position at the United Nations, including condemning the M23 offensive as supported by Rwanda. At the same time, Macron has also warned against isolating Rwanda and has argued for continued dialogue rather than purely punitive measures.
This balance may not survive intact under Macron’s successor. A centrist president may keep the same careful line: pressure on security issues, but continued engagement with Kigali. A far-right president may cool the historical reconciliation agenda. A left-wing president may maintain recognition of France’s responsibility in 1994 while becoming tougher on Rwanda’s current regional policy.
For Rwanda, the lesson is clear. The relationship with France has improved significantly, but it should not be taken for granted. Much of its current warmth was built around Macron’s personal political choice to confront France’s past and rebuild trust with Kigali. Institutions, trade, culture and diplomacy may preserve the relationship, but personalities will shape its temperature.
The most favourable scenarios for Rwanda would likely be Attal or Philippe. Both would probably maintain continuity, although with different levels of enthusiasm. Glucksmann would be constructive on genocide memory but more demanding politically. Bardella would be uncertain and colder. Le Pen would be the most difficult. Mélenchon would be confrontational, especially in the DRC.
After Macron, Rwanda-France relations are unlikely to return to the deep hostility of the past. Too much has changed. But the exceptional warmth of the Macron-Kagame years may not be automatic. The next phase will depend on whether France’s new president sees Rwanda as a strategic African partner, a historical responsibility, a regional problem or all three at once.
The final day of the rally was held on Sunday, July 12, 2026, in Bugesera District, bringing to an end a competition that attracted more than 30 rally cars.
Five crews competing in the event were sponsored by BPR Bank Rwanda PLC through KCB Group.
Four of them finished among the top performers, while the only crew that failed to complete the rally was that of Queen Kalimpinya after her Subaru Impreza developed a mechanical problem.
Karan Patel and his co-driver, Tauseef Khan, both from Kenya, emerged as the overall winners after steering their Skoda Fabia R5 to victory. The triumph marked Patel’s fourth Rwanda Mountain Gorilla Rally title.
Another BPR Bank-sponsored crew, Nikhil Sachania and his co-driver, Patel Deep, driving a Ford Fiesta, finished sixth overall in the African Rally Championship standings for the event.
The bank also backed Tinashe Gatimu and his co-driver, Caroline Gatimu. Driving a Ford Fiesta, the pair successfully completed the rally in the National Rally Championship category.
Oscar Ntambi and his co-driver, Luggya Pius, driving a Subaru Impreza, secured second place in the African Rally Championship 2 (ARC2) category, finishing behind Christian Kanangire and Kevin Mujiji.
BPR Bank Rwanda PLC, in partnership with KCB Group, has reaffirmed its commitment to supporting the drivers as they prepare for the final round of the 2026 African Rally Championship, which is scheduled to take place in Tanzania in October.
The bank has already supported the crews during previous championship rounds held in Kenya and Uganda.
The rally also provided BPR Bank with an opportunity to engage with motorsport enthusiasts by showcasing its products and services.
Fans who attended the event received information about the bank’s financial solutions, while some were assisted in opening new bank accounts.
The impressive performances recorded by BPR Bank-sponsored crews highlighted the role of corporate sponsorship in promoting motorsport and nurturing rally talent in Rwanda and across the region.
Some of the drivers sponsored by BPR Bank Rwanda PLC posing for a photo.Ntambi Oscar is one of the drivers sponsored by BPR Bank Rwanda PLC.Despite living with a disability, Nikhil Sachania thrilled spectators with his performance during the rally.BPR Bank Rwanda PLC was the main sponsor of the competition.BPR Bank Rwanda PLC sponsored several drivers who competed in the rally.Drivers sponsored by BPR Bank Rwanda PLC delivered outstanding performances at the 2026 Rwanda Mountain Gorilla Rally.
The visit took place on the evening of July 12, 2026, when The Ben hosted Ashton Hall and his companions for a special dinner. The guests shared a meal, exchanged conversations and enjoyed an evening of celebration together.
Upon their arrival at The Ben’s residence, Ashton Hall and his team were welcomed by children from the Sherrie Silver Foundation, who entertained them with a series of performances featuring both traditional Rwandan dances and modern choreography.
Although no formal speeches had been planned, Ashton Hall asked for a brief moment to express his gratitude to The Ben and everyone who was present. He said Rwanda was the country that had touched his heart the most among all the places he had visited, adding that he hoped to return in the future.
“Among all the countries I have travelled to, I felt the strongest connection in Rwanda. I believe I will return because I have developed a special love for this country,” Ashton Hall said.
Ashton Small, popularly known as Kagarara, did not arrive at The Ben’s home with the rest of the group. He joined the gathering later but left shortly afterwards.
Explaining why he could not stay longer, Ashton Small revealed that he had lost his nephew, forcing him to leave early so he could support his family as they prepared for the funeral arrangements.
“This is not because I do not want to be here. I would have loved to stay, share this moment and enjoy time with everyone, but my sister lost her child. I have to leave early to see how the family arrangements are going,” he said.
The Ben had initially planned to host Ashton Hall on July 10, 2026, but the meeting was postponed after Ashton Hall arrived late at Kigali International Airport and missed his scheduled flight back home.
After missing the flight, Ashton returned to his hotel and continued with other activities that had been planned during his visit but had not yet been completed.
The delay made Rwanda the country where Ashton Hall spent the longest time during his African tour. Before arriving in Rwanda, he had visited several African countries, including Ghana, Nigeria, Cameroon and Benin.
During his stay, Ashton Hall’s visit attracted significant attention from fans and social media users, many of whom praised the cultural experiences and hospitality he received in Rwanda.
Upon arriving at The Ben’s home, Ashton Hall was welcomed by children from the Sherrie Silver Foundation.Ashton Hall was gifted traditional Rwandan attire.Children from the Sherrie Silver Foundation also entertained Ashton Hall with traditional Rwandan dances.The Ben introduces Ashton Hall to his friends who joined him in welcoming the guest.Ashton Hall was touched by the warm hospitality and kindness shown by The Ben.Kagarara, also known as Ashton Small, arrived at The Ben’s home but did not stay long after his sister lost her child.The Ben then welcomed Ashton Hall to the table, where they shared a meal together.
President Kagame was received on July 13, 2026, by Qatar’s Emir, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani, at Lusail Palace, where he conveyed his condolences following the passing of the former Emir, who was Sheikh Tamim’s father.
The meeting was attended by Qatar’s Deputy Emir Sheikh Abdullah bin Hamad Al-Thani; Sheikh Khalid bin Hamad Al-Thani; Sheikh Jassim bin Hamad Al-Thani, the Personal Representative of the Emir; Sheikh Abdulaziz bin Khalifa Al-Thani; Sheikh Abdullah bin Khalifa Al-Thani; Sheikh Mohammed bin Khalifa Al-Thani and Sheikh Jassim bin Khalifa Al-Thani.
Also present were Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al-Thani and Speaker of the Shura Council Hassan bin Abdullah Al Ghanim, alongside other senior officials.
Sheikh Hamad passed away on the morning of July 12, 2026. His family has not disclosed the cause of his death.
Following his passing, President Kagame extended his condolences to Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani and members of the Qatari royal family, describing Sheikh Hamad as a leader who left behind a legacy of public service and commitment to strengthening relations with other nations.
“His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani will be remembered as a visionary leader who transformed Qatar into the remarkable nation it is today. His legacy of service to his people and commitment to friendship and cooperation among nations will endure for generations.
“At this difficult time, the people of Rwanda and I stand with His Highness Sheikh Tamim Bin Hamad and our Qatari brothers and sisters,” President Kagame posted on X.
Sheikh Hamad played a significant role in transforming Qatar’s economic and political landscape, helping the country emerge as an influential player on the global stage.
During his rule, Qatar experienced major economic growth, social development and cultural advancement, increasing its international profile.
He was also instrumental in expanding Qatar’s capabilities, particularly by leveraging the country’s vast energy resources to drive development.
Under his leadership, Rwanda and Qatar strengthened bilateral relations based on shared priorities of promoting economic growth and improving citizens’ welfare.
These ties continued to deepen after Sheikh Hamad handed over power to his son, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani, in 2013.
President Paul Kagame has travelled to Doha, Qatar, where he has joined the country’s leadership and citizens in mourning Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani.
According to the latest Consumer Price Index (CPI) report released by the National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda (NISR), the Urban CPI, the country’s headline measure for monetary policy, increased by 0.4% on a monthly basis, while the annual average inflation rate for the 12 months to June stood at 9.3%.
Transport, which has been affected by rising fuel prices stemming from the Middle East crisis, remained one of the biggest drivers of inflation. Transport costs rose 26.0% compared with June last year and increased 1.2% over the previous month. Housing, water, electricity, gas and other fuels also continued to exert pressure on household budgets, recording a 20.5% annual increase and a 0.7% monthly rise.
Healthcare prices posted the sharpest annual increase among major consumer spending categories, soaring 71.2% year-on-year, while restaurants and hotels became 15.9% more expensive. Alcoholic beverages, tobacco and narcotics also recorded a 13.0% annual increase.
Food and non-alcoholic beverages, which account for the largest share of household spending, increased 7.5% annually despite declining 0.3% from May. Within the category, vegetable prices rose 13.1% year-on-year, matching the increase recorded for meat, while non-alcoholic beverages rose 9.4%.
The Energy Index remained elevated, increasing 44.8% annually, while the Local Goods Index rose 14.7%, outpacing the 10.5% increase recorded for imported goods. Fresh products increased 9.1% over the year.
Core inflation, which excludes fresh food and energy, stood at 12.3%, indicating that underlying price pressures remain strong across the economy. The annual average inflation rate over the past 12 months was 9.3%.
In rural areas, annual inflation reached 12.1%, with consumer prices increasing 0.4% over the previous month. Nationally, the Overall Rwanda Consumer Price Index rose 12.7% compared with June 2025 and also increased 0.4% on a monthly basis.
The NISR compiles the Consumer Price Index using prices collected for approximately 1,622 products across Rwanda. Every month, the institute gathers more than 29,482 price observations in urban areas and 10,744 in rural areas from markets, shops, schools, hospitals and other outlets.
The Urban CPI remains the principal inflation indicator used by the National Bank of Rwanda (BNR) to assess price stability and guide monetary policy decisions.
Transport, which has been affected by rising fuel prices stemming from the Middle East crisis, remained one of the biggest drivers of inflation. Transport costs rose 26.0% compared with June last year and increased 1.2% over the previous month.
