Araghchi said the appeals for dialogue were “natural” after Western powers “did not achieve what they were after regarding Iran’s nuclear program through military attacks,” adding that there is no military solution to the dispute.
He said Iran would not accept negotiations conducted through pressure, saying talks must be based on “reasonable and logical” principles rather than “dictating and bullying.”
Araghchi said the United States and Israel had failed to meet any of their goals through the latest conflict, adding that while airstrikes could damage nuclear facilities, they could not destroy Iran’s technological capabilities or the resolve of its people. “Our facilities were destroyed, but our technology remains, and our will is even stronger,” he said.
He said Iran has always been ready for serious negotiations under the right conditions, and reiterated that diplomacy remains “the ultimate solution” for resolving disputes in the region.
Iran and the United States had held five rounds of indirect, Oman-mediated talks on the nuclear issue and U.S. sanctions relief, and were preparing for a sixth round when Israel launched major airstrikes on June 13 on nuclear and military sites in Iran, killing senior commanders, nuclear scientists, and civilians. On June 22, U.S. forces struck the Iranian nuclear facilities at Natanz, Fordow and Isfahan.
She made the remarks in an interview with Xinhua on the sidelines of the Global South Media and Think Tank Forum China-Africa Partnership Conference held in South Africa’s Johannesburg on Nov. 13-14.
{{Media, think tanks play important role}}
In African nations’ collaboration with other Global South countries, media plays an important role in ensuring people-to-people understanding, while think tanks can serve as a foundation for policy discussions, notably those between Africa and China, the AU official said.
When media and think tanks are combined, a dynamic force can be achieved to bring together people from research, academia and media, as well as policymakers to “promote understanding of what we want to do in terms of development,” Richer noted.
She said the Global South Media and Think Tank Forum China-Africa Partnership Conference, jointly hosted by Xinhua News Agency, the AU and South Africa’s Independent Media, among other partners, took place at a key moment amid a shifting global landscape.
The global order is in transition with centers of economic activity emerging across the Global South, and the demands for fairer representation concerning development and global governance that reflect the realities of the 21st century are growing stronger, according to the AU official.
In her opinion, the narratives that circulate globally about African countries and people are often shaped elsewhere, filtered through lenses that do not reflect the realities of the continent. These narratives can distort understanding and limit the potential for genuine partnership.
“The Global South must be partners not only in trade, infrastructure, and diplomacy, but also in storytelling. We must promote balanced narratives that reflect the dignity, diversity, and dynamism of our peoples through people-to-people and institutional exchanges, so that learning flows in both directions and brings our societies closer,” Richer noted.
{{Global South should be better represented, heard }}
The G20 Leaders’ Summit is set to take place on Nov. 22 and 23 in Johannesburg. The AU was invited to join the G20 in September 2023. China was the first country to explicitly express its support for the AU’s membership in the G20 — consistent with its support for the AU in playing a greater role in global governance.
Richer highlighted that the inclusion of Africa through the AU in the G20 is not just symbolic, but also important in making sure Africa has a better representation in today’s multilateral world. Apart from G20, other collaboration mechanisms, including the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, allow Africa to have its voices heard on the international stage.
“We are now actually in the rooms, but it’s not just about being in the room. It’s about impacting the decisions that are being made with the G20,” the AU official stressed.
Through the collaboration with China and other Global South partners, Africa can now start using these multilateral platforms to ensure that Africa’s voices are heard and that its interests are clearly understood, she said.
This helps strengthen the representation of the Global South in multilateral spaces, according to her.
Advocating global governance reform, she said that the majority of existing international institutions were established at a time when many Global South countries were not independent. “And even when they acquired independence, they were not adequately represented in these governance structures.”
Taking many global financial institutions, she noted that their governing rules are not designed to favor developing countries, but are actually impeding their development because “they were not designed with our interests in mind.”
Richer called for building a world that is more inclusive, equitable and peaceful, with development being a right instead of a privilege. The destinies of nations should not be determined by historical inequity, but by cooperation and shared progress, she noted.
Speaking during a conversation at the Brooklyn Academy of Music on November 5, a discussion later published on her YouTube channel, Obama reflected on the outcome of the 2024 presidential election and dismissed ongoing speculation about her own political ambitions.
“As we saw in this past election, sadly, we ain’t ready,” she said, referring to former Vice President Kamala Harris’s loss to President Donald Trump. “Don’t even look at me about running, because you all are lying. You’re not ready for a woman. You are not.”
Obama made the remarks during a live event with actor Tracee Ellis Ross, held as part of the promotional tour for her new book, The Look. The pair discussed the pressures placed on women in public life, including how expectations around femininity and the traditional role of First Lady intersect with broader debates about female leadership.
When Ross asked whether her time in the White House had influenced public perceptions of women’s suitability for the presidency, Obama was candid: “We’ve got a lot of growing up to do, and there’s still, sadly, a lot of men who do not feel like they can be led by a woman, and we saw it.”
Throughout the 2024 campaign, Obama had been one of the Democratic Party’s most influential figures, drawing large crowds while urging voters, particularly men, to consider the consequences of another Trump term for women’s rights and reproductive health. Despite her popularity, she has repeatedly ruled out seeking elected office herself.
Her comments also touched on her experiences of public scrutiny during her years in the White House. In The Look, released on November 4, Obama writes about how women in politics are often judged on appearance rather than ability, noting that her own fashion choices, hair and presentation were regularly dissected in ways male leaders rarely face.
Polling after the 2024 election suggests the cultural barriers she highlighted persist. Research from American University found nearly one in five voters would not support a woman for president, including a quarter of women under 50. Pew Research data further indicated a widening gender divide, with a majority of men under 50 backing Trump.
While the majority of Americans say they support electing more women to high office, Obama argues that the reality at the ballot box tells a different story.
For now, she insists her message is not about her own political future, but about the country’s readiness for genuine equality in leadership. “Don’t waste my time,” she said. “We’re not there yet.”
The Dangote Group boss delivered the remarks at the Africa School of Governance (ASG) in Kigali, an institution co-founded by President Paul Kagame of Rwanda and former Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, designed to nurture visionary African leaders.
Dangote stressed that Africa cannot progress without leaders guided by mission, clarity, and conviction.
“We need leaders with a mission. If we don’t have this, we are not going to build anything,” he said.
UN Deputy Secretary-General Amina J. Mohammed, on her part, emphasised that the continent already has the tools and frameworks required; what is needed now is implementation, accountability, and confidence in its own institutions. She urged leaders to “look to the inside,” insisting that Africa must rebuild and trust the institutions it already owns.
Hailemariam Desalegn echoed this sentiment, noting that no nation can grow without strong and functional institutions. He stressed that many African institutions are relics of the past and must be reimagined to truly serve the people. He also highlighted the importance of leadership culture, insisting that Africa was never inferior and must reject perceptions that undermine its potential.
Hailemariam called for a critical mass of purpose-driven leaders capable of igniting change across the continent and encouraged emerging leaders not to conform to the limitations of the status quo.
The leaders are in Kigali to attend the second edition of the African Renaissance Retreat (ARR), which kicked off at the Pinnacle Kigali Hotel on Friday, November 14, 2025.
The exclusive annual gathering, co-founded by President Paul Kagame and Dangote, brings together African billionaires, senior policymakers, and influential thinkers for three days of closed-door dialogue focused on accelerating Africa’s transformation.
The high-level meeting is structured around intensive sessions, fireside discussions, and strategic breakout meetings designed to translate ideas into implementable projects. Day 1 featured a fireside chat with former presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, followed on Day 2 by an in-depth conversation with former Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn and former South African President Thabo Mbeki. The final day, Sunday, will feature a session with President Kagame and Aliko Dangote.
Meanwhile, Dangote’s remarks in Kigali reinforce his engagement in continental development initiatives. In July this year, he attended the inauguration of the US$25 million Zaria Court sports and entertainment complex in Kigali, established by Giants of Africa founder Masai Ujiri.
During the event, President Kagame commended Dangote for championing African-led progress and investing in projects that elevate African talent, infrastructure, and leadership.
Last year, Dangote also participated in the private African Renaissance Group retreat held at Kigali Golf Resort & Villas, which brought together around 50 of Africa’s most influential business and policy leaders to explore long-term strategies for the continent’s advancement.
With the ARG retreat once again convening in Kigali, Rwanda continues to strengthen its position as a trusted home for strategic dialogue and forward-looking African initiatives.
However, the fall of the First Republic did little to resolve the underlying issues. Juvénal Habyarimana’s regime, which took power after the coup, perpetuated the same destructive ideologies of ethnic division and exclusion.
The consequences of these unresolved issues would become tragically clear in the years that followed, as the nation spiraled toward even deeper devastation.
{{The rise of PARMEHUTU and its internal struggle}}
According to a book dubbed ‘The History of Rwanda’ co-authored by Paul Rutayisire and Deo Byanafashe, the path to the establishment of PARMEHUTU as Rwanda’s ruling party in the 1960s was marked by political battles.
Once the party’s primary goal of securing power for the Hutu was achieved, it lost its direction. By October 23, 1966, PARMEHUTU, which had once been a vibrant political force, had devolved into a de facto one-party system, fully integrated into state structures.
Yet, once the primary opponents to the party, including the Rwandese National Union (UNAR) and the Inyenzi movement were eliminated, cracks began to show.
The party, no longer unified by an external enemy, was consumed by infighting and internal contradictions. The nation’s leadership, once defined by clear objectives, now seemed rudderless.
The power struggles within PARMEHUTU came to the forefront, exposing corruption, regionalism, and a lack of internal discipline.
A report in 1964, commissioned by the President himself, painted a grim picture of the country’s mismanagement: illegal detentions, politicized judicial and administrative systems, and a lack of collaboration between regional authorities. These issues, however, were swept under the rug, as the report was never presented to the National Assembly for debate.
{{Regionalism and the deepening divisions}}
As PARMEHUTU struggled to maintain its grip on power, regional divisions grew sharper. Tensions between the North and South, as well as between provinces like Butare and Gitarama, escalated, revealing deep-rooted regional rivalries.
The government was increasingly dominated by a clique of politicians from Gitarama, where President Kayibanda’s power base was strongest.
By 1972, this concentration of power among a small, loyalist group sparked frustrations, especially among the military, which was largely composed of individuals from the Northern regions.
This concentration of power and exclusion of other regions was further highlighted by Kayibanda’s final government reshuffle in February 1972.
Out of 18 ministers, six were from Gitarama, which made up a third of the cabinet, a stark representation of the growing imbalances that contributed to the regime’s downfall.
{{The massacre of the Tutsi }}
In 1972, President Kayibanda initiated a campaign to rid the country of Tutsis from schools, higher institutions, and public establishments.
This policy was framed as a continuation of the 1959 Revolution’s objectives, which had promised to eliminate Tutsi in Rwanda’s social, political, and economic spheres.
By February 1973, a coordinated effort by the government saw lists of “undesirable” Tutsi civil servants posted on notice boards, and Tutsis were systematically purged from various sectors of society.
This wave of ethnic cleansing, which saw entire families displaced and Tutsi intellectuals targeted, was justified by the government as necessary to address the demographic imbalance between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority.
Yet, the real reasons behind the persecution were political. Kayibanda and his inner circle sought to consolidate their power and eliminate any opposition within the Tutsi population.
While the purge targeted Tutsis, it also fractured the unity of PARMEHUTU. The government’s inability to manage the country effectively, paired with widespread dissatisfaction, alienated even Kayibanda’s most loyal supporters.
{{The final blow }}
The political turmoil and sectarian violence finally reached a boiling point in the summer of 1973.
The ongoing internal divisions were a tipping point for the military, particularly the northern officers, who began to resent the Gitarama clique’s stranglehold on power.
On July 5, 1973, the military, led by Defense Minister Juvénal Habyarimana, staged a coup, overthrowing Kayibanda’s government.
The coup was swift. Kayibanda was arrested and removed from power. He and many of his allies were later imprisoned and reportedly starved to death.
By the time the coup occurred, the First Republic had already collapsed under the weight of internal divisions.
However, ethnic divisions persisted under Habyarimana’s leadership, leading to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, which was halted by the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF).
Speaking in Kliptown, Johannesburg, on Friday, Ramaphosa said South Africa is ready to welcome world leaders and deliver a successful meeting. “The summit will go on. We are not going to stop because they are not here,” he said, adding that most G20 leaders have confirmed their attendance.
Ramaphosa noted that U.S. President Donald Trump had withdrawn all U.S. representatives, citing allegations of ill-treatment of Afrikaners and “genocide.”
Stressing “boycott politics never work,” he said, “If you boycott an event or a process, you lose because the show will go on.”
The G20 Leaders’ Summit is scheduled for November 22 and 23 in Johannesburg, South Africa’s largest city and economic hub.
The G20 is a forum for major global economies that brings together 19 countries along with two large economic blocs: the European Union and the African Union. It represents a significant share of the world’s GDP, international trade, and population. Established in 1999 to address international economic and financial stability, the G20 has since expanded its agenda to include issues such as climate change and sustainable development.
Its members are Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Mexico, the Republic of Korea, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Türkiye, the United Kingdom, and the United States, in addition to the European Union and the African Union.
In a statement issued on Saturday night, Rwanda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation said the framework marks “an important step on the road to definitively addressing the root causes of conflict in eastern DRC, and the obstacles to peace in the Great Lakes Region.”
Kigali also commended Qatar for its sustained engagement as mediator, as well as the support provided by the United States and the African Union.
The agreement, signed in Doha earlier in the day, is being celebrated as one of the most concrete advances in years toward stabilising a region that has endured insecurity and humanitarian crises for over two decades.
According to U.S. Senior Advisor for African Affairs, Massad Boulos, the framework “charts a clear path toward a peace accord”, with both the DRC government and the AFC/M23 committing to uphold the ceasefire, end hostilities, and jointly tackle the root causes of the conflict.
Boulos highlighted eight core protocols contained in the framework, including mechanisms for prisoner exchanges, ceasefire monitoring and verification, expanded humanitarian access, restoration of state authority, disarmament and reintegration of armed groups, return of displaced people, economic recovery, and efforts to promote justice and reconciliation.
“These obligations will strengthen the foundation for peace, stability, and the rebuilding of trust in affected communities,” Boulos said, thanking Qatar for facilitating the process.
Further details shared by the Permanent Secretary of AFC/M23, Benjamin Mbonimpa, reaffirmed that the framework establishes a phased implementation roadmap. Each of the eight protocols will be discussed and executed progressively, with a defined timeline guiding the process. A comprehensive peace agreement will only be signed once both parties have fully addressed all protocol components.
Among the protocols is a commitment to collaborate on restoring state institutions and public services in eastern DRC, a process envisioned to unfold in stages. Another protocol includes temporary security measures designed to maintain public calm and protect civilians during the transition period.
Both parties have also agreed to form an independent national commission tasked with advancing truth, reconciliation, accountability for crimes, and planning the reconstruction of damaged infrastructure.
The signing ceremony in Doha was witnessed by Qatar’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Dr. Mohammed bin Abdulaziz bin Saleh Al-Khulaifi, and Massad Boulos, the Advisor to the U.S. President on African Affairs.
Speaking at a press briefing recently, Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretary, Musalia Mudavadi acknowledged the magnitude of the crisis and said the government is pursuing bilateral interventions with Saudi Arabia to repatriate the affected mothers and children.
The ministry revealed that under a programme called “Mobile Consular Services,” DNA tests have been conducted on 707 individuals, including children, to verify parentage and process birth certificates to enable repatriation.
A Joint Interdepartmental Working Group (JIWG), formed in January 2025 and including the Kenyan Embassy as well as Saudi ministries of Foreign Affairs, Labour, Interior and the General Directorate of Passports, is assisting these efforts.
So far, the process has resulted in the safe repatriation of 59 mothers and 73 children.
The plight of these families is rooted in legal and administrative difficulties.
Kenya’s law allows for registration of births abroad, but Saudi Arabia’s legal regime requires a marriage certificate to issue a birth certificate, and strong penalties apply for extramarital sex.
It is reported that many Kenyan single mothers, fearful of legal consequences, deliver children at home and avoid hospitals, leaving children undocumented and vulnerable.
The Kenyan government has also noted that more than 400 Kenyans have been lured abroad by recruitment agents promising lucrative jobs in countries such as Vietnam, Cambodia and Myanmar, only to find themselves stranded, trafficked or forced into unpaid labour.
The foreign ministry emphasised that stranded mothers should engage with Kenyan diplomatic missions in Riyadh and Jeddah or the State Department for Diaspora Affairs in Nairobi to regularise their status and secure documentation for their children.
The government also reminded Kenyan parents abroad to register births of children abroad in order to protect their rights.
This peace agreement is seen as a significant step forward in the ongoing efforts to stabilize the region, which has been plagued by violence for over two decades.
The Permanent Secretary of AFC/M23, Benjamin Mbonimpa, explained that the framework signed by both parties in Qatar on November 15, 2025, consists of eight implementation protocols aimed at addressing the root causes of the conflict in the DRC.
Mbonimpa stated that each protocol will be discussed progressively until all its components are fully respected, and that a timeline has been established for discussions on each protocol.
He noted that only after both sides have addressed the issues outlined in all the protocols will AFC/M23 and the Government of the DRC sign a comprehensive peace agreement.
Among the protocols is one focused on cooperation to restore state institutions and public services in the eastern part of the country, a process to be carried out in phases and through collaboration between the Government of the DRC and the AFC/M23 coalition.
The second concerns a mutual agreement between the Government of the DRC and AFC/M23 to adopt temporary security measures aimed at maintaining public calm and protecting civilians.
The Government of the DRC and AFC/M23 also agreed to establish an independent national commission responsible for promoting truth, reconciliation, accountability for crimes, and planning the reconstruction of damaged infrastructure.
The signing ceremony was attended by Qatar’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Dr. Mohammed bin Abdulaziz bin Saleh Al-Khulaifi, and Massad Boulos, the Advisor to the President of the United States on African Partnerships.
In a post on his social platform, Trump wrote: “I am withdrawing my support and endorsement of Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene, of the great state of Georgia.”
He added that while he is willing to back a challenger in her district if one emerges, Greene will not receive his endorsement unless she changes course.
The relationship had already been strained. Greene has recently diverged from Trump and other Republicans on several issues: she criticised the president’s prioritisation of foreign affairs over domestic issues, joined efforts pushing for the release of files connected to the late sex‑offender Jeffrey Epstein, and publicly challenged aspects of Trump’s policy agenda.
Trump, in his message, accused Greene of spending months simply complaining rather than contributing constructively, saying: “all I see ‘Wacky’ Marjorie do is COMPLAIN, COMPLAIN, COMPLAIN!” He also referenced a leaked poll he shared with her that showed her at only 12% support in a hypothetical Senate or gubernatorial run arguing she lacked electoral viability without his backing.
Greene responded on social media, stating that Trump “just attacked me and lied about me.” She released screenshots of a message she claims she sent to Trump urging him to release files related to Epstein, suggesting that was the tipping point in his decision. She further asserted that Trump’s move was meant as a warning to other Republicans ahead of a vote on those very files.
Political analysts say the split is important for several reasons. First, it underlines Trump’s enduring influence within the GOP; he still controls endorsements and can make or break careers in his base.
Second, it suggests he may be repositioning his network of allies heading into the next election cycle, favouring those he views as more disciplined or electorally viable.
Third, for Greene the rift raises questions about her future at a time when some of her former supporters may look elsewhere.
