A total of 123 police officers have been injured during protests, Yerlikaya said on the social media platform X.
Yerlikaya emphasized that, according to Article 34 of the Constitution, “everyone has the right to organize unarmed and unaggressive meetings and demonstrations without prior permission,” but noted that this right is “restricted by law for the purposes of national security, public order, crime prevention, protection of public health and morality, or the rights and freedoms of others.”
The recent protests have gone beyond peaceful demonstrations, with certain groups abusing the right and attempting to exploit the situation to disrupt public order and attack law enforcement forces, said the minister.
“We invite our citizens to be careful against such provocations and to act with common sense,” he added.
Tens of thousands of Turks have taken to the streets since March 19 after Imamoglu was detained on charges of graft and aiding a terrorist group.
Imamoglu, from the main opposition Republican People’s Party, is considered President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s main rival in the next presidential elections.
Han, who served as co-chief executive and oversaw the company’s consumer electronics and mobile devices divisions, died in the hospital after suffering from cardiac arrest.
Joining Samsung in 1988, Han dedicated much of his career to TV-related divisions, helping the company become the global leader in television manufacturing. In 2022, he was appointed co-vice chairman and CEO.
Han was expected to attend a significant Samsung event unveiling new home appliances on Wednesday.
As one of the world’s largest technology companies, Samsung thrives in both components and finished consumer products, with separate CEOs leading major divisions like semiconductors.
All divisions operate under the overarching leadership of third-generation corporate heir and chairman, Lee Jae-yong.
Goldberg first received a connection request on Signal from a user named “Michael Waltz,” which seemed to be the U.S. National Security Advisor, though he wasn’t sure at the time.
Two days later, he was added to a group chat called “Houthi PC Small Group,” where messages from “Waltz” revealed details about the operation, including targets, weapons, and attack sequencing.
Initially doubtful about the chat’s authenticity, Goldberg became convinced as the conversation contained accurate and detailed information.
After the airstrikes occurred as planned, he reached out to U.S. officials for confirmation. National Security Council spokesperson Brian Hughes confirmed the incident and stated they were investigating how Goldberg was added.
The incident raised serious concerns about security and operational discretion. Senate Armed Services Committee member Jack Reed and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer criticized the breach, calling it dangerous and a sign of incompetence.
Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth dismissed the claims, calling Goldberg “deceitful” and denying the leak of war plans. The White House, however, expressed confidence in the national security team.
The targeted intersections for this upgrade are Gishushu, Chez Lando, and Sonatube.
In addition to the intersection upgrades, a joint Rwanda-Burundi development project, known as BRIDEP, has also commenced. This project will focus on building major roads to enhance connectivity between the two countries.
The total cost of these projects is estimated at $360 million, equivalent to over 514 billion Rwandan Francs. The upgrade of the intersections alone will require an investment of $100 million, or more than 142 billion Rwandan Francs.
Funding for these initiatives comes from a loan provided by the African Development Bank (AfDB) and the Government of Japan, with repayment scheduled over 25 years.
As part of the Kigali Urban Transport Improvement Project (KUTI), the upgrades aim to enhance the city’s transportation system, ease traffic flow and improve overall mobility.
At the Chez Lando intersection, a new road will be constructed beneath the existing one, allowing vehicles travelling from Gishushu to Kigali International Airport at Kanombe to pass under the current road. The existing road will remain for use by other vehicles. Vehicles coming from the gravel road towards Amahoro Stadium will travel above the new road, helping to alleviate congestion at this busy intersection.
At the Gishushu intersection, a flyover bridge will be built starting from the Simba Supermarket area. This flyover will cater to regular vehicles, while buses will use a separate route beneath the bridge. The bridge is expected to be at least 500 meters long.
Meanwhile, the Sonatube intersection will feature an underground tunnel, running from the Ministry of Health building to the site of the former University of Tourism, Technology, and Business (UTB). This tunnel will span 620 meters.
On December 4, 2024, the AfDB approved a $100 million loan to support the Rwandan government’s efforts to improve public transport in Kigali. The RTDA indicates that the project is slated for completion within five years from the approval of the loan.
Gihoza Mivugo François, RTDA’s Project Implementation Manager, emphasized that the upgrade will significantly ease traffic congestion in Kigali, especially during peak hours.
He said, “These intersections are notorious for heavy congestion, particularly in the mornings, evenings, and sometimes even at noon. It’s a major issue when commuters are stuck in traffic for an hour. This project will help resolve this problem and improve the daily commute for many people.”
As for BRIDEP, Mivugo highlighted that the project will also include the construction of new roads to enhance trade connectivity within Rwanda, covering a total of 215 kilometers. This includes the renovation of the Ngororero-Musanze-Cyanika road, the Bugarama-Bweyeye road, and the much-needed upgrade of the road from Ngororero to Rutsiro, which has deteriorated significantly and hindered trade.
Other key infrastructure projects under BRIDEP include the construction of a port at Kirambo in Nyamasheke, and enhanced monitoring of transportation routes on Lake Kivu to prevent accidents. Additionally, studies will be conducted on water conservation initiatives for Rwanda’s rivers, aimed at ensuring sustainable resource usage.
The Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Infrastructure, Abimana Fidele, noted that BRIDEP will play a pivotal role in improving regional connectivity with neighbouring countries like Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Uganda.
“This will be particularly important for areas lacking paved roads, such as the Cyanika-Musanze-Ngororero route. This road, along with other critical infrastructure, will better connect Ngororero, Nyabihu, Musanze, and Burera districts. The Bugarama-Bweyeye road will also improve cross-border trade with Burundi,” he explained.
Aissa Touré, the AfDB Country Director for Rwanda, praised the project, noting that it will not only improve transportation but also contribute to economic growth and job creation.
“These projects will have a lasting positive impact on the region, boosting trade and creating new economic opportunities,” she said.
The proposed road plans for Kigali reveal significant upgrades to the intersections at Chez Lando, Gishushu, and Sonatube. These upgrades will include dedicated lanes for buses, cyclists, pedestrians, and individuals with disabilities, ensuring a more inclusive and efficient transportation network for the city.
The generous donation was made on Saturday, March 22, 2025. In addition to offering health coverage, church members actively participated in a community blood donation drive and distributed clothing and food to local residents.
Rucyahana Joy, the leader of Worship Harvest Church, emphasized that supporting underprivileged communities is a core mission of the church, with similar initiatives taking place every month.
“We regularly engage in charitable activities, but this time was special because we wanted to go beyond our usual efforts. Everyone may need blood at some point—it could be you, your child, a parent, a spouse, a neighbour, or a friend,” Rucyahana stated.
She further encouraged people to recognize the importance of blood donation and to help raise awareness among those who may not yet understand its significance.
“You can ask doctors if there has ever been a time when blood banks had a surplus and stopped accepting donations. That never happens because the demand for blood only continues to grow. This is why blood banks are never full,” she added.
Rucyahana concluded by expressing gratitude to the residents who participated in the initiative and willingly donated blood.
The beneficiaries warmly appreciated Worship Harvest’s support and were equally pleased to contribute to saving lives through blood donation.
Ndayisaba Thomas, one of the recipients, remarked, “Donating blood has no negative effects, and you lose nothing by doing it. When you donate, you are giving someone a chance at life.”
He also expressed gratitude to Worship Harvest for the clothing and shoes he received, emphasizing that such generous acts greatly benefit the less fortunate.
Batamuriza Jeanne, another resident of Gahanga Sector, shared her joy over the assistance provided, including health insurance coverage, food, and clothing.
“They have truly helped us, but what’s even more fulfilling is that we also had the opportunity to give back. We are constantly reminded that donating blood is a noble act because anyone might need it one day,” she said.
Worship Harvest Church is widely recognized for its philanthropic efforts, including sponsoring school fees for underprivileged children, providing school supplies, building homes for those in need, and covering health insurance costs for vulnerable families.
In a statement released on Monday, M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka criticized the FARDC and its coalition forces for failing to withdraw their drones despite prior commitments.
Kanyuka stated that the move had delayed the withdrawal of the rebel fighters from the town.
“Contrary to what was stated in the press release of Sunday, March 23, 2025, the FARDC and its coalition forces have not withdrawn their attack drones from Walikale. This situation is delaying the repositioning of AFC/M23 forces in the area,” Kanyuka said.
He further emphasized that the continued presence of the drones constitutes a “major obstacle to compliance with the ceasefire” and warned that it could jeopardize ongoing peace initiatives.
The development comes just days after the AFC/M23 announced on Saturday its decision to withdraw from Walikale. According to Kanyuka, the withdrawal was a “strategic decision aimed at creating a favourable environment for political dialogue.”
M23 seized control of Walikale on March 19, 2025, including the vital Kigoma airstrip, after capturing nearby areas such as Ngora, Kisima, and Mubanda.
Despite the withdrawal decision, Kanyuka called on local authorities and residents to maintain security in the area. He issued a stern warning that M23 would reconsider its decision and retake the city if Congolese forces resumed attacks on civilians or M23 positions.
Belgium is said to have deployed troops, tanks, and drones to the DRC on March 17 in a mission to train and reinforce the Congolese army (FARDC), the Wazalendo militia, and the FDLR in their ongoing campaign against AFC/M23 rebels, who control vast territories in the country’s eastern region.
While the official line states that Belgian troops are in the DRC for training purposes, reports indicate that between 300 and 400 Belgian commandos could engage directly in combat alongside the Congolese forces, which have struggled to regain control of lost regions despite support from European mercenaries.
Belgian troops have established their base at Lwama Camp in Kindu, the capital of Maniema Province. From there, they are set to train Congolese military instructors from the 31st Brigade of the Rapid Reaction Units (URR), a force previously trained by Belgium between 2008 and 2017.
The European Union recently provided €20 million in funding to ‘equip and restore’ the brigade’s infrastructure, though Congolese media outlet Actualite deleted an article referencing the financial package on March 14, raising questions about the true allocation of these funds.
Adding to the intrigue, flight tracking data from Flightradar24 shows that a Belgian Air Force Dassault Falcon 7X departed Belgium on March 17, landing in Kinshasa before proceeding to Kindu on March 18.
The aircraft then returned to Kinshasa the same day and departed for Brussels on March 20. Notably, it made another trip to Africa shortly after, landing in Bujumbura, Burundi, on March 21 before returning to Belgium the following day. The purpose of the trips remains undisclosed but appears to corroborate the troop deployment arrangement between Belgium and DRC authorities.
Belgium’s increasing military involvement in the DRC comes against the backdrop of close ties between Kinshasa and Brussels.
Belgium has consistently backed the Congolese government within the EU, particularly by lobbying for sanctions against Rwanda over claims of supporting the AFC/M23 rebels. In protest, Rwanda, which has repeatedly denied the claims, [severed diplomatic ties with Belgium ->https://en.igihe.com/news/article/rwanda-severs-ties-with-belgium-orders-diplomats-to-leave-within-48-hours] on March 17.
Analysts suggest that Belgium’s motivations extend beyond diplomatic support, with economic interests in DRC’s mineral wealth playing a significant role.
Moreover, Belgian politicians of Congolese descent, particularly from the Les Engagés party of Foreign Minister Maxime Prévost, have been actively pushing Kinshasa’s narrative within European institutions.
Despite presenting itself as a neutral mediator, Belgium’s latest actions raise concerns about its role in escalating the conflict. By reinforcing FARDC, which collaborates with the FDLR and Wazalendo militias—both accused of grave human rights violations—Brussels risks undermining regional peace efforts. The FDLR has been a major concern, with Rwanda accusing the group, formed by the perpetrators of the genocide against the Tutsi, of posing security threats and seeking regime change.
Many African leaders have advocated for dialogue as the only sustainable solution to the crisis, yet Belgium’s military involvement appears to contradict these calls.
Belgium was among the first Western nations to endorse Félix Tshisekedi’s contested victory in the 2023 DRC presidential elections, despite widespread allegations of electoral fraud. However, it has remained silent on Kinshasa’s governance failures, human rights abuses against Kinyarwanda-speaking communities, and reported plans by Tshisekedi to amend the Constitution to extend his rule.
As the conflict in eastern DRC intensifies, Belgium’s growing military footprint in the region could further complicate efforts to find a lasting resolution.
Observers warn that backing FARDC’s military approach rather than pushing for diplomatic engagement may not only escalate violence but could also backfire on Tshisekedi’s administration, prolonging instability in the region.
Nduhungirehe made these remarks on Sunday, March 24, 2025, during an interview with the national broadcaster, RBA, which discussed Rwanda’s foreign relations and diplomacy in current times.
Nduhungirehe explained that Rwanda made the decision to cut diplomatic ties with Belgium because of its continued efforts to push for international sanctions against Rwanda, accusing it of involvement in the security issues in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
He said that Belgium lobbied across the world, including in the European Union, the World Bank, and the United Nations, urging sanctions against Rwanda.
“Belgium has a history in this region, and it’s not a good one. It lobbied globally within the European Union, the World Bank, and the United Nations to push for sanctions against Rwanda. Wherever they went, they asked for sanctions against Rwanda, seeking to have other countries join them in isolating Rwanda,” he said.
He pointed out that due to Belgium’s historical role and influence in the region, it has a branch dedicated to following regional issues, making it an influential source of information for other countries, which tend to treat its reports as reliable.
Belgium’s campaign for sanctions against Rwanda also used the conflict between Russia and Ukraine as an example to persuade other countries to impose similar measures on Rwanda.
“They said, if Europe imposed sanctions on Russia for invading Ukraine, they should do the same for Rwanda because it’s alleged to have invaded Congo. Belgium pushed for this, which is why we took the measures we did. And in all the countries in the world, Belgium is the last country that should be commenting on issues in this region,” Nduhungirehe added.
He reinforced the point that Belgium, with its history and involvement, was in no position to comment on regional matters.
“When you look at Belgium’s history and see it coming back to request sanctions against Rwanda, if it was in their power, they would even stop the air we breathe. It is disappointing to see the Belgians doing such things, and this began even before the Goma conflict,” he said.
He further explained that when Europe began funding Rwanda’s military operations in Mozambique, Belgium tried to intervene and block this support.
{{Belgium’s resistance to change}}
Nduhungirehe stated that these actions reflect Belgium’s hostility towards Rwanda, which eventually led to the decision to sever diplomatic relations with the country.
“The time came when we had to cut ties because we could no longer maintain relations with a country that clearly had a malicious agenda to push for sanctions against us internationally,” he said.
He noted that Rwanda had initially paused its cooperation with Belgium, hoping that the country would understand the need for a shift in its approach. However, it remained obstinate, even passing a resolution in its Parliament calling for global sanctions against Rwanda.
This included the suspension of cooperation agreements, including those with the European Union regarding mining and other sectors, leading to a further escalation in the breakdown of relations.
Despite Rwanda’s decision to sever ties, Nduhungirehe indicated that Belgium continued to display inappropriate behavior. He pointed to the Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs publicly criticizing Rwanda’s president, accusing Rwanda of using historical narratives as a pretext for failing to uphold international laws regarding the sovereignty of other nations.
Nduhungirehe, however, countered this argument by pointing out that Rwanda’s sovereignty had been repeatedly violated by groups such as FDLR, the Congolese Army, RUD Urunana, and FLN over the years. These attacks had claimed lives, but Belgium had not taken any action or condemned these violations.
On March 24, 2025, the Office of the President of Angola clarified that this decision was made to allow the country, which currently leads the African Union (AU), to focus more on continental priorities.
Angola emphasized that its efforts would now concentrate on issues such as peace and security across the continent, infrastructure development, regional integration, the fight against pandemics, and promoting economic growth, social welfare, and justice.
The President’s Office further stated that, in collaboration with the AU Commission, a new country supported by both the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the East African Community (EAC) will soon be chosen to replace Angola in the mediation role.
Olusegun Obasanjo, Uhuru Kenyatta, and Hailemariam Desalegn, who have been tasked with assisting the peace talks, will also help in selecting Angola’s successor.
Angola’s mediation efforts began in 2022 when relations between the DRC and Rwanda worsened due to security-related conflicts. However, the talks stalled in December 2024 after the DRC refused to engage with the M23 armed group.
After meeting with DRC President Félix Tshisekedi on March 11, 2025, Angola’s President João Lourenço announced that direct negotiations between the DRC and M23 representatives would begin on March 18.
However, on March 17, M23 withdrew from the talks scheduled in Luanda due to sanctions imposed on its leaders by the European Union (EU) on the same day.
On the same day the talks were set to begin, Qatar’s Emir, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, convened a meeting in Doha with Presidents Paul Kagame of Rwanda and Félix Tshisekedi of the DRC.
The leaders expressed support for political dialogue between the conflicting parties, as endorsed by both the EAC and SADC.
In an interview with IGIHE, legal expert and political analyst Gatete Ruhumuliza discussed the implications of this decision.
He explained that severing diplomatic ties indicates a breakdown of communication.
“This shows that both sides tried and found no further reason to maintain relations. However, Rwandans with Belgian citizenship are allowed to stay in Rwanda with their belongings. This decision targets Belgium’s government, not Belgians,” he stated.
Some critics argue that such a decision was taken hastily and should have been preceded by dialogue and diplomatic mediation. However, Gatete believes the move delayed, given the historical context and its particular impact on Rwanda.
“This decision was long overdue. We have never had a good relationship with Belgium. Belgium came to Rwanda to help us achieve independence, but instead, they sowed ethnic division, fought against the Rwandan people who didn’t comply with their interests, and introduced oppression and forced labor, and many more evils.”
Gatete pointed out how Belgium played a significant role in dividing Rwandans, particularly through the manipulation of ethnic divisions.
“Belgium exacerbated ethnic divisions in Rwanda by favoring some groups over others, encouraging loyalty to their cause.”
When the Belgians arrived in Rwanda, they encountered a united nation with unique governance practices, making it challenging to impose their systems as they had done in other African countries.
This led them to try every means to weaken Rwandan unity, which was the foundation of the country’s stable governance.
Gatete emphasized, “The Belgians worked to undermine the unity of the Rwandan people because unity was the key to strong leadership, which would be an obstacle to their colonization ambitions.”
Belgium sought to disrupt Rwandan unity by attacking cultural practices, religious beliefs, and traditional leadership structures.
Among the cultural aspects they fought against, he cited ‘Umuganura,’ a cultural festival that united Rwandans.
They also fought against Rwandans’ religious practices, changing their names and attempting to dismantle key societal structures.
King Yuhi V Musinga, who was responsible for safeguarding Rwandan unity, noticed the harmful intentions of the Belgians and refused to align with them.
This ultimately led to his exile to Moba in what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
“King Yuhi V Musinga was the protector of Rwandan unity, and he refused to collaborate with those who sought to divide us,” Gatete explained.
Following Musinga’s exile, his son, King Mutara III Rudahigwa, succeeded him and was baptized, signaling his willingness to cooperate with Belgium.
However, it didn’t take long for him to realize that their efforts to divide the people would bring ruin to Rwanda.
For example, Belgium attempted to segregate Tutsi children for education, but King Rudahigwa rejected this.
“King Rudahigwa rejected Belgium’s divide-and-rule tactics and continued to support the Rwandan people,” Gatete noted.
After his murder, Belgium’s colonial rule in Rwanda ultimately set the stage for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. The Belgian authorities favored the Hutu extremists, which exacerbated ethnic divisions.
After Rwanda’s independence, Belgium continued its support of those who promoted the ideology of division, including the Parmehutu ideology that led to the systematic persecution of the Tutsi population.
Even after the genocide, Belgium continued to undermine Rwanda’s peace efforts by supporting genocide deniers and revisionist groups like Jambo ASBL.
Gatete highlighted how Belgium has been complicit in promoting genocide denial and spreading false narratives.
“Belgium has funded organizations that deny the genocide and spread lies about Rwanda’s history. Some members were also given roles in grassroots leadership. While their efforts to join the parliament remained futile, they benefited from Belgium’s support.”
Gatete also criticized Belgium’s role in promoting ethnicity under the guise of researching gender equality in Rwanda, where they propagated false reports by categorizing Rwandan leaders based on their ethnicity, perpetuating the same divisive tactics they had used during colonial rule.
“These studies were biased and designed to further divide Rwandans by emphasizing ethnic differences,” he explained.
Belgium’s persistent efforts to undermine Rwanda’s unity and peace have fueled the country’s ongoing challenges. Gatete emphasized that no foreign power has ever defeated Rwanda, and its strength lies in unity.
“When Rwandans are united, no one can defeat us. Our unity has allowed us to achieve progress, and that is the foundation of Rwanda’s success.”
This unity being the core of Rwanda’s progress, according to Gatete, is what President Paul Kagame has focused on in rebuilding Rwanda after the genocide.
Gatete also explained how international interests continue to play a role in destabilizing the region, citing the ongoing tensions between Rwanda and the DRC.
He noted that international powers benefit from dividing Rwanda and its neighbors because it makes it easier for them to maintain control.
