Veteran Ugandan opposition figure Dr. Kizza Besigye will remain in custody after the High Court on Friday denied him bail, nearly five months after his arrest.
The 68-year-old medical doctor turned politician and his aide, Hajj Obeid Lutale, have been held on remand for 147 days since their arrest in Nairobi, Kenya, in November last year.
The court acknowledged that both men had presented valid sureties and met formal bail conditions. However, Justice Rosette Comfort Kania, whose ruling was delivered by registrar Ssalamu Ngoobi, ruled against their release, citing the serious nature of the treason charges they face and concerns over potential interference in ongoing investigations.
In her ruling, Justice Kania noted that the allegations span several jurisdictions, both within and outside Uganda, which complicates the investigative process.
“The offences are alleged to have been committed not only in Uganda but also abroad, demanding extensive time and resources,” the court stated.
Highlighting the risk of obstruction, the ruling added that releasing the suspects at this stage could jeopardize the integrity of the investigation.
“Due to the gravity of the accusations and the ongoing inquiries, there is a real risk that the applicants might interfere with the process if released at this time,” the court stated.
Dr. Besigye, a four-time presidential contender, and Hajj Lutale are charged with treason—an offence that carries the possibility of a death sentence.
According to state prosecutors, the alleged conspiracy to overthrow the Ugandan government by force was planned between 2023 and November 2024, spanning multiple international locations including Geneva, Athens, Nairobi, and Kampala.
Two other individuals, including Capt Denis Oola and unnamed co-conspirators still at large, have also been linked to the case.
According to Lt Col (Rtd) Nyirimanzi, after the Belgian authorities killed King Musinga, Rudahigwa desperately pleaded with them to release his father’s body for a dignified burial.
Despite offering a substantial sum of money, Belgium callously refused his request and instead transported the remains to Europe.
Lt Col (Rtd) Nyirimanzi shared these historical details on February 10, 2025, during a commemoration event for the employees of the National Bank of Rwanda who were tragically killed in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
He provided context by explaining Belgium’s initial colonial strategy in Rwanda, which involved fostering ethnic divisions. Initially, the Belgians favored the Tutsi population as the dominant group but later shifted their support to the Hutu, a manipulative tactic to consolidate their control.
Lt Col (Rtd) Nyirimanzi emphasized that this shift in Belgian allegiance coincided with the growing aspirations for independence in the 1960s, a sentiment echoing across the African continent at the time.
Consequently, the Belgians began to champion the Hutu, portraying them as the ascendant group.
Rudahigwa’s ascension to the throne following his father King Musinga occurred during this period of transition.
Musinga, known for his staunch opposition to Belgian rule, faced conflict with the colonizers, ultimately leading to his exile and death in Moba, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), in 1944.
Following his father’s dethronement and exile, Rudahigwa became king, largely due to his ability to engage and negotiate with the Belgian administration.
Lt Col (Rtd) Nyirimanzi recounted Rudahigwa’s determined efforts after Musinga’s death in 1944 to repatriate his father’s body for a proper burial in Rwanda.
He revealed Rudahigwa’s pleas and his offer of a significant payment to the Belgians.
“When Musinga died in Moba in 1944, Rudahigwa did everything he could to bring his father back, saying, ‘I want to return my father’s remains; given you will no longer be affected by his actions since he passed away.’ They told him, ‘The money required is too much, you won’t be able to get it.’ He replied, ‘Just let me try, maybe I will fail to raise it but I can at least try,’ and they said, ‘Then get the money’,” Lt Col (Rtd) Nyirimanzi stated.
He further explained Rudahigwa’s efforts to secure the necessary funds, stating that the king approached leaders of various territories to request financial assistance to bring his father’s remains home. Despite successfully raising the required amount, the Belgians still refused to release the body.
“He eventually got the money and paid them, but instead of giving him his father’s remains, they transported it over the sky of Rwanda and sent it to Europe,” Lt Col (Rtd) Nyirimanzi continued.
The historian also highlighted that beyond the denial of his father’s burial, Rudahigwa himself faced increasing hostility from the Belgians due to his leadership in the growing independence movement.
This resistance ultimately led to Rudahigwa’s assassination in 1959. He was lured to Bujumbura under the pretense of preparing for an overseas trip, where he was poisoned through a conspiracy involving his personal Belgian doctor.
Rudahigwa’s assassination was part of a broader strategy by Belgium to maintain their control over Rwanda by eliminating influential leaders who opposed their colonial rule.
In 2017, former Vice President of the Senate, Gakuba Jeanne d’Arc, publicly called upon relevant authorities to actively work towards the repatriation of King Yuhi V Musinga’s remains to Rwanda.
King Musinga reigned from 1896 to 1931 and was succeeded by his son, Mutara III Rudahigwa, who played a pivotal role in Rwanda’s struggle for independence.
Musinga’s reign was characterized by his resistance to Belgian colonial authority, which ultimately resulted in his deposition and exile. Rudahigwa was later succeeded by his brother, Kigeli V Ndahindurwa, the last monarch of Rwanda.
During the commencement of the 100-day commemoration of the 31st anniversary of the 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi on April 7, 2025, Rwanda’s Minister of Unity and Civic Engagement, Dr. Bizimana Jean Damascène, underscored Belgium’s significant and detrimental role in Rwanda’s history, which ultimately contributed to the Genocide.
Dr. Bizimana emphasized that Belgium’s actions in promoting ethnic divisions and suppressing Rwandan leaders, including the assassinations of both King Musinga and his son Rudahigwa, constituted a profound betrayal that deepened the suffering of the Rwandan people.
Dr. Bizimana lamented that no other African nation had witnessed the killing of two successive monarchs, a father and son, by colonizers in such regrettable circumstances.
Following Rudahigwa’s death, Belgium further entrenched ethnic divisions by supporting the creation of the Hutu-dominated political party, Parti démocratique de l’unité et du progrès (Paremehutu), which played a significant role in fueling the ethnic tensions that tragically culminated in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Following a state visit to Angola, President Suluhu said that her visit was far more than a diplomatic occasion. “It was a declaration of intent, boldly reaffirming our enduring friendship and a commitment to elevate our bilateral relations to new heights,” she said.
Describing it as a “game changer,” she underscored the importance of reinvigorating ties first forged by founding leaders Mwalimu Julius Nyerere and Agostinho Neto.
During her address to the Angolan Parliament, Suluhu evoked the warmth and solidarity between the two countries, likening Angola to “one of the many houses one can have,” where “the warmth and nostalgia keep getting better” with each visit.
Historically united by a shared struggle for liberation and Pan-African ideals, Tanzania and Angola are now pivoting toward mutual economic transformation. The leaders acknowledged that while political solidarity remains strong, economic cooperation has yet to reach its full potential.
Key areas of focus included trade, energy, transport, agriculture, and minerals. Angola’s experience in oil and gas and its robust energy infrastructure complement Tanzania’s growing economy, investment potential, and strategic location as a trade gateway in East, Central, and Southern Africa.
“We have agreed to foster closer cooperation in renewable energy, logistics, the blue economy, and regional trade, especially under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA),” Suluhu said.
Beyond economic priorities, both countries emphasized investing in people, particularly youth. “We must empower our youth, who are brimming with talent, creativity, and ambition,” she stated, highlighting the need for education, technology, and entrepreneurship to drive inclusive development.
Gender parity, healthcare, education, and infrastructure were also celebrated as shared progress points, with both leaders vowing to strengthen people-to-people connections through cultural exchanges, tourism, and professional collaboration.
Suluhu reiterated the shared responsibility in ensuring regional peace, unity, and security through the Southern African Development Community (SADC).
“We will continue to support African solutions to African problems while constructively engaging global partners,” she said.
Quoting Mwalimu Nyerere, she reminded both nations that, “Unity will not make us rich, but it can make it difficult for Africa and the African peoples to be disregarded and humiliated.”
At the summit of her visit, Suluhu called for the transformation of a shared history into a future of promise and innovation. “Together we rise. Together, we shape Africa’s tomorrow,” she said.
In a statement released on Thursday, AFC/M23 expressed “profound concern” over what it described as deliberate attacks by the Kinshasa regime, singling out the occupation of Walikale town by coalition forces as a breach of goodwill and a direct violation of the truce.
According to the rebel group, forces affiliated with the DRC government, including the FARDC, FDLR, Mai-Mai/Wazalendo militia, and Burundi’s National Defense Forces, looted Walikale after AFC/M23 repositioned its troops as a gesture of commitment to the ceasefire.
“This occupation was not only an act of aggression but a betrayal of our efforts to de-escalate the situation,” the statement read.
The rebel alliance added that heavy attacks were also launched in other areas of North and South Kivu, including Masisi, Walungu, and surrounding regions.
The communiqué further alleged a targeted campaign against Banyamulenge civilians in Minembwe, reporting that between April 8 and 10, coordinated attacks from areas known as “Point Zero” and “Bilalombili” endangered the local population in Mikenke.
“These were not random skirmishes,” AFC/M23 claimed, describing them as attacks “of genocidal character” allegedly launched from Rugezi and involving mass destruction, looting, and violence against unarmed civilians in areas such as Kivumu and Gahwera.
Despite these accusations, the group reaffirmed its commitment to a peaceful resolution of the ongoing conflict, stating that it remains determined to “protect civilians and neutralise any threat at its source.”
AFC/M23, which controls large swathes of eastern DRC, announced last month that it would withdraw from the town of Walikale to facilitate the implementation of a ceasefire aimed at paving the way for direct talks with President Felix Tshisekedi’s administration.
Direct talks between the two sides, which had been scheduled for Wednesday, April 9, were postponed indefinitely amid rebel pressure for Kinshasa to agree to six preconditions before any meaningful negotiations could proceed.
The demands include a public declaration from President Tshisekedi affirming his commitment to direct talks, the repeal of restrictive parliamentary resolutions, the cancellation of death sentences and arrest warrants for AFC/M23 leaders, the release of alleged sympathisers detained based on ethnicity or association, and an end to hate speech and discriminatory practices targeting Swahili and Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese.
The rebels also insist on a formal bilateral ceasefire agreement being signed before any negotiations proceed.
Scientists and researchers claim to have discovered the location of the famous Noah’s Ark in Turkey, just 30 kilometres south of the summit of Mount Ararat.
Experts are yet to officially confirm the ark’s existence but many have speculated around the spot due to the legendary Durupinar formation.
A 538ft geological structure made of limonite can be seen lying by the mountain which closely resembles the exact dimensions of the ark, according to the Bible. The scientists have expresses confidence of uncovering the truth in the coming years and have already laid out their excavation plans.
Operations at what they label the “boat site” haven’t started yet with dozens of geophysical surveys, core drilling, and careful planning still to take place.
Top researcher Andrew Jones said the location lies in an active earth flow with harsh winters, so protecting the area is a top priority.
“Over the next few years, our Turkish university partners will conduct non-destructive tests like soil sampling, radar scans, and other methods to determine if the structures we’ve detected are truly man-made or simply natural formations,” he said.
“Only after we gather enough evidence and have a proper preservation plan in place will we consider excavating,” he explained.
The team have already had several positive results back from testing the land which has only increased their excitement over a match. Turkish geologist Doctor Memet Salih Bayraktutan collected 22 soil samples from inside and just outside of the “boat shape” last year.
These were shipped off to be analyzed at Ataturk University in Erzurum and came back with some remarkable results.
It was found that there was a lower pH inside the suspected ark structure as well as having a higher organic matter. More potassium was also clearly see inside compared to outside. “These changes are consistent with rotting wood,” the research team say.
It was also discovered was that the grass inside actually turns lighter and more yellow in the autumn. This has made them believe that the structure is an ancient creation made by man rather than an ecological change to the landscape overtime.
In October 2019, a full ground-penetrating radar (GPR) scan was also carried out at the site using two antenna frequencies. The goal was to explore different depths through the radar pulses from the machinery which go on to create images of what’s beneath the ground without digging.
It sends electromagnetic waves into the soil which when hit objects, potentially buried artefacts, walls, or graves, they bounce back to a receiver. Jones described the GPR as “a non-invasive peek into the past”.
It is mainly used to save time, reduces costs, and preserve dig sites. Initial scans of the site showed rectangular shapes were sat around 22ft down within the boat-shaped formation.
Another American geophysicist re-examined the data and claimed to find a long hallway which opened up into a large central space. This has led researchers to believe there are still open cavities inside the formation which Noah’s Ark Scans hope to soon drill into.
{{Why is locating Noah’s ark important?}}
For those involved in the research, the importance of the discovery is not just limited to its religious implications.
While Noah’s ark is a key element in Christianity, Islam, and Judaism, the story also speaks to larger human questions about survival, faith, and the fragility of life in the face of natural disasters.
The team’s findings, particularly the materials embedded in the formation’s soil, suggest that the area may have been submerged in a vast body of water at some point, potential signs suggesting evidence of the great flood
While the theory remains highly speculative, the notion that ancient humans witnessed and survived such a cataclysm has captivated scholars and theologians alike for centuries.
For scientists and archaeologists alike, the potential to link these scientific findings with one of history’s most famous legends is as daunting as it is crucial.
The story is also a key part of the Abrahamic religious traditions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) and is often interpreted as a message of faith, obedience, and God’s promise to never destroy the Earth with a flood again.
According to the Book of Genesis, chapters 6 to 9, God decided to flood the Earth because of humanity’s widespread wickedness.
But he chose to spare Noah because of his righteousness and tasked him with building a large ark to save himself, his family, and a pair of every animal. The team are looking to create a gap and use a camera to see inside without damaging the site.
“We also plan to take core samples from across the formation, which should help us confirm whether the right angles and geometric patterns we see on the GPR scans are man-made structures or just natural formations,” Jones said.
So far, results support the existing theories. The soil tests suggest this formation isn’t simply part of the surrounding mud flow, it’s a distinct object. This comes as startling new archaeological evidence could finally solve another religious mystery.
New clues are emerging from the dust of one of the world’s most historic sites which could finally settle a long-standing debate over the death of Jesus and where he was buried.
Instead, he turned his attention to eliminating the commander of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), Major Paul Kagame. To carry out this plan, Habyarimana turned to Captain Paul Barril, a former French gendarme and an official envoy of French President François Mitterrand.
Barril, already close to the Rwandan regime, was tasked with a covert operation called “Insecticide,” a code name that revealed its brutal intentions; to weaken the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) and assassinate its top leadership, particularly Kagame.
Barril had begun working with the Rwandan government in 1990, shortly after the RPF launched its liberation war. He helped facilitate weapons deals and provided military training, support that would later prove critical in preparing state forces and militias for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
In a 2004 interview with filmmaker Raphaël Glucksmann, Barril admitted that one of his earliest assignments was to “infiltrate and spy on the RPF down to its roots.”
According to a 2013 report by the French NGO Survie, Barril was hired in early 1993 to carry out the “Insecticide” operation, receiving $130,000 for his efforts. His priority target being Kagame.
Although the exact details of the assassination plot remain unclear, Survie notes that Kagame was to be killed at his base in Mulindi. It was not the regime’s first attempt. Back in 1991, a woman had been sent to poison Kagame but was caught before executing the plan. Barril’s attempt also failed.
With the assassination plan unsuccessful, Barril refocused his efforts on reinforcing the regime’s military capabilities. He helped train elite units at the Bigogwe military camp in today’s Nyabihu District.
These soldiers were tasked with undermining RPF operations and accelerating the extermination of Tutsi civilians.
His efforts complemented those of CRAP (Commando de Reconnaissance et d’Action en Profondeur), a French-trained unit established in 1992 to obstruct RPF advances. Despite this foreign-backed support, the Rwandan army continued to lose ground.
As the genocide escalated in mid-1994, Barril was again called upon. The then Minister of Defense Augustin Bizimana wrote to him, requesting for 1,000 French mercenaries to assist the struggling Rwandan military.
Barril received $1.2 million for the mission. The mercenaries were sent, but they failed to prevent the fall of Kigali or stop the RPF.
In September 1994, an increasingly desperate Bizimana wrote again, this time demanding a refund for services Barril had failed to deliver, a moment that captured the crumbling authority of the genocidal regime.
In the years following the genocide, Barril sought to distance himself from his role. He spread the false claim that the genocide would not have occurred had President Habyarimana not been assassinated, ignoring his own direct involvement in preparing the structures that carried it out.
Barril’s testimony has been consistently inconsistent, often marked by contradictions and falsehoods. He also falsely claimed to be in possession of the black box from Habyarimana’s downed plane, a statement later debunked.
Though he failed to carry out his most notorious mission, his contributions to the arming and training of genocidal forces remain part of the historical record. His legacy is not one of success, but of complicity.
He had just wrapped up a regional summit in Arusha, Tanzania, where heads of state from Rwanda, Burundi, and neighboring countries had gathered to discuss regional security. The meeting dragged on, and Ntaryamira was in a rush to return home.
His own jet, a sleek Falcon, was out of commission, undergoing repairs in Switzerland. Instead, he had made the trip to Arusha in a painfully slow Beechcraft he had borrowed, what one might call a flying tractor by presidential standards.
Desperate to avoid a late-night arrival in Bujumbura, Ntaryamira decided to pull strings. According to his former security chief, Déo Ngendahayo, the Burundian president made an unplanned request to his Rwandan counterpart Juvénal Habyarimana and asked, quite literally, for a “lift”.
“He stood up and said, ‘I’m going to ask President Habyarimana for a ride. I’m running late. It wasn’t something we had planned. There was no time to discuss security. He made the decision on the spot,” Ngendahayo recalled.
Habyarimana agreed, but only had three extra seats; one for Ntaryamira himself, one for his minister, and one for his aide-de-camp. Ngendahayo, who was in charge of the president’s security, didn’t make the cut, an opportunity that would turn out to be a twist of fate that saved his life.
Earlier that day, Habyarimana had visited Gbadolite in Zaire to meet Mobutu Sese Seko. Intelligence had reportedly warned him that if he went to the summit in Arusha, his plane would be shot down. Still, he went, perhaps thinking he could outfly fate.
At 8 p.m., as the Dassault Falcon 50 approached Kanombe Airport, two missiles struck it from the sky. The plane exploded midair and crashed into the garden of Habyarimana’s own residence in Kanombe. Everyone on board died instantly, including Ntaryamira, the man who had begged for a faster ride home.
Ngendahayo has since denied any conspiracy suggesting Habyarimana brought Ntaryamira aboard to shield himself with another head of state. “It wasn’t like that,” he said. “He just asked. And Habyarimana said yes.”
A rushed decision, a borrowed seat, a fatal shortcut. In the end, the president of Burundi didn’t just miss his ride, he hitched one straight into history’s deadliest turning points.
These narratives argue that the genocide was a reaction by Hutu civilians, enraged by the downing of President Habyarimana’s plane, prompting them to lash out and begin killing Tutsi across the country overnight.
But beyond the lists of names, the pre-dug mass graves, and the early massacres that occurred throughout Rwanda, irrefutable evidence had already been gathered by the international community showing that Habyarimana’s regime was planning to exterminate at least 700,000 Tutsi.
France, a staunch ally of President Habyarimana, learnt of this plot as early as October 1990, just days after the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) launched its liberation struggle.
At the time, Colonel René Galinié, then the French military attaché at the French embassy in Kigali, had served in Rwanda for three years.
On October 8, 1990, he sent a report to his superiors in Paris warning that Tutsi civilians in Kigali were being arrested and killed. This came in the wake of a crackdown on alleged RPF collaborators that began on October 5.
Five days later, Galinié sent another dispatch. He reported that organized Hutu groups were hunting down Tutsi in the hills, and that killings had already begun in Kibilira commune (now in Ngororero District).
A 1998 report by the French Parliamentary Commission later confirmed that between October 11 and 13, 1990, 348 Tutsi were massacred in Kibilira, and more than 500 homes were burned down. None of the victims were RPF fighters or affiliated with the movement, they were killed simply for being Tutsi.
When asked by journalists about the massacre in Kibilira, President Habyarimana dismissed it, saying, “There’s nothing serious, all the people respect the authorities.”
By October 9, 1990, just over a week after the RPF launched its offensive, the Rwandan Ministry of Justice announced it had arrested over 3,000 alleged collaborators, while other reports estimated the number of detainees to be over 10,000.
Galinié continued to send telegrams to Paris, reporting the ongoing killing of Tutsi and emphasizing that President Habyarimana supported the violence. It’s important to note that this was in 1990, four years before the genocide actually began.
In his reports, Galinié warned that unless the RPF was stopped from reclaiming territory, Habyarimana’s government would intensify attacks on Tutsi civilians. He argued that France might feel compelled to intervene militarily.
In a telegraph dated October 24, 1990, Col. Galinié wrote, “Based on my analysis and the information received over recent days, a plan is underway to eliminate around 700,000 Tutsi inside the country.”
“The government will not agree to give up parts of the country through [peace] negotiations if it means handing them over to Tutsi who want to reclaim the power they lost in 1959. They fear that the RPF will establish a Tutsi monarchy in those areas. Whether done openly or secretly, this could lead to the killing of between 500,000 and 700,000 Tutsi, carried out by Hutu,” he continued.
Despite these alarming warnings, France did not act to stop the genocide plans. Instead, when the RPF captured Umutara, France deployed troops to Rwanda under Operation Noroît, officially claiming the mission was to evacuate French nationals, but effectively providing military support to Habyarimana’s regime.
French troops not only remained in Rwanda but also continued training Habyarimana’s army and assisted them in battle, even after warnings that a genocide was being prepared.
Rather than pressuring Habyarimana to stop the killings, France praised his handling of the so-called “accomplices” in late 1990, a move widely condemned by human rights organizations, who accused the Rwandan government of continuing to kill and persecute innocent people under the pretext of arresting collaborators.
Even Radio France Internationale (RFI), funded by the French government, failed to report the scale of the atrocities, despite overwhelming evidence. Instead, it downplayed the events in Rwanda, ignoring the reality unfolding on the ground.
Rwanda’s High Commissioner to the UK, Amb. Johnston Busingye, reiterated this appeal during the launch of the 31st commemoration of the Genocide against the Tutsi, held by Rwandans living in the UK.
Busingye emphasized that the continued presence of genocide suspects in the UK remains a serious obstacle to justice for survivors of the Genocide. He called on the UK to strengthen its cooperation with Rwanda to ensure justice is served for crimes committed during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
“Survivors deserve justice while they are still alive. It offers deep comfort. Many Western countries, including the United States, Canada, Germany, the Netherlands, Denmark, France, and Sweden have either prosecuted or extradited genocide suspects. But the UK continues to host them. Six known genocide suspects are still residing on British soil and are known to the authorities,” he said.
He noted that Rwanda has repeatedly requested for their extradition, and once again called on countries to uphold international laws they have ratified, including UN conventions on genocide prevention and punishment.
Busingye explained that Rwanda initially pursued legal channels to request the suspects’ extradition for trial in Rwanda. Although British courts acknowledged that the suspects had a case to answer, they ruled that they would not receive a fair trial if returned to Rwanda.
Nevertheless, Rwanda remains hopeful that justice will ultimately be delivered, even as the suspects age.
He stressed that testimonies from survivors should help the international community fully grasp the reality of the Genocide, during which over a million innocent people were murdered in broad daylight simply because of how they were born, while the world watched in silence.
He reminded the audience of the day the UN Security Council decided to reduce the number of UNAMIR peacekeeping troops in Rwanda from 2,165 to just 270 even as genocide was underway.
This happened despite pleas from commanders on the ground, such as Canadian General Roméo Dallaire, who called for more troops.
Among the genocide suspects still living in the UK are Célestin Mutabaruka, Dr. Vincent Bajinya, Emmanuel Nteziryayo, Célestin Ugirashebuja, and Charles Munyaneza.
Busingye also emphasized the importance of remembrance and vigilance. “We must remember, and stay alert to ensure the ideology of genocide does not return, even in disguised language or divisive policies,” he said.
He highlighted the importance of teaching the history of the Genocide against the Tutsi in schools to help young people understand what happened, recognize the warning signs, and ensure it never happens again.
Jabo Butera, Chairperson of the Rwandan Community in the UK, noted that Rwandans living in cities such as Manchester, Newcastle, and Portsmouth came together to mark the beginning of the 100 days of commemoration, not only on April 7 but also through ongoing events.
“April 7 is the first day of the 31st commemoration, but other activities are planned during these 100 days of remembrance. For instance, on May 3, we will hold a major gathering in Portsmouth for the National Rwandan Community Association event,” he said.
Commemorations are also planned in other cities, including Liverpool, many of which host memorials dedicated to the victims of the Genocide against the Tutsi.
Butera urged Rwandans living in the UK to keep their identity and history close to heart. “Being Rwandan should live in our hearts. These are our stories, and we must teach them to the world, especially to the younger generation.”
He made these remarks on April 9, 2025, during the 31st commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi at the Nyanza Genocide Memorial in Kicukiro District. The event was organized by Our Past Initiative organization.
Minister Utumatwishima pointed out that a significant challenge remains in the form of genocide ideology, which is becoming evident among young people who have not had the opportunity to study, such as herders and domestic workers.
He expressed concern that those seeking to distort history are targeting this group of youth, who have not had the same educational opportunities, unlike those who have received formal education and thus better understand the history.
“The enemy may have realized that we, those who managed to go to school and come from resourceful families, are now more aware of the history. There is still a problem with some youth who have not had this opportunity,” Dr. Utumatwishima noted.
The Minister urged educated youth to take it upon themselves to teach those who have not had the chance to learn about the genocide, and to help eliminate any form of genocide ideology and hatred among their peers.
“Let us work together with ‘Our Past Initiative’ and other youth organizations to find ways to reach those young people and teach them. Genocide ideology, cruelty, and hatred lead to nothing but destruction. We must fight against it relentlessly,” he emphasized.
‘Our Past Initiative’, which has been commemorating the Genocide Against the Tutsi since 2012, brings together youth each year on April 9 to engage in discussions about the history of the genocide.
