The decision, reached during a meeting of the EALA Commission and Committee Chairpersons on February 6, 2025, comes as the Assembly struggles with financial constraints linked to delayed contributions from some East African Community (EAC) Partner States.
“This decision was reached during a Sitting of the EALA Commission and Committee Chairpersons held on the 6th February 2025, to review the Assembly’s calendar,” EALA stated in a statement.
The cash crunch has been an ongoing issue, with some Partner States failing to remit their financial obligations on time. In recent years, South Sudan and Burundi have been among the worst defaulters, with South Sudan alone owing over $22 million in past contributions, as reported in late 2022.
The financial instability has forced EALA to suspend legislative sessions and other critical activities in the past.
In response to the crisis, Joseph Ntakirutimana, Speaker of EALA, has initiated discussions with key EAC leaders to resolve the matter.
“The Speaker of EALA has initiated a follow-up discussion with the Hon. Beatrice Asukul Moe, The Chairperson of the EAC Council of Ministers, and H.E. Veronica Mueni Nduva, the Secretary General of the East African Community, to urge Partner States that have outstanding contributions to remit their dues promptly to enable the resumption of activities,” the statement added.
A review of the financial situation is expected within the next three weeks. In the meantime, the Assembly has reaffirmed its dedication to fostering regional integration despite the setback.
“EALA remains committed to its mandate of promoting regional integration through Legislation, Oversight, and Representation. We are optimistic that the ongoing consultations will yield positive outcomes, allowing the Assembly to resume its critical functions as soon as it is practicable,” EALA assured in its statement.
The financial challenges facing EALA point to the broader issue of funding sustainability within the EAC. Without timely contributions from Partner States, the regional legislative body risks further disruptions, which could hinder the progress of key legislative and oversight functions necessary for deepening East African integration.
The decision, which Trump announced in an exclusive interview with the New York Post, is part of his broader crackdown on his most vocal opponents.
Among those affected are Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg, New York Attorney General Letitia James, former National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, Biden’s Deputy Attorney General Lisa Monaco, and attorneys Andrew Weissmann, Mark Zaid, and Norm Eisen.
The move follows Trump’s decision to revoke President Joe Biden’s security clearance and access to daily intelligence briefings just a day earlier.
Revoking these clearances means the individuals may be unable to enter key federal buildings, including courthouses, prisons, and law enforcement facilities. This could impede their ability to carry out official duties, particularly for those involved in ongoing legal cases against Trump.
Trump has made no secret of his animosity toward the targeted individuals. In reference to Blinken, he told the New York Post, “Bad guy. Take away his passes.”
Blinken played a key role in the infamous “Dirty 51” letter, which dismissed the contents of Hunter Biden’s laptop as Russian disinformation ahead of the 2020 election.
James and Bragg have both been instrumental in legal actions against Trump. James pursued a civil fraud case that resulted in Trump being ordered to pay over $450 million, while Bragg oversaw the “hush money” case involving Stormy Daniels. Trump has vowed to ensure both are treated “exactly the same” as Biden in terms of clearance restrictions.
The revocation also affects key figures involved in Trump’s past legal troubles. Sullivan, who was Hillary Clinton’s chief foreign policy adviser in 2016, is among those targeted. Monaco, who oversaw the Department of Justice’s response to the January 6 insurrection, has also been affected.
Weissmann, known for his role as lead prosecutor in Robert Mueller’s investigation into Trump’s alleged ties to Russian election interference, is another high-profile individual impacted.
Meanwhile, attorneys Zaid and Eisen, who were involved in Trump’s 2019 impeachment, have also had their security clearances revoked.
Trump’s decision is seen as retaliation for Biden’s 2021 move to block him from accessing intelligence briefings, a courtesy typically extended to former presidents. At the time, Biden cited Trump’s ‘erratic behaviour’ and concerns about his handling of classified information.
The training, which lasted four and a half months, was designed to equip participants with the necessary skills to serve as professional company commanders, platoon commanders, company sergeant majors, and platoon sergeants.
RDF Chief of Defence Staff, General MK Mubarakh presided over the graduation ceremony on Saturday, February 8. He lauded the trainees for their dedication, discipline, and sacrifice, which enabled them to reach this significant milestone.
At the same time, General Mubarakh stressed the importance of continuous military training in ensuring operational effectiveness and readiness to address evolving security challenges.
“It is the norm in any military that, to operate effectively, officers and NCOs must undertake rigorous training continuously. Military training prepares individuals to effectively perform physically and mentally demanding tasks at the highest possible levels of proficiency. Training pays off with significant achievements in theatre and routine force duties. This is in line with leadership guidance as constantly stressed by the Commander-in-Chief of the RDF,” said General Mubarakh.
He urged the graduates to apply the knowledge and skills gained from the training in their respective roles while upholding discipline as a core value of the RDF.
The comprehensive program focused on enhancing military skills, tactical planning, leadership, and administrative management, reinforcing RDF’s commitment to professionalism and preparedness for present and future security challenges.
The completion of this training marks another step in the RDF’s mission to strengthen the capabilities of Rwanda’s security forces, ensuring they remain well-equipped to maintain national and regional stability.
Nujoma rose to head the lightly populated southern African country on March 21 1990 and was formally recognized as “Founding Father of the Namibian Nation” through a 2005 act of parliament.
He was a longtime ally of Zimbabwean strongman Robert Mugabe, backing Mugabe’s land seizures from white farmers, though at home Nujoma stuck to a “willing buyer, willing seller” policy.
“The foundations of the Republic of Namibia have been shaken. Our venerable leader, Dr. Nujoma did not only blaze the trail to freedom, but he also inspired us to rise to our feet and to become masters of this vast land of our ancestors,” the presidency posted on X.
The presidency said Nujoma had been hospitalized for medical treatment over the past three weeks, adding: “Unfortunately, this time, the most gallant son of our land could not recover from his illness.”
Nujoma served his three terms as president from 1990 to 2005 and sought to project himself as a unifying leader bridging political divides. In a country scarred by the legacy of apartheid and German colonial rule, Nujoma’s SWAPO party oversaw a national reconciliation programme under the motto “One Namibia, One Nation”.
In his speeches, Nujoma made a point of repeating the phrase: “A united people, striving to achieve a common good for all members of the society, will always emerge victorious.” His achievements included establishing democratic institutions and prioritizing reconciliation.
Nujoma was born in a village in northwestern Namibia in 1929, when his country was under South African administration. SA had controlled Namibia since World War 1 after a brutal few decades of German colonial rule remembered for the genocide of the Herero and Nama people.
As a boy he looked after his family’s cattle and attended a Finnish mission school, before moving to the coastal town of Walvis Bay and then the capital Windhoek, where he worked for South African Railways, according to a biography posted on the website of Nujoma’s charitable foundation.
Nujoma left his job on the railways to focus his energies on bringing down the apartheid system. In the late 1950s he became leader of the Owambo People’s Organisation, a precursor to liberation movement SWAPO, organizing resistance to the forced relocation of Black people in Windhoek that culminated in the police killing 12 unarmed people and wounding dozens more.
Nujoma was charged with organizing the resistance and arrested. In 1960, he went into exile. He travelled across Africa before reaching the US, where he petitioned the United Nations for Namibia’s independence.
Made SWAPO leader in absentia, Nujoma established its armed wing and in 1966 launched a guerrilla war against the apartheid government.
It took more than a decade of pressure from Nujoma and others before a UN Security Council resolution in 1978 proposed a ceasefire and elections, and another decade for the ceasefire deal to be signed and elections held in late 1989.
SWAPO won a majority in those elections, and Nujoma took office in March the following year.
Speaking at the EAC-SADC joint summit held in Tanzania on Feb 8, 2025, Kagame stressed the need for a lasting solution, pointing out that Rwanda’s concerns have been dismissed.
“We can’t go on forever massaging problems. What is happening there is an ethnic war that has been brewing for a long time, denying people’s rights and then attacking Rwanda,” Kagame stated.
He made it clear that Rwanda cannot be expected to remain silent while facing security threats emanating from DRC.
Kagame criticized the approach taken by DRC’s leadership, stating that despite numerous engagements, Kigali’s concerns have not been addressed.
“We have been begging DRC and its leaders for a long time, we have shared our issues and asked DRC to address them, and they have refused,” he said.
Kagame argued that the crisis is not of Rwanda’s making but has instead been imposed on the country, with DRC shifting responsibility.
The joint EAC-SADC summit, that was preceded by a ministerial meeting, sought to assess the deteriorating security situation in eastern DRC.
“This war was started by DRC and not anything from Rwanda. It was just brought and put on our shoulders and we were told to own it. We can’t own it. There is no question about it,” he said.
Kagame urged the participants to take the matter seriously and ensure that the meeting leads to actionable solutions rather than becoming another in a series of unproductive discussions.
The summit follows recent escalations, including the capture of Goma by the M23 rebel group. M23 resumed fighting in 2021, citing the protection of Rwandophones and Congolese Tutsi communities.
President Tshisekedi, despite earlier confirmations, did not travel to Tanzania and instead attended the summit virtually.
Tshisekedi has repeatedly been urged to engage in dialogue through various processes but has remained reluctant to negotiate with M23, despite his army suffering continuous setbacks.
The Congolese government has also accused Rwanda of backing the rebels, an allegation Kigali strongly denies.
Instead, Rwanda has accused the DRC of working with the FDLR, a militia composed of individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Reports suggest indicate that Burundian and SADC forces have joined the coalition supporting the Congolese army, even as Kinshasa has issued threats to invade Rwanda.
The summit also comes at a time when SADC countries, particularly South Africa, are facing scrutiny over their controversial involvement in the DRC conflict, with their troops suffering casualties during offensives against M23.
The EAC-SADC Joint Summit, called for a peaceful resolution to the DRC conflict and directed the merger of the Luanda and Nairobi processes.
To strengthen the merged process, the summit emphasized appointing additional facilitators from across Africa. It also urged the resumption of direct negotiations with all state and non-state actors, including M23, under this framework.
Additionally, the summit called for the implementation of the Concept of Operations (CONOPS) of the harmonized plan for neutralization of FDLR as agreed in the Luanda process.
Museveni is among the heads of state who attended the joint East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit on the eastern Congo crisis in Tanzania.
Rwandan President Paul Kagame and other EAC and SADC leaders were also present. However, President Tshisekedi, despite earlier confirmations, did not travel to Tanzania and instead attended the summit virtually.
Upon his arrival in Tanzania, Museveni reiterated his stance on resolving the conflict.
“My earlier proposal for this summit was that H.E. Tshisekedi should speak directly to those who are in conflict with him, as this impacts all of us,” he shared on X, adding that no other forum is better suited to address the issue than the summit itself.
Speaking at the opening of Saturday’s session for heads of state, Kenyan President William Ruto, who also serves as the Chairperson of the East African Community (EAC), emphasized that the conflict in the DRC is complex, sensitive, protracted, and involves multiple actors with differing interests.
“The issues at stake are wide-ranging, touching on historical, economic, and political factors that span many decades and cross national and regional borders.
“There is also a hidden international dimension, whose persistent, cynical, and destructive effects must no longer be underestimated or ignored,” he stated.
Ruto further made it clear that the conflict can only be resolved through dialogue.
“For this reason, such a conflict cannot be solved through military means. We must resist the temptation to believe that we can shoot or bomb our way to a solution in the face of such a complex situation,” he added.
The summit follows recent escalations, including the capture of Goma by the M23 rebel group. M23 resumed fighting in 2021, citing the protection of Rwandophones and Congolese Tutsi communities.
Tshisekedi has repeatedly been urged to engage in dialogue through various processes but has remained reluctant to negotiate with M23, despite his army suffering continuous setbacks.
The Congolese government has also accused Rwanda of backing the rebels—an allegation Kigali strongly denies.
Instead, Rwanda has accused the DRC of working with the FDLR, a militia composed of individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Burundian and SADC forces have joined the coalition supporting the Congolese army, even as Kinshasa has issued threats to invade Rwanda.
The summit also comes at a time when SADC countries, particularly South Africa, are facing scrutiny over their controversial involvement in the DRC conflict, with their troops suffering casualties during offensives against M23.
The summit seeks solutions to the ongoing conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) between the country’s armed forces and the M23 rebel group.
Other heads of state in attendance include Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan, Kenyan President and EAC Chairperson Dr. William Ruto, Zimbabwean President and SADC Chairperson Emmerson Mnangagwa, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema, and Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.
South African President Cyril Ramaphosa is expected to arrive later, while Burundi’s President Evariste Ndayishimiye is represented by Prime Minister Gervais Ndirakobuca.
DRC President Félix Tshisekedi is participating virtually.
The decision to convene this summit follows M23’s recent capture of Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, as a reminder to the DRC government of their call for negotiations to secure lasting peace.
Ahead of the summit, both EAC and SADC expressed support for inclusive political dialogue with M23 as key to a sustainable resolution to the conflict.
New testimonies from former FDLR fighters and Wazalendo militants indicate that SADC forces are actively supporting these armed groups, supplying them with equipment and reinforcing President Tshisekedi’s broader agenda of destabilizing Rwanda’s leadership.
These accounts come from ex-FDLR fighters who surrendered to Rwanda after suffering repeated defeats in eastern DRC. Realizing they had no future in the conflict, they chose to flee and share their experiences.
The FDLR’s specialized military unit, known as Commando de Recherche et d’Action en Profondeur (CRAP), has been particularly active in these battles, receiving significant backing from the Kinshasa government.
Recently, First Lady Denise Nyakeru Tshisekedi was seen visiting wounded CRAP fighters in the hospital, further confirming the government’s ties to the group terrorist group formed by remnant perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Those who surrendered revealed that SADC forces provided them with weapons and played a crucial role in launching heavy artillery attacks against M23.
Manirahari Sebuyange, one of the former fighters, recounted participating in over fifteen major battles alongside Nyatura, Wazalendo, FARDC, Burundian forces, and SADC. He described how SADC airstrikes directly supported ground offensives against M23.
“In the battle at Kalenga, we fought alongside Burundian forces, FARDC, and Wazalendo. During another engagement in Gicwa, we were supported by FARDC’s unit called Hiboux, and SADC, which launched artillery strikes. The FARDC was present, but it was the SADC forces that supplied us with weapons, ammunition, and food,” he revealed.
SADC officially joined the conflict in December 2023 after President Tshisekedi expelled the East African Community (EAC) forces, accusing them of failing to defeat M23.
He then invited SADC troops, with South African forces leading combat operations.However, these troops are now facing mounting challenges and increasing scrutiny. Burundian forces, which share Tshisekedi’s political objectives, also form part of this alliance.
Jean Paul Bizimana, another former fighter, explained how SADC’s role was primarily to fire artillery at M23 positions while ground forces advanced. He recalled the battle in Sake, where over 2,000 fighters, including FARDC and Wazalendo militants, launched a coordinated attack.
Beyond battlefield operations, former fighters also detailed the internal workings of FDLR, particularly its elite CRAP unit.
This unit comprises five companies: Bombardier, led by Noheli; MIG 35, under Tuyizere Aimable; a third company commanded by Mfitumukiza Benjamin; Boeing, led by Remy; and Apache and Drone, responsible for military operations.
Each company plays a distinct role, with Boeing specifically tasked with protecting senior commanders.
One ex-fighter described the recruitment process, stating that FDLR consists of a mix of young boys, strong men, and elderly individuals.
Recruits undergo military training and are indoctrinated with anti-Rwandan propaganda.
“We were taught to hate Rwanda and its leaders, especially the Tutsis. Anyone who tried to escape was executed,” he admitted.
This threat was not an empty one. Many who attempted to flee were killed, and those suspected of disloyalty were swiftly punished.
One former fighter even admitted to receiving orders to execute comrades suspected of being Rwandan spies.
These former combatants also recounted their encounters with senior FDLR leaders, including Colonel Ruhinda Gaby, the former commander of its special forces, whose real name was Protogène Ruvugayimikore.
Ruhinda was killed in December 2023 during a battle against M23. Manirahari, who once served as his escort, described his duties, which ranged from washing the commander’s clothes to carrying his bags and cooking for him.
After Ruhinda’s death, the group experienced significant changes. “We were told to store our weapons and taken to a camp. Soon after, an explosion occurred, and a vehicle sped away. Hours later, they informed us that Ruhinda had been killed by grenade explosions,” Manirahari recounted.
His death led to the appointment of a new commander, Guillaume, under whom Manirahari was reassigned to the MIG 35 company.
Realizing the futility of their fight, many FDLR members eventually decided to surrender. They were particularly influenced by radio broadcasts and testimonies from former combatants who had safely returned to Rwanda.
Turatsinze Eric, one of the returnees, admitted that escaping was incredibly dangerous. “If they had discovered my plans, I would have been killed,” he said.
However, he managed to reach Goma, which was under M23 control at the time, making his surrender easier.
“Once in Goma, I contacted someone who helped me reach Rwandan authorities. The police received me well, and when I crossed into Rwanda, I had no further issues,” he explained.
All of these former fighters confirmed that the propaganda they had been fed about Rwanda, claims that they would be executed upon arrival, was entirely false.
Now, they urge their former comrades to lay down their arms, emphasizing that continuing to fight only serves the interests of leaders who exploit them.
“Rwanda is peaceful. I was afraid too, but I overcame my fear, and I have had no problems since arriving. We spent years running, but we achieved nothing. They should return home,” Manirahari emphasized.
These revelations about the collaboration between FDLR and SADC forces emerge at a time when pressure is mounting for the withdrawal of SADC troops from DRC, particularly the South African contingent.
Allegations have surfaced that their mission may be serving personal interests, particularly those of South African President Cyril Ramaphosa.
In response, Malawi has already announced plans to withdraw its troops, signaling a shift in regional dynamics and further casting doubt on the true objectives of the SADC deployment in eastern DRC.
In a statement delivered on February 6, 2025, Amb. Ngango countered accusations from the DRC government that Rwanda supports the armed group M23.
He described these claims as a diversion tactic aimed at concealing Kinshasa’s true intentions.
“We categorically oppose the DRC’s attempts to portray Rwanda as responsible for the insecurity in eastern DRC. This is a well-known deflection tactic used by Kinshasa to avoid accountability for the atrocities it and allied armed groups are inflicting on its own citizens,” he stated.
M23 fighters seized the city of Goma in the early hours of January 27, 2025, just four days after capturing Sake, a town in Masisi territory.
They now control key infrastructure in Goma, including the airport, and have established a new administration for North Kivu province.
Amb. Ngango revealed that as M23 advanced into Goma, the DRC’s military coalition had been preparing large-scale attacks against Rwanda, amassing weapons in and around the city.
“What is clear, however, is the imminent threat the current situation poses to Rwanda. Following the fall of Goma, new evidence has emerged of large-scale attacks planned against Rwanda. The Kinshasa-backed coalition has stockpiled a significant number of weapons and military equipment near Rwanda’s border, mostly in and around Goma airport,” he explained.
He further disclosed that the arsenal included heavy artillery and attack drones, which were not directed at M23 but instead pointed at Rwanda.
“The weapons were not positioned in the theater of operations against M23; rather, they were aimed directly at Rwanda,” he added.
Amb. Ngango also reminded the Council that after M23 took control of Goma, the DRC army shelled Rwandan territory, killing 16 civilians, injuring over 150, and damaging approximately 280 homes and properties.
Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe, recently warned that if the DRC government persists with its plans to attack Rwanda, Rwanda will maintain the defensive measures it has put in place along the border.
In a post on X, Makolo dismissed the claims published by the British newspaper, noting that the article’s content was unsurprising given the authors’ history.
The story was written by two journalists, including Michela Wrong, who is known for publishing narratives that discredit Rwanda.
Published on February 7, 2025, the article alleges that more than 600 Rwandan soldiers have died in eastern DRC while fighting alongside M23 against FARDC. However, the authors provided no evidence to support the claims.
Makolo pointed out that one of the major flaws in the article is the lack of credible sources, with all quoted individuals reportedly choosing to remain anonymous.
“All anonymous sources and conjecture. Ridiculous of the Guardian to build a story with no story. ‘We hear that….’ Not surprising given one of the authors wrote a whole book based on rumours. Pathetic,” Makolo wrote on Friday.
She added, “There is a real story to be told about the people of this region and our desire for peace and progress – but that’s too much to ask of the Guardian and these heartless armchair hacks.”
Although Makolo did not explicitly name the author of the book, many linked her remarks to Michela Wrong, who previously published a book targeting Rwanda and its leadership.
Rwanda has frequently been accused of supporting M23, with the Congolese government calling for sanctions against Kigali. However, Rwanda has consistently denied these allegations, instead accusing the DRC of collaborating with the FDLR, an armed group composed of individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Rwanda has presented evidence to support its claims, asserting that FDLR fighters are actively engaged in the ongoing conflict alongside the Congolese army.
