Her statement shared on X follows a controversial discussion initiated by President Félix Tshisekedi of the DRC on March 31, 2025, regarding what he referred to as “Genocide for Economic Gains.”
Tshisekedi claimed that over 10 million Congolese have suffered over the past three decades, blaming neighboring countries like Rwanda and armed groups such as M23 for the devastation. Tshisekedi stressed that the international community should recognize this alleged genocide.
“A week before the commemoration of the Genocide against the Tutsi, so-called leaders from the DRC have openly shown what we have long known: genocide denial has deep roots in DRC’s politics,” Nyombayire remarked.
Nyombayire pointed out the DRC government’s failures, where armed groups have been entrusted with leadership roles while the country’s political elite focused on personal enrichment by plundering national resources.
She also criticized the government’s tendency to externalize blame, rather than address internal problems.
“After decades as a failed state, delegating governance to armed groups because leaders are too busy stealing the nation’s resources to buy castles in Belgium, DRC has traded in threats of ‘à la moindre escarmouche’ for a new low: Inventing a genocide to cover up the truth of their own failures,” Nyombayire explained.
“The deaths that occurred and are still occurring today are the result of the inability to govern, to look beyond personal interest, and to protect citizens,” she added.
Nyombayire reminded the public that the same government now invoking the Genocide Convention was the one that integrated the genocidal group FDLR into its military forces, all while continuing to deny basic rights to its citizens, subjecting them to violence and even death based on their identity.
Since February 2025, leaders from the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have been working on solutions to bring peace to eastern DRC and the surrounding region.
However, Nyombayire emphasized that the DRC government continues to evade responsibility, turning victims into perpetrators and distracting from the essential work of finding a lasting solution.
Speaking on Sanny Ntayombya’s Long Form podcast, Rwabukumba revealed that a single government bond, costing just RWF 100,000 and yielding 11% annually, offers a low-risk way to beat bank savings rates and build long-term wealth.
“It’s as easy as opening a bank account,” he told the host.
According to Rwabukumba, a government bond at RWF 100,000 pays 11% a year—far outstripping the 8-9% interest typical savings accounts provide.
“Buy ten bonds for 1 million RWF, and every six months, you’d get about RWF 55,000 —totaling RWF 110,000 yearly,” he explained.
“After three years, you get your 1 million back,” he added.
Reinvesting the interest allows the magic of compounding to kick in, with the CEO disclosing that RWF 1 million doubles to 2 million in roughly six years and climbs toward 3 million in a decade.
For a young Rwandan making RWF 200,000 a month, Rwabukumba suggested setting aside RWF 50,000 regularly. That habit alone could accumulate to RWF 6 million in ten years.
“It’s not about the size of the savings,” he emphasized, “but the discipline behind it.”
While private bonds might tempt with 14% returns, he prefers the government variety for their safety.
“Sure, a government could go broke,” he acknowledged with a shrug, “but a nation keeps going—and Rwanda’s track record is solid.”
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Under Rwabukumba’s leadership, the Rwanda Stock Exchange has demonstrated robust demand. He highlighted that every initial public offering since the exchange’s inception in 2011 has been oversubscribed by at least threefold, citing examples like Bank of Kigali’s $100 million raise and Bralirwa’s RWF 17 billion listing.
“We’ve never seen an undersubscription,” he stated, underscoring the market’s strength.
However, secondary market activity remains subdued, with investors holding onto bonds and shares. This year’s trading volume reached RWF 100 billion, a significant increase from periods of near-zero activity in prior years, though liquidity remains a challenge.
Rwabukumba also noted the $500 million in annual remittances from Rwanda’s diaspora as a potential catalyst.
“That’s capital from our own citizens,” he explained, suggesting it could finance infrastructure projects like roads or the Bugesera Airport, reducing reliance on foreign aid.
He views this as a critical move toward economic self-sufficiency, driven by retail investor participation.
Rwabukumba outlined a streamlined process for investing in RWF 100,000 bond. The first step, he explained, is deciding to prioritize saving over spending—a foundational shift in financial behavior.
Next, investors must open a Central Securities Depository (CSD) account through one of the six active stockbrokers listed on rse.rw. The process is cost-free, requiring only an ID and two passport photos, and is accessible remotely, including for diaspora members.
The final step involves transferring RWF 100,000 to the broker’s client account during a Central Bank bond issuance, yielding RWF 5,500 semi-annually.
“The system is online and straightforward, with no in-person requirement,” he affirmed.
Retail investors benefit from priority access in Rwanda’s oversubscribed primary market, ahead of institutional buyers. Rwabukumba added that mobile-based transactions via USSD codes are in development, signaling further accessibility improvements.
Despite the opportunity, participation remains limited. Rwabukumba identified inadequate public awareness as a primary obstacle.
“The lack of effective communication means many don’t understand what’s available,” he observed.
He noted that spending patterns—such as high consumption in the last week of each month—or investments in non-liquid assets like undeveloped land divert capital from the market. By comparison, he praised savings cultures in other regions, where individuals allocate half their income to investment before discretionary spending.
With only 100,000 active investors against a population of 13 million, he warned that low engagement undermines wealth creation potential.
“Without market participation, financial growth will stall,” he remarked.
Rwabukumba emphasized that bonds are just the beginning. He explained that each bond purchase supports infrastructure development while generating returns, aligning individual and national interests.
The RSE is preparing to launch Real Estate Investment Trusts (REITs) to enable ownership in high-value properties like Kigali Towers, alongside Exchange-Traded Funds (ETFs) and Sharia-compliant instruments to attract Middle Eastern capital.
Dr. Francis Habumugisha, the company’s CEO, expressed his delight at receiving the prestigious accolade.
“This is a moment of great joy for us as a company. Our commitment to providing high-quality services and top-tier products is built on my 20 years of experience in the food supplements industry,” he said.
He attributed the award to the company’s dedication to customer satisfaction.
“Customers are our top priority. We ensure they receive high-quality, effective products that meet their needs,” he added.
Dr. Habumugisha emphasised that respecting customers means delivering exactly what is promised on product labels—whether it’s a remedy for a specific health concern or essential vitamins.
He also highlighted some of the company’s bestselling products that contributed to its recognition. These include Best Man Prime, which helps prevent prostate cancer in men, and Best Lady Care, which supports hormonal balance, uterine health, and libido enhancement in women.
Other popular supplements include Best Kids Brain Gummies, formulated to aid children’s growth and cognitive development. The company also offers Best Fish Oil, Best Fit & Detox Tea, Best X Power Coffee, and Best Brain Booster, all designed to promote overall well-being.
Reaffirming the company’s commitment to quality and reliability, Dr. Habumugisha announced plans to establish a manufacturing plant in Rwanda to produce supplements locally.
He also encouraged business owners interested in partnering with Mega Global Market to reach out, underscoring the company’s mission to provide premium products at affordable prices.
Employed by Ocean Heights Aviation Training Centre, an aviation school based in Entebbe, the pilots had been sent to South Kivu to evacuate personnel of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to Kampala.
According to Daily Monitor, the pilots were flying aboard an American-registered Cessna Caravan aircraft. As they approached Kavumu Airport in Bukavu at dusk, unknown assailants opened fire on the aircraft.
Despite the attack, the pilots managed to land the plane but were subsequently captured and taken to an undisclosed location.
The kidnappers later contacted the pilots’ handlers in Kampala, demanding an undisclosed ransom for their release.
Reports indicate that one of the pilots, a South Sudanese national, succumbed to his gunshot wounds over the weekend, while the Ugandan pilot sustained injuries but was successfully repatriated for treatment.
On March 31, Colonel Chris Magezi, the acting spokesperson for the Ugandan military, clarified that the pilots were civilians, refuting the earlier claims that suggested they were soldiers.
“These are civilians operating commercial charter services. The government of Uganda is following up on this matter through relevant diplomatic channels but the UPDF is not involved at all. However, we are concerned that our fellow citiens have been harmed in some place and we will do eveyrthing required if we are asked to provide any assistance,” he noted.
Addressing the press on Monday, March 31, 2025, David Amuor Majur, the President’s Press Secretary, termed the reports as unfounded.
Teny, a key political figure in South Sudan, was reportedly detained alongside her husband, Machar, who has been under house arrest following a deadly attack in the Upper Nile region.
Majur called the rumors “misleading” and urged the public to rely on official statements rather than unverified reports.
“This claim is false and does not accurately reflect the situation. The government of South Sudan respectfully refutes the assertion that Minister Angelina Teny is under house arrest,” Majur said.
Machar’s detention is related to ongoing investigations into the attack on March 7 that resulted in the deaths of General Majur Dak and several other individuals.
The South Sudanese government has faced significant scrutiny after Machar was placed under house arrest in the wake of the Nasir incident. The attack targeted a group attempting to board a United Nations helicopter for evacuation, prompting authorities to initiate investigations into potential militia involvement linked to Machar’s supporters.
During the Monday press briefing, the President’s Press Secretary also accused Kenya’s Special Envoy to South Sudan, Raila Odinga, of misrepresenting some facts following his recent visit to Juba.
Majur strongly refuted the claim that the South Sudanese government directed Raila to meet Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni after being denied a chance to meet Machar.
Majur insisted that Raila’s journey to Uganda was pre-arranged and not recommended by President Salva Kiir’s administration, as Odinga had stated during his interview upon landing back in Nairobi.
“Furthermore, the suggestion that His Excellency General Salva Kiir Mayardit, President of the Republic of South Sudan, requested the Right Honourable Raila Odinga to meet with the President of Uganda is misrepresenting diplomatic norms and principles,” Majur told the media.
“It is essential to clarify that the Right Honourable Odinga’s mission to Uganda was pre-arranged and not directly from the government of South Sudan,” he added.
The Kenyan government appointed Odinga as its special envoy to South Sudan amid rising tensions following Machar’s arrest on March 26.
Kenya’s President William Ruto, who has been actively involved in mediation efforts within the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) region, made the appointment after consulting with regional leaders, including Kiir, Museveni, and Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
Ruto stated that Odinga was tasked with engaging all parties to de-escalate the conflict and provide feedback on the situation.
The two leaders held an “open and cordial” discussion about the state of bilateral ties and the tensions that have accumulated in recent months, and reiterated their willingness to resume the fruitful dialogue established in August 2022, read a statement published by the Algerian Presidency on Facebook.
They agreed on the need for returning to an equal dialogue between the two countries, and for “the immediate resumption of cooperation on migration in a credible, smooth and effective manner,” read the statement.
“The Joint Commission of Historians will resume its work immediately and will meet soon in France,” with the outputs of its work and concrete proposals expected by this summer, read the statement.
The joint commission is what the two countries agreed to establish in 2022 in order to settle “the memory issue,” which refers to the French colonial rule starting from 1830 before Algeria won the eight-year independence war in 1962.
Bilateral judicial cooperation will also be resumed, with French Justice Minister Gerald Darmanin expected to visit Algeria in the near future, read the statement.
The two leaders stressed the importance of developing bilateral economic cooperation in future fields, read the statement, noting that Macron confirmed France’s support for revising the Algeria-EU partnership agreement, which Algiers has long criticized as unbalanced and serving primarily European interests.
During the call, Macron again urged Tebboune “to grant pardon” to jailed French-Algerian writer, Boualem Sansal, an 80-year-old who is sentenced to 5 years in prison on charges of “undermining national unity,” citing his age and health.
French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot will visit Algiers on April 6 to solidify progress, read the statement, adding that the two presidents agreed in principle to hold an in-person meeting in the near future.
The phone conversation came as the diplomatic rift between Algiers and Paris has deepened in recent months due to disagreements over immigration issues and policies, historical grievances, and France’s backing of Morocco in disputes over Western Sahara, among others.
Algeria has been urging the French government to recognize crimes conducted during the 132-year French colonial rule, a step seen by Algiers as essential for both nations to move beyond past grievances and establish stable and constructive ties.
On March 23, Algeria’s parliament established a commission to draft a law criminalizing the French colonial rule, a move deemed “historical” and backed by local lawmakers, historians, and legal experts.
Makolo was responding to DRC President Félix Tshisekedi, who, on March 31, 2025, accused “neighboring countries, including Rwanda,” and armed groups of contributing to the deaths of “over a million” Congolese people, claiming that these killings were targeted at a specific ethnic group.
“For all those who have died and continue to die in the DRC, the responsibility lies with the leaders of the DRC first and foremost. These leaders are the cause, and they must not look for pretexts or problems elsewhere. They are the problem,” Makolo said in a post shared on X on Monday, March 31, 2025.
The Rwandan government spokesperson emphasized that any change or solution in the DRC must come from within, stressing that the real issue is the leaders’ lack of will to address it.
“Any change or solution will also only come from within. The dead, the displaced, and the refugees in their millions can only be blamed on these Congolese leaders who to this day show no effort to address the issues, but persist in delusions of grandeur,” she added.
While Tshisekedi claims that Rwanda and other countries played a role in the deaths of over 10 million Congolese people, the spokesperson for the DRC forces, Major General Sylvain Ekenge Bomusa, has previously refuted these claims.
In an interview broadcast on state television on April 15, 2024, Major General Ekenge stated that the FDLR terrorist group was responsible for many of the Congolese deaths over the past 30 years.
“The FDLR attacks and kills Congolese people. Among the more than 10 million people who have died in the last 30 years, the FDLR has played a significant role in causing these deaths,” he said.
Various reports, including those from United Nations experts, indicate that the FDLR continued its killings in eastern DRC after its fighters participated in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
This terrorist group collaborates with the DRC government forces in fighting against the AFC/M23 coalition, which controls large areas in the east of the country. Tshisekedi even promised to support the FDLR in its mission to overthrow the Rwandan government.
When questioned about this collaboration, Tshisekedi claims that the FDLR is a weak group made up of elderly individuals with few fighters who do not pose a real threat to Rwanda. However, it has been repeatedly observed that some of those captured by AFC/M23 include young recruits.
For all those who have died and continue to die in the DRC, the responsibility lies with the leaders of the DRC first and foremost. These leaders are THE cause and they must not look for pretexts or problems elsewhere. They are the problem.
“Three U.S. Army soldiers (…) were found deceased in Lithuania today,” the statement reads, adding that their identities are being withheld pending notification of next of kin.
Lithuanian President Gitanas Nauseda has extended condolences over the deaths of the soldiers, Baltic News Service (BNS) reported.
Search and recovery operations continue for the remaining fourth soldier.
The search and recovery operation was launched on March 25 to locate four U.S. servicemen and a tracked vehicle that went missing during a training exercise in the General Silvestras Zukauskas Training Area in Pabrade. Defense Minister Dovile Sakaliene confirmed on Monday that the armored vehicle had been recovered. It had sunk into a swamp and become deeply lodged in the mud.
The large-scale rescue operation has involved both Lithuanian and U.S. forces, along with other Lithuanian authorities. Several dozen Polish troops equipped with specialized equipment have also joined the effort.
Traor announced an “amnesty pardon” in December last year for several people convicted over the 2015 attempt to overthrow the transitional government in place after the fall of former president Blaise Compaor.
“The following persons, who have been convicted or prosecuted before the courts for acts committed on September 15 and 16, 2015, are granted amnesty,” stated the decree, issued last week, listing the 21 soldiers.
Six officers, including two former unit commanders of the former presidential guard, are on the list alongside 15 non-commissioned officers and rank and file soldiers. They were convicted at a military tribunal in Ouagadougou in 2019 for “harming state security,” murder or treason.
Two generals considered the masterminds of the failed coup, Compaor’s former chief of staff Gilbert Diendr and head of diplomacy Djibril Bassol, were sentenced to 20 and 10 years in prison respectively. They were not part of the amnesty.
Burkina Faso has extended amnesty to those involved in failed 2015 coup and those convicted have until June this year to request a pardon.
To do so, they have to “demonstrate a patriotic commitment to the reconquest of the territory” and “express their willingness to actively participate in the fight against terrorism.”
The 21 soldiers pardoned will rejoin the army, which has been fighting jihadist groups linked to Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State group for more than 10 years. But the decree stipulates that they will not be eligible for compensation or career progression.
Diendr and Bassol tried to oust the transitional government put in place after Compaor was forced out of office in October 2014 by apopular uprising, after 27 years in power. Loyalist forces put down the attempted coup within two weeks. A total of 14 people died and 270 were wounded.
The justice ministry in December said that some 1,200 people convicted in connection with the coup attempt would be pardoned from 1 January. Burkina Faso’s ruling president announced last May that he will remain in power for another five years under an accord adopted during national consultations.
The deadline for transition to civilian rule was originally set for 1 July 2025. According to the charter, signed by Traor, elections may be organized before the deadline “if the security situation so permits.”
The mass action, informally dubbed the Geza revolution after war veteran leader Blessed Geza, saw urban centres largely deserted as businesses, shops, schools, and public institutions remained closed.
From Chirundu in the north to Beitbridge in the south, and across major cities such as Harare, Bulawayo, Gweru, Kwekwe, Masvingo, and Mutare, citizens heeded the call to protest by staying home.
The demonstration, spearheaded by war veterans aligned with Vice President Constantino Chiwenga’s faction within Zanu-PF, is widely seen as Mnangagwa’s most significant political test since the January 2019 fuel protests, which were met with a violent crackdown that left at least 17 people dead.
While the stayaway remained largely peaceful, there were reports of minor skirmishes in Harare, particularly at Robert Mugabe Square, where police dispersed small groups of people attempting to march.
Security forces maintained a heavy presence in urban areas, but notably, the military, often regarded as Zimbabwe’s ultimate power broker, was absent from the streets.
The protests come amid intensifying factional battles within Zanu-PF, as rival camps loyal to Mnangagwa and Chiwenga clash over the party’s leadership succession. Mnangagwa’s allies have been pushing for a constitutional amendment to extend his rule beyond 2028, a move that has sparked outrage even within his own party.
War veterans, once staunch allies of the ruling party, have now turned against Mnangagwa, calling for his resignation and throwing their weight behind Chiwenga’s camp.
Although their mobilisation efforts appeared weak, the overwhelming public participation in the stayaway signaled deep-seated discontent with Mnangagwa’s rule.
Some political analysts argue that, while war veterans may have their own political motives, the people are sending a clear message. They agree that Mnangagwa has failed,” hence the convergence of frustration, possibly warning of bigger unrest ahead.
Notably absent from today’s protests was Zimbabwe’s main opposition leader, Nelson Chamisa. Sources close to Chamisa suggest he is wary of aligning with a factional Zanu-PF power struggle, preferring instead to push for a broad-based national movement demanding democratic change.
Chamisa’s allies reportedly fear a repeat of November 2017, when public frustration was leveraged by the military to remove long-time leader Robert Mugabe, only to replace him with Mnangagwa, another Zanu-PF figure.
The stayaway delivered a significant blow to Zimbabwe’s already fragile economy, bringing commercial activity to a standstill. Many businesses shut their doors, while the informal sector, on which millions of Zimbabweans rely, was largely inactive.
At the core of the economic crisis is the instability of the Zimbabwean dollar, which continues to lose value amid soaring inflation and declining public confidence. Under Mnangagwa’s leadership, unemployment has surged, and an increasing number of Zimbabweans are leaving the country in search of better opportunities abroad.
In response to the growing pressure, Mnangagwa has taken a series of preemptive security measures, including the recent dismissal of key military and security officials, among them Zimbabwe National Army Commander Lt-Gen Anselem Sanyatwe, Police Commissioner-General Godwin Matanga, and CIO Director-General Isaac Moyo.
These shake-ups are widely viewed as efforts to consolidate power and neutralize internal threats. Despite the crackdown, war veterans have vowed to press on. “We fought for democracy, not for one man’s rule,” said a spokesperson for the group.
As tensions simmer, the question remains: Is this the beginning of a broader movement against Mnangagwa, or merely a momentary flare-up? What is certain is that Zimbabwe’s political landscape is becoming increasingly volatile, and Mnangagwa faces his biggest challenge ahead.
