Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Olivier Nduhungirehe, announced her passing on Sunday, March 2, 2025.
“I am heartbroken by the untimely passing of Ms. Safari Christine, Chairperson of Ibuka Netherlands. I offer my deepest condolences to her husband, Léon, and to her children,” Minister Nduhungirehe wrote in a heartfelt message on X.
“Christine, you fought a good fight for memory, reconciliation, and against genocide denial. As a former Ambassador of Rwanda to the Netherlands, who had the privilege to work with you, I will forever be grateful for your friendship, your courage, your perseverance, and your tremendous achievements,” he added.
“May your soul rest in eternal peace, together with that of our loved ones you dedicated your life to.”
Through collaboration with the Embassy of Rwanda in the Netherlands and Ibuka in the country, Christine played a huge role in initiatives such as commemorating the Genocide against the Tutsi, supporting vulnerable genocide survivors, and advocating for justice.
Ibuka-Netherlands has been instrumental in identifying and bringing to justice those responsible for the Genocide against the Tutsi.
Additionally, Christine championed efforts to secure the Dutch government’s support for constructing a Genocide memorial to serve as a site for remembrance.
As a result of her advocacy, on April 19, 2023, a memorial for the Genocide against the Tutsi was inaugurated in the Netherlands.
At the time, she emphasized the significance of the memorial for herself, fellow genocide survivors, and anyone concerned with this history, highlighting its global importance.
“This memorial will help counter genocide denial and serve as an educational resource. It will be a place where we can find solace and remember our loved ones,” she stated.
“This is a major milestone for Ibuka-Netherlands. The Netherlands was the last country in Western Europe without a memorial for the Genocide against the Tutsi, despite having significantly contributed to justice efforts.”
The envoy made the remarks in a statement released after completing his diplomatic visit to Rwanda, where he held high-level discussions with government officials and international partners regarding the crisis in eastern DRC.
During his visit to Rwanda, Borgstam met with President Paul Kagame, Minister of Defence Juvenal Marizamunda, and Gen. (Rtd.) Kabarebe, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs in Charge of Regional Cooperation.
Borgstam expressed concern over the escalation of conflict in eastern Congo, particularly the war involving M23 and Congolese coalition forces, including the FDLR militia, which consists of remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
Addressing Rwanda’s concerns about the genocidal group that continues to threaten its security, Borgstam stressed that the apprehensions must be respected. He also noted that the ethnic persecution of communities, particularly the Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese in the east—which constitutes a central grievance of M23—must be addressed.
“We reiterate the responsibility of the DRC government to dismantle the FDLR militia. Additionally, we strongly condemn the rise of ethnic hate speech, which must be addressed by all governments in the region,” he stated.
At the same time, the EU reaffirmed its support for African-led peace initiatives, stressing that there is no military solution to the crisis.
“We welcome the outcome of the EAC-SADC summit of February 8 and encourage all parties to engage in constructive dialogue,” Borgstam stated.
Borgstam’s remarks on the FDLR come even as the M23 rebel group, which recently captured Goma and Bukavu, handed over Brigadier General Gakwerere Ezechiel, a senior member of the DRC-based FDLR genocidal militia, along with 13 other fighters, to Rwandan authorities on Saturday, March 1.
Among those transferred were senior FDLR officer Major Ndayambaje Gilbert and several junior fighters.
Brig. Gen. Gakwerere, who was dressed in a newly issued uniform of the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC), is known by multiple aliases, including Sibomana Stany, Julius Mokoko, and Sibo Stany. His capture, along with other FDLR members, has raised fresh concerns about the DRC’s alleged support for the militia, which Kigali has long accused of seeking to destabilize Rwanda.
Speaking at the border, Colonel Joseph Mwesigye, Commander of the Rwanda Defence Force’s 509th Brigade, dismissed claims that the FDLR is an aging, ineffective group with no operational capacity.
“You can see there are young people among them. Some claim the FDLR consists only of old men who are no longer a threat, but this shows otherwise. The ideology of genocide does not fade with age,” he asserted.
He further stated that the capture of these fighters provides concrete evidence that the FDLR remains active, despite Congolese authorities’ claims that the group is no longer a major force.
The FDLR fighters handed over were among those captured during clashes with the M23 in Goma and surrounding areas. While some fighters have fled to areas such as Walikale and Virunga National Park, reports indicate that others are taking refuge in UN military facilities in North Kivu Province.
Brig. Gen. Gakwerere has a long and notorious history. Born in 1964 in Rukara Commune, Kibungo Prefecture—now part of Rwanda’s Kayonza District—he played a key role in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
As a Lieutenant at the time, Gakwerere was stationed at the Non-Commissioned Officers School (ESO) in Butare, where he worked closely with Captain Ildephonse Nizeyimana, a key architect of the Butare massacres.
Reports indicate that he led a notorious group known as the “New Formula”, responsible for mass killings at roadblocks and various locations in Butare. He is also accused of involvement in the murder of Queen Rosalie Gicanda on April 20, 1994, as well as the killing of Jean Baptiste Habyarimana, the former Governor of Butare Prefecture.
During a parliamentary session on February 26, Lord Collins had claimed that Rwanda’s Foreign Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe had “actively denied and refuted” accusations of Rwanda’s involvement with the ADF during their meeting in Geneva.
The British minister, however, later admitted that the remarks were false in a private message to Rwanda’s Foreign Minister and pledged to send a letter to the House of Lords to correct the record.
The retraction follows strong criticism from Rwanda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, which summoned the UK High Commissioner in Kigali over the remarks.
In the meeting with the UK envoy, Rwanda dismissed the statement as false, stating that the ADF was never discussed in the meeting in Geneva. The terrorist group recently killed 70 people in a church in Lubero, North Kivu in eastern DR Congo.
Rwanda condemned the comments as misleading and irresponsible, accusing the UK minister of fueling misinformation and undermining ongoing peace efforts in the region.
“It is dangerous and irresponsible for the UK Minister for Africa to make these comments that mislead the public, fuel the DRC propaganda machine and entertain conspiracy theories, as well as undermine the ongoing African-led peace process,” the ministry said in a statement on Saturday.
The government further rejected any suggestion of ties to the ADF, emphasizing that Rwanda is actively combating terrorism alongside Mozambican forces in Cabo Delgado.
While Lord Collins has acknowledged the mistake, Rwanda insists that a private message and a letter to the House of Lords are insufficient.
The Rwandan government has formally requested a public correction and an official apology from the UK government.
Rwanda’s ties with the UK have faced a strain following Britain’s move to push for sanctions against Kigali. The measures stem from allegations that Rwanda is involved in the ongoing conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo, where M23 rebels are battling the Congolese army.
Rwanda has repeatedly denied the claims, insisting that the M23 rebels are Congolese citizens fighting against decades of persecution and marginalisation of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities. Rwanda has also accused the international community of ignoring the root causes of the conflict, thereby hampering efforts to fully resolve it.
With increasing interest from travelers in Southern Europe, Asia, and Africa, Rwanda offers a range of experiences, from gorilla trekking in Volcanoes National Park to eco-lodges and cultural heritage sites.
The country’s approach to sustainable tourism and conservation will be a key focus during the event.
This year’s theme, “The Power of Transition Lives Here,” highlights how the industry is adapting to new opportunities and challenges.
ITB Berlin provides a valuable platform for Rwanda to engage with tour operators, investors, and travel professionals, fostering new partnerships and collaborations.
{{Visit Rwanda Stand: Hall 21, Stand 112}}
{{Photos showing Rwanda’s participation at a past trade show}}
The prophecy originates from a mysterious text called ‘The Prophecy of the Popes,’ attributed to St. Malachy, an Irish archbishop who claimed to have received a vision during a visit to Rome in 1139.
This vision allegedly revealed the names and characteristics of 109 future popes, ending with a chilling prediction about the final pontiff.
Of the last pope, the prophecy states: “In the final persecution of the Holy Roman Church, there will reign Peter the Roman, who will feed his flock amid many tribulations, after which the seven-hilled city will be destroyed and the dreadful Judge will judge the people. The End.”
Pope Francis, as the 109th pope since St. Malachy’s prophecy was written, fits this description, raising anxiety that his death could fulfill the prophecy.
While many scholars question the authenticity of The Prophecy of the Popes, some aspects of St. Malachy’s predictions have been remarkably accurate.
Author Robert Howells, who has extensively researched the Catholic Church’s secrets, delves into these prophecies in his book The Last Pope. According to Howells, the accuracy of some descriptions cannot be easily dismissed.
“Malachy wrote the prophecies in the 12th century and gave them to Pope Innocent II in 1139. He listed 109 remaining popes, ending with the last one, Peter the Roman. It’s the only description in the prophecy with more than a few words,” Howells explains. “
Skeptics argue that the prophecy remained hidden in the Vatican archives until its publication in 1559, leaving room for potential embellishments. However, Howells points to examples that align with historical events.
For instance, Pope Benedict XV, who reigned from 1914 to 1922, was described by Malachy as “religion depopulated.” During his papacy, World War I claimed 20 million lives, the 1918 Spanish flu devastated Europe, and the Bolshevik Revolution spread atheism across Russia, an apt reflection of the phrase.
Similarly, Pope John Paul II, who served from 1978 to 2005, was called a “shining star.” His papal coat of arms prominently featured a shining star, lending further credence to the prophecy’s eerie accuracy.
According to Howells, such specific details are difficult to attribute to coincidence, particularly in cases where historical events align perfectly with Malachy’s brief descriptions.
Some Popes have even tried to fit themselves into the prophecy. In 1958, Cardinal Spellman sailed a boat filled with sheep down the Tiber River to match the prophecy’s reference to a “shepherd and mariner.”
Yet, as Howells emphasizes, the prophecy’s true power lies in instances where historical circumstances unfolded independently of Vatican influence.
Despite the intrigue surrounding St. Malachy’s visions, the Vatican maintains a strict policy of neither confirming nor denying the authenticity of prophecies. Nevertheless, the fact remains that Pope Francis is the 109th pontiff since the prophecy’s creation, leading many to wonder if his death could mark the beginning of the end.
Howells remains open-minded about how the prophecy could manifest. He suggests that the destruction of Rome may not necessarily involve a cataclysmic event. Instead, it could symbolize the weakening of the Catholic Church’s influence, driven by declining faith worldwide and a dwindling number of new priests.
“It says, ‘In the final persecution of the Holy Roman Church, there will reign Peter the Roman, who will feed his flock amid many tribulations, after which the seven-hilled city will be destroyed,’” Howells notes.
“That suggests that Rome itself could be affected by war, an earthquake, or even a comet, which was a common concern when the prophecy was written.” While the prophecy’s wording hints at apocalyptic scenarios, Howells cautions against interpreting it too literally.
“The destruction could be a thousand years away. It may simply mean that Pope Francis is the last pope on Malachy’s list, not necessarily that his death will trigger the end of the world.” he says.
Whether one views The Prophecy of the Popes as divine foresight or medieval forgery, the ongoing health crisis of Pope Francis adds an unsettling layer to the ancient text.
With history providing examples that seemingly align with Malachy’s descriptions, the question remains: Could the death of Pope Francis fulfill a prophecy nearly 900 years in the making?
The handover ceremony took place at the Rwanda-DRC border on March 1, 2025, with the group proceeding to Rubavu via the main border crossing (La Corniche).
Brig. Gen. Gakwerere, who was wearing a new uniform of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s Armed Forces (FARDC), is also known by other names, including Sibomana Stany, Julius Mokoko, and Sibo Stany.
Colonel Joseph Mwesigye, the Commander of the Rwanda Defence Force’s 509th Brigade, who received the fighters, stated that those found to have committed crimes would be prosecuted, while the others would be taken to the Mutobo demobilization and reintegration center.
“We will hand them over to the relevant authorities, who will investigate each one. If anyone is found to have committed genocide-related crimes, they will face justice. If there are other criminal charges, the appropriate institutions will handle them, and the rest will be transferred to Mutobo,” he said.
The Government of Rwanda has long accused the DRC of collaborating with the FDLR by providing weapons and other support, despite the group’s objective to destabilize Rwanda.
Addressing the media, Col. Mwesigye remarked, “You can see there are young people among them. Some claim the FDLR consists only of old men who are no longer a threat, but this shows otherwise. The ideology of genocide does not fade with age.”
He further emphasized that the capture of these fighters is clear evidence that the FDLR is still active, despite the DRC’s claims that the group only consists of elderly members or no longer exists.
The FDLR fighters handed over to Rwanda were among those captured during clashes with M23 in Goma and surrounding areas. Others have fled to regions such as Walikale and the Virunga National Park, while some are reportedly hiding within United Nations military facilities in North Kivu Province.
Brig. Gen. Gakwerere was born in 1964 in Rukara Commune, Kibungo Prefecture—now part of Kayonza District in Rwanda’s Eastern Province.
During the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, Gakwerere held the rank of Lieutenant and served at the Non-Commissioned Officers School (ESO) in Butare, where he was a trusted associate of Captain Ildephonse Nizeyimana, the Deputy Commander.
Reports indicate that Gakwerere was tasked with leading a group of soldiers known as the “New Formula,” who were responsible for killing many Tutsi at roadblocks and other locations in Butare.
Gakwerere is also accused of being among the soldiers sent by Capt. Nizeyimana to the residence of Queen Rosalie Gicanda on April 20, 1994, where she was killed. He is further implicated in the death of Jean Baptiste Habyarimana, the former Governor of Butare Prefecture.
Charles Ouma, Uganda’s deputy solicitor general, and Mark Mulwabo from Tanzania’s Office of the solicitor general argued before a panel of five EACJ judges in Kigali, Rwanda, early this week that the appeal should be dismissed. They described it as a waste of national resources and a potential precedent for similar lawsuits.
The appeal was filed in December 2024 by the Africa Institute for Energy Governance (AFIEGO), the Centre for Food and Adequate Living Rights (CEFROHT), Natural Justice, and the Centre for Strategic Litigation from Kenya and Tanzania. This marks their second attempt to block the multi-billion-dollar project.
In November 2023, the EACJ’s First Instance Court dismissed a similar case filed by the CSOs in 2020, ruling that it was time-barred. The court maintained that the CSOs should have filed their case in 2017, when the two governments signed the Host Government Agreements, rather than in 2020.
In the appeal, the five judges of the Appellate Division of the EACJ, who heard the case on February 24, contended that the lower court had unfairly focused on the timeline, overlooking critical issues, including the risks to ecosystems.
They also argued that dismissing the case with costs was unjust, as it had been filed in the public interest by non-profit organizations for the benefit of all East African Community (EAC) member states. The appellants requested that the judgment be reversed.
The panel, led by Justice Nestor Kayobera, listened to arguments from both the appellants’ and respondents’ lawyers as part of determining whether the case merits further consideration or should remain dismissed, as the lower court ruled.
Justin Ssemuyaba, representing the appellants, informed the court that the claim that the suit was time-barred was invalid. He explained that the inter-governmental and host Ggvernment agreements related to EACOP were signed confidentially, preventing the CSOs from knowing about the agreements and challenging them in time.
Ouma, on behalf of Uganda’s government, stated that the case should be dismissed to avoid wasting national resources and to prevent setting a precedent for similar suits. He added that the appellants had known about the key agreements and should have refrained from filing the case.
Mulwabo, of Tanzania argued that the appellants could have challenged the project’s Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA) reports, which the two governments had already committed to, rather than contesting agreements that were already in place.
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The EACOP project}}
The EACOP project, described by the governments as unstoppable, is a 1,443-kilometre heated pipeline running from Hoima in Uganda to Tanga in Tanzania. It will transport Uganda’s crude oil, which is expected to be extracted starting in 2027.
The project is being developed by four partners: Total Energies (62% stake), China National Oil Company (CNOOC) (8%), Uganda National Oil Company, and Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (15% each).
The decision was reached at a high-level regional meeting held early this week in Juba, South Sudan, on where Permanent, Principal, and Undersecretaries responsible for ICT infrastructure convened to review the progress of the ambitious satellite project.
The meeting was chaired by Dr. Aminah Zawedde, Permanent Secretary of Uganda’s Ministry of ICT & National Guidance, and attended by representatives from Kenya, Rwanda, South Sudan, and Uganda.
The initiative, first directed by Heads of State at the 14th NCIP Summit, is seen as a cost-effective solution to address challenges in Digital Terrestrial Television (DTT) access, rural broadband connectivity, and regional broadcasting services.
With Africa’s rapid digital transformation, the satellite will serve as a cornerstone for connectivity, e-governance, and digital services, reducing reliance on expensive foreign satellite services.
Dr. Zawedde reaffirmed the region’s commitment to regional digital transformation, aligning the satellite project with Uganda’s National Development Plan priorities, known as ATMS (Agro-industrialization, Tourism, Mineral Development, and Science & Technology plus ICT).
“We are fully committed to coordinating and monitoring the progress of this strategic initiative, ensuring that the Heads of State directives on ICT integration within NCIPs are effectively implemented,” she stated.
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The meeting endorsed the satellite project and tasked technical teams with finalizing the roadmap and mobilization of funding for a feasibility study. Member states noted that existing regulatory frameworks are favorable for satellite establishment, with flexibility for future amendments if necessary.
The satellite is expected to provide affordable, high-quality broadband internet for schools, healthcare facilities, businesses, and rural communities, bridging the digital divide and fostering economic growth, digital inclusion, and regional stability.
The Northern Corridor, linking Uganda, South Sudan, Rwanda, Burundi, and the DRC to Kenya’s Port of Mombasa, serves a growing population of over 120 million people.
The satellite project, introduced as a directive at the 3rd NCIP Summit, aligns with broader regional ICT infrastructure goals, ensuring East Africa remains at the forefront of technological advancements and economic integration.
The meeting turned chaotic when Zelenskyy argued that Russian President Vladimir Putin could not be trusted. This statement came after Trump and his Vice President J.D. Vance insisted Ukraine needed to compromise to achieve peace.
Trump, visibly angered, lashed out at Zelenskyy, accusing him of jeopardizing global stability. “You’re gambling with World War Three,” Trump repeatedly told Zelenskyy. “With us, you have the cards. Without us, you don’t have the cards.”
Vice President Vance also joined in, demanding gratitude from the Ukrainian leader. “Have you said thank you, once, in this entire meeting?” he asked, referencing US support for Ukraine.
He further criticized Zelenskyy for campaigning against Trump’s party in Pennsylvania, adding, “Offer some words of appreciation for the United States of America and the president who’s trying to save your country.”
The Ukrainian Ambassador to the US appeared visibly distressed, burying her face in her hands during the exchange.
The shouting match, which erupted about 40 minutes into the meeting, nearly derailed the ongoing ceasefire discussions. However, the leaders later held private talks and returned for a calmer press conference.
The tension escalated further when Trump implied that future US support for Ukraine hinged on signing a minerals deal.
Zelenskyy had been scheduled to finalize the agreement and share lunch with Trump. Instead, his armored SUV pulled up to the West Wing shortly after Trump posted on social media, indicating that he had cut off discussions.
“I have determined that President Zelenskyy is not ready for peace if America is involved, because he feels our involvement gives him a big advantage in negotiations,” Trump wrote.
Following the abrupt end to his US visit, Zelenskyy posted a message on X expressing gratitude. “Thank you, America,” he wrote, while emphasizing Ukraine’s need for lasting peace.
Despite the contentious meeting and the failed minerals agreement, Zelenskyy found strong support back home. Ukrainian leaders praised his steadfastness. “Unwavering commitment to Ukraine’s interests and devotion to his country. This is what we saw today in the United States,” Vice Prime Minister Oleksii Kuleba posted on Telegram.
Serhii Lysak, head of Ukraine’s eastern Dnipropetrovsk region, echoed this sentiment. “In the fight for the fate of the country, fundamentally unshakable. Unquestioning support for Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Endurance to our leader. We believe in the President. We believe in Ukraine.”
Despite Trump’s harsh words, he left the door open for future negotiations. “He can come back when he is ready for peace,” Trump said after the meeting.
The failed discussions mark a significant setback for US-Ukraine relations, leaving uncertainty over future support and diplomatic ties as the war with Russia rages on.
The exhibition, running from February 22 to March 2, 2025, was officially inaugurated by French President Emmanuel Macron.
This year, 28 Rwandan companies registered, with 20 making it to the event up from 18 that participated last year, a testament to the increasing participation of Rwandan businesses in international trade fairs.
“This is the fourth time Rwanda has participated in the Paris International Agricultural Show, which brings together numerous exhibitors from around the world. We are pleased that Rwandans have also taken part in this event,” Amb. Nkulikiyimfura said.
The envoy praised the exhibitors for their dedication, noting that several had already secured contracts with French distributors.
“We appreciate their presence, as they showcased excellent products, and many successfully signed contracts. Those we engaged with expressed great satisfaction with the benefits they are gaining from this exhibition,” he added.
Amb. Nkulikiyimfura also acknowledged the improvement in marketing efforts compared to previous years, highlighting the exhibitors’ proactive approach in reaching out to distributors and importers.
The ambassador expressed confidence in the future of Rwandan exports in Europe and thanked RDB, NAEB, and the embassy team for their support in facilitating Rwanda’s participation.
Among the exhibitors, Nzungize Keza Anita, Sales and Marketing Manager at COOPAC LTD, a coffee export company, is attending for the fourth time since 2022.
She emphasized the event’s significance in meeting consumers and expanding their market reach. She also expressed gratitude to the Rwandan government, NAEB, and the Rwandan Embassy in France for their support in ensuring a seamless experience at the exhibition.
Niyindorera Guershom, CEO of Aubin Produce International, shared his excitement about showcasing beetroot wine and honey-based liquor, which have drawn significant attention from French consumers.
“This country has thousands of varieties of wine, but our product gains attention whenever we bring it here. People appreciate the honey liquor because it retains the natural honey taste, attracting many consumers and helping us expand our market reach,” he noted.
The company, which also exports honey and avocado oil, views the trade fair as a vital networking platform to connect with potential buyers. He also thanked RwandAir for its role in facilitating the transportation of products.
Sangwa Jean Roger, founder of Iwacu Boutique, an online marketplace specializing in Rwandan agricultural products, highlighted how the platform responds to consumer demands for authentic Rwandan products.
“We were delighted to engage with Rwandan exporters and will help bring their products to a wider market. Iwacu means ‘home’ and reflects the idea of making Rwandans abroad and others revive memories of the boutiques they shopped at back home,” he said.
Ann Christin Ishimwe, Head of Sales & Marketing at Kinazi Cassava Plant Ltd, emphasized the trade fair’s importance in promoting their high-quality cassava flour. She noted that securing contracts with distributors would enable their products to reach European consumers and thanked the government for its continuous support in promoting Rwandan exports.
Niwemugore Djamilla from 3N Farms Ltd expressed excitement about showcasing Nikezz, a pure honey brand sourced from Rwanda’s natural forests. “We are glad to be here and thank the government of Rwanda for facilitating our participation,” she stated.
Ritha Umutoni, Founder and CEO of RIXU Rwanda Coffee, participating for the third time, cited valuable engagements with coffee traders, distributors, and consumers. She remained optimistic about securing new deals and praised Rwanda’s leadership for empowering women entrepreneurs to enter international markets confidently.
Meanwhile, Rukemampunzi Willy from Mahembe Coffee, attending for the fourth time, commended the opportunity to connect with new distributors and importers, fostering optimism for increased sales. He emphasized the importance of working closely with local farmers to ensure quality coffee production and thanked the organizers for facilitating Rwanda’s presence at the event.
With increasing participation and positive outcomes, Rwandan exhibitors remain confident in their ability to expand their footprint in international markets. As Rwanda continues to position itself as a key player in the global agricultural sector, events like the Paris International Agricultural Show serve as crucial platforms for growth, trade, and market expansion.
