Field Marshal Jula was received by General MK Mubarakh, Chief of Defence Staff of the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF), at RDF Headquarters in Kimihurura during a series of engagements on Monday. He also paid a courtesy call on Rwanda’s Minister of Defence, Juvenal Marizamunda.
In a statement, the Ministry of Defence described the visit as a key opportunity to deepen the longstanding bilateral cooperation between Rwanda and Ethiopia.
Discussions between the military leaders are focused on expanding collaboration in defence and related sectors, reaffirming both nations’ commitment to strengthening strategic partnerships and advancing regional peace and security.
Field Marshal Jula’s visit follows a recent trip by General Mubarakh to Ethiopia on March 13 2025, during which the two defence chiefs signed a Memorandum of Understanding on Defence Cooperation.
As part of his itinerary, the Ethiopian military chief is also scheduled to visit the Kigali Genocide Memorial and the Campaign Against Genocide Museum to pay tribute to the victims of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, as Rwanda marks the 31st commemoration of the tragedy.
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Rwanda and Ethiopia have enjoyed over 20 years of military cooperation, initially focused on joint military training. The partnership has since expanded to include collaboration between the police forces of both countries.
Beyond defense and police cooperation, Rwanda and Ethiopia share strong bilateral ties in sectors such as agriculture, trade, education, and more.
Over the past seven years, the two nations have also signed agreements in air travel services, allowing for seamless cooperation between their airlines, RwandAir and Ethiopian Airlines.
This powerful clique, primarily composed of Habyarimana’s in-laws and closest confidants, maintained a tight grip on the nation’s economy, military, media, and key decision-making bodies throughout his regime.
While the Akazu’s pivotal role in orchestrating the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi is widely acknowledged, Andrew Wallis’s book, “Stepp’d in Blood: Akazu and the Architects of the Rwandan Genocide Against the Tutsi,” sheds light on their disturbing involvement in international cocaine trafficking.
Wallis suggests that Dian Fossey, the renowned American conservationist who dedicated her life to studying mountain gorillas in Rwanda’s Volcanoes National Park, may have stumbled upon this illicit network. Her mysterious death in 1985 has long been speculated to be connected to her opposition to the illegal exploitation of the park, which had become a significant route for smuggling gold, gorillas, and cocaine destined for Paris, France—a time when Presidents Habyarimana and François Mitterrand of France enjoyed close diplomatic ties.
The cocaine, reportedly originating from Guatemala, was trafficked through Côte d’Ivoire into Rwanda and then handed off to a businessman from Rhode-Saint-Genèse, Belgium.
This individual, who had secured a contract to supply satellite dishes in Rwanda, allegedly used this business as a cover for laundering the profits generated from the smuggling operations. The illicit cargo was transported through the seemingly impenetrable Volcanoes National Park before being exported to Europe.
Adding another layer to this intricate web, Jean-Pierre Habyarimana, the president’s son, reportedly introduced a Guinean entrepreneur named Mamadou “Barry” into Rwanda.
Despite a string of failed business ventures at the young age of 22, Barry quickly became a close confidant of Agathe Kanziga.
Following Fossey’s controversial death, Barry launched tourism initiatives aimed at revitalizing Rwanda’s international image, including the ambitious “International Fair for the Protection of Gorillas in Rwanda,” which initially attracted celebrity interest but ultimately collapsed in disarray.
The event proved to be a spectacular failure, prompting the newspaper Isibo to publish a mocking article directly targeting President Habyarimana’s son.
The controversy deepened when Christophe Mfizi, then Director of ORINFOR (the Rwandan Information Office), publicly declared that the fair had resulted in massive financial losses. Despite significant state funding and contributions from private partners who had anticipated returns, the event yielded no success.
Subsequently, then-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Casimir Bizimungu, accused Barry—the Guinean national behind the ill-fated event—of embezzling over one million U.S. dollars.
In a dramatic turn, Barry resurfaced by penning an open letter directly to President Habyarimana, alleging that a high-ranking official had pressured him into loading cocaine onto a private European aircraft, which was purportedly intended to transport foreign experts arriving in Rwanda.
In this explosive letter, Barry explicitly named Twahirwa Seraphin, a cousin of Agathe Kanziga (Habyarimana’s wife), as playing a pivotal role in orchestrating the cocaine shipment. Twahirwa was reportedly overseeing the financial aspects of the event organized by Habyarimana’s son.
Barry claimed that Twahirwa had promised him a substantial sum of $50,000 for each successful drug shipment. Although Twahirwa vehemently denied these accusations, Barry returned to Kigali and was accommodated at the Meridien Hotel for a week, with his $5,000 bill inexplicably footed by the state.
Simultaneously, the government instructed its media outlets to clear Barry’s name regarding the embezzlement allegations. According to Wallis’s research, Barry later departed Rwanda for the United States carrying a staggering $400,000 in cash, allegedly obtained through a clandestine collaboration with President Habyarimana’s son.
Adding to the intrigue, a journalist from Jeune Afrique who had been diligently investigating the murky details surrounding the event organized by Barry, Seraphin, and Habyarimana’s son—an event that was also slated to include a lottery with a grand prize of 5 million Rwandan francs—was abruptly expelled from Rwanda as a direct consequence of his persistent inquiries.
Wallis further details how Ruhengeri—governed with an iron fist by Protais Zigiranyirazo, Agathe Kanziga’s influential brother—operated as a virtually autonomous region, serving as a key conduit for smuggled goods flowing from then-Zaire into Europe. The area became a notorious hub for illegal trade and offered political protection to those involved.
Fossey’s unwavering commitment to preserving the park for conservation, rather than allowing it to be exploited for profit, directly clashed with the Akazu’s vested interests. The illicit trade in baby gorillas, for instance, could yield exorbitant profits of up to $30,000 per animal, while severed gorilla body parts like hands and heads commanded high prices on the black market.
Meanwhile, the majority of ordinary Rwandans endured significant economic hardship and lived under a pervasive climate of fear, unable to challenge the unchecked power of the ruling elite. Zigiranyirazo himself allegedly exploited bamboo from the park—a critical food source for the endangered gorillas—for his personal enrichment.
When Mfizi became aware of Zigiranyirazo’s exploitative activities, he tasked a journalist with conducting an investigation. The resulting article was prepared for publication in the Imvaho newspaper. However, Augustin Nduwayezu, the head of intelligence, attempted to suppress its release under direct orders from Zigiranyirazo. Mfizi bravely refused to comply and wrote directly to President Habyarimana, informing him of the pressure he was facing and the planned exposé.
Despite never receiving a direct response—likely due to the intervention of Colonel Elie Sagatwa, a known ally of Zigiranyirazo— Mfizi maintained the article would be eventually published, unless he received a different version from Zigiranyirazo.
Mfizi strongly suspected that Sagatwa deliberately blocked his letter to protect the powerful Akazu members implicated in the illegal activities.
The Akazu’s insidious grip on Rwanda extended far beyond mere political control. Their deep and pervasive involvement in illicit trade, their ruthless silencing of dissenting voices, and their blatant manipulation of state resources created a deeply entrenched system of impunity, widespread corruption, and profound fear.
This toxic environment not only significantly contributed to the horrific 1994 Genocide but also subjected ordinary Rwandan citizens to years of exploitation and immense suffering.
Having already broken ground with the first AATC site in Abuja, Nigeria, the others will be located in key African cities including Kampala (Uganda), Harare (Zimbabwe), Cairo (Egypt), Yaoundé (Cameroon), Tunis (Tunisia) and Kigali (Rwanda).
The Abuja AATC was officially commissioned on April.10 2025, marking a pivotal milestone in the Bank’s broader vision for continental trade transformation.
These flagship trade facilities are designed to serve as physical and institutional hubs that promote trade facilitation, investment promotion, and capacity building, all of which are critical pillars for sustainable economic development across Africa.
Speaking during the grand commissioning ceremony in Abuja, Nigeria’s Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Dr. George Akume, representing President H.E. Bola Ahmed Tinubu, emphasized the strategic importance of the AATC initiative.
“This is more than a building. It is a symbol of Africa’s bold ambitions for economic integration and trade-led development,” he said.
“The Abuja AATC will be a catalyst for innovation, entrepreneurship, and cross-border collaboration, aligning seamlessly with Nigeria’s national priorities, including job creation, economic diversification, and regional integration.”
Prof. Benedict Oramah, President and Chairman of the Board of Directors of Afreximbank, said the multi-purpose facility will serve not only as the Bank’s permanent regional office but also as a comprehensive trade ecosystem.
“This center will house a technology incubation hub, SME support facilities, the Digital Africa Trade Gateway, a trade exhibition center, and a business hotel. It is a 41-month journey that embodies Afreximbank’s enduring commitment to advancing intra-African trade,” Oramah said.
According to him, the Abuja AATC is part of a broader network of trade centers to be established across Africa and the Caribbean. Some will be owned by the Bank, while others will be developed under a franchise model.
“These centers are envisioned to become lighthouses for the movement of goods, services, capital, and information, linking African economies more efficiently with each other and with the global trade ecosystem,” he added.
The Abuja facility comprises two interconnected nine-storey towers. One tower offers world-class commercial A-grade office space, a trade and exhibition centre, conference facilities, a digital trade hub, and a technology incubator.
The adjoining tower features a 148-room business hotel, wellness centre, meeting and seminar rooms, a restaurant, and other ancillary services. The centre is also expected to host regional offices of financial institutions, trade bodies, and policy organizations to provide a comprehensive support network for business and trade development.
Designed by global architectural firm SVA International, the building’s design draws inspiration from the traditional African bazaar, capturing the vibrant pulse of trade that characterizes the continent’s urban centres.
Constructed on 5,856 square meters of prime land, the $120 million development began in November 2021 and reached completion within 41 months.
Beyond Africa, Afreximbank has also initiated plans for its first AATC outside the continent, having broken ground in Bridgetown, Barbados, a few weeks ago.
Through franchising and licensing arrangements, the Bank aims to establish non-Bank owned AATCs in collaboration with partner institutions across the broader African diaspora.
He was speaking at a commemoration event held in Lilongwe, Malawi, on April 11, 2025, marking 31 years since the genocide.
The commemoration, hosted by the Rwandan High Commission in Zambia (which also holds accreditation for Malawi) and supported by the Malawian government, civil society organizations, and international partners, brought together approximately 200 participants.
Among them were members of the Rwandan community residing in Malawi, representatives from the diplomatic corps, and friends of Rwanda, all united to honor the memory of the victims of the genocide.
The Principal Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs-Malawi, Ambassador Dr. Mwaiwawo PolePole, graced the event as the guest of honor.
Attendees participated in a candle-lighting ritual and observed a moment of silence to pay tribute to the over one million lives tragically lost during the genocide.
Throughout the event, speakers underscored the critical importance of global solidarity in the ongoing fight against genocide denial and revisionism.
In his address, High Commissioner Bugingo emphasized the international community’s obligation.
“The 31st Commemoration of the Genocide against the Tutsi is an occasion for Rwanda and Friends of Rwanda to recall the commitment by the International Community under the 1948 UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide to enact legislations that engage them in fighting genocide and its genocide ideology.
“This commitment that was reiterated by the UN Security Council in its Resolution No. 2150 of April 16, 2014, requesting member states to judge or extradite genocide fugitives on their territories,” he stated.
It has been reported that Rwanda has issued over a thousand indictments to 34 countries.
While some individuals have been apprehended and brought to justice, over 1,000 individuals implicated in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, remain at large.
Echoing the sentiment of shared responsibility, Ambassador Dr. Mwaiwawo PolePole remarked: “This sad story has more to tell us in relation to our societies. First, I strongly believe most atrocities don’t require sophisticated weapons, it only requires hate ideologies to turn a society into a tragedy.”
Malawi’s role in fostering cross-border unity and supporting Rwanda’s reconciliation journey was lauded.
By bringing together Malawians and Rwandans in shared grief, hope, and unwavering resolve, the event reinforced the powerful and universal message: “Never Again.”
The Kwibuka31 commemoration in Malawi concluded with a reaffirmed commitment to learn from the lessons of history and to actively work towards building a more peaceful and inclusive world.
On Saturday, April 12, 2025, during its Imvo n’Imvano program, BBC Gahuza aired a story about a Rwandan named Joseph Semafara, a survivor of the Genocide against the Tutsi. Semafara has since overcome that traumatic history and now runs a successful company, Solvit Africa, valued at $10 million.
However, instead of stating that Semafara survived the Genocide against the Tutsi, the BBC’s Kinyarwanda and Kirundi service referred to him as having survived “the genocide that took place in Rwanda in 1994”—a phrase the broadcaster has often used and which is widely criticized for distorting the facts about the genocide.
Among those who condemned the phrasing was Minister Nduhungirehe.
Taking to his official X account, the minister wrote: “I wish to remind @bbcgahuza that Semafara didn’t survive ‘the genocide committed in Rwanda in 1994’, but survived the 1994 Genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi in Rwanda.”
He went on to denounce what he described as the UK’s long-standing failure to bring genocide fugitives to justice, and criticized the BBC for continuing to distort the narrative of a crime recognized by both the UN General Assembly and an international tribunal.
“For over 31 years, the UK has refused to extradite or prosecute even a single genocide suspect living on its territory,” he said.
“And the BBC remains the only major international broadcaster that continues to downplay a genocide confirmed by a UN court. At the very least, they should remain silent during these 100 days of commemoration.”
Minister Nduhungirehe’s remarks come at a time when Rwanda is observing the annual 100-day period of mourning and remembrance for the victims of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
The BBC has faced repeated criticism in the past for using language perceived as minimizing or denying the Genocide against the Tutsi, which claimed a million lives.
The World Travel Awards honor outstanding organizations across various tourism sectors, including hotels, national parks, and conservation areas. This year’s awards ceremony will be held in Bahrain on December 9, 2025.
Akagera National Park is competing in the category of “Africa’s Leading National Park,” which highlights parks known for their iconic and powerful wildlife. Its competitors include Kruger National Park (South Africa), Chobe National Park (Botswana), Gonarezhou National Park (Zimbabwe), Nyerere National Park (Tanzania), and Serengeti National Park (also in Tanzania).
To win the award, Akagera must receive the highest number of votes cast via the official World Travel Awards website. Voting closes on May 4, 2025.
Spanning 1,120 square kilometers, Akagera is home to over 11,000 animals, according to a survey conducted in August 2023. These include the “Big Five” species, namely; lions, leopards, elephants, rhinos, and buffaloes.
According to the park’s management, several factors contribute to Akagera’s popularity among visitors including the presence of the Big Five, its easy accessibility from Kigali due to improved infrastructure, discounted rates for Rwandans who visit as groups, high security, and a range of accommodation options, from budget lodges to luxury stays.
In 2023, the park recorded 54,141 visitors, including 26,047 Rwandans, 23,560 international tourists, and 4,534 foreign residents living in Rwanda.
80% of our economy is a “boda boda” economy which means we live in a hands to mouth economy. People leave their homes when they actually don’t know whether they will earn something,” Mawejje, 30 said.
Describing his as a “boda boda” manifesto, he said the current setup of the country can only be referred to as a boda boda economy that he said pretends to grow steadily but “gets stuck somewhere because everyone is in debts.”
“People are desperate to an extent of thinking that if they spend hours in betting clubs maybe God will do miracles. Government has reduced its valued tax payers to beggars where everyone thinks in someone’s pocket,” Mawejje said.
He decried that youths who are vital in the development of any country are flying out for greener pasture leaving a generation that is not productive, and those who stay behind spend most of their times in discussing the “Premier League”
“We don’t have medicines in hospitals, police and military officers sleep in dilapidated units, roads are in a poor state and civil servants are paid pea nuts, not because Uganda is poor but because there are those who think they can eat anything that exists,” he observed.
Mawejje said he aims to introduce a seven-point program that he said will liberate the country.
“I want to tackle unemployment among youths, improve the health and education sectors, reduce the number of districts, constituencies, ministries, departments and agencies, put in place constitutional reforms to give voting rights to diaspora and prisoners and also clip the president’s powers,” he said.
They are accused of involvement in the abduction last year of Amir Boukhors, 41, a critic of Algeria’s government with a large audience on social media, who was reportedly granted asylum in France in 2023.
Barrot urged Algeria to “abandon” the expulsions and said France was ready to “respond immediately” if they went ahead.
“I am asking Algerian authorities to abandon these expulsion measures… if the decision to send back our officials is maintained, we will have no other choice but to respond immediately,” he said.
He claimed that the expulsions were a response to the indictment of three Algerian nationals in Paris, including the consular official, on charges including abduction, arbitrary detention and illegal confinement and participating in a terrorist organization.
Algeria’s foreign ministry said it had summoned French ambassador Stephane Romatet in response to “express its strong protest” and called for the official’s immediate release, according to the official Algerian news agency.
Boukhors, also known as Amir DZ who has lived in France since 2016, was abducted in April 2024 in the southern suburbs of Paris and released the following day, according to his lawyer Eric Plouvier.
Plouvier told the media that Boukhors had been “the subject of two serious attacks, one in 2022 and another on the evening of April 29 2024”.
French media reported that he was forced into a car with a flashing light by “fake police officers”, then released the next day without explanation.
Algeria has issued nine international arrest warrants against him, accusing him of fraud and links to terrorist organizations. He denies the allegations. In 2022, the French courts refused his extradition.
The case is the latest in a growing number of incidents to have exacerbated a rift between France and Algeria. They include the arrest and imprisonment in Algeria of French-Algerian author Boualem Sansal, who was accused of undermining Algeria’s territorial integrity.
Algeria recalled its ambassador from Paris last year after France backed Morocco’s claim to the disputed territory of Western Sahara. The 12 French officials asked to leave on Monday include some members of the French interior ministry.
It added that the individual “was arrested in public and then taken into custody without notification through the diplomatic channels.”
The ministry claimed the move was “not a coincidence as it happens in a very specific context with the aim of stymying the process of relaunching bilateral relations”.
Tentative steps have been made to repair relations between the two nations with a phone call between French President Emmanuel Macron and President Abdelmadjid Tebboun taking place in March.
“The two presidents had a long, frank and friendly exchange on the state of bilateral relations and the tensions that have built up in recent months,” a joint statement read.
Following an official visit to Algeria on 6 April where he met with Tebboun, Barrot said he hoped for a “new phase” in relations.
These people were “executed on an ethnic basis” after the RSF took control of the city on Thursday, the Coordination of Resistance Committees in the state’s capital El Fasher said, identifying all the victims as civilians.
The local volunteer group accused in a statement the militia of “committing widespread violations, forcibly displacing residents, and shutting down all communication networks.”
Meanwhile, the Sudanese Emergency Lawyers Initiative, another volunteer group, confirmed in a statement that the RSF killed 52 civilians, burned residential homes, and looted properties in two days after entering Umm Kadada.
“The RSF also stormed the local hospital, assaulted patients, and executed four medical staff members, including the hospital’s director,” it added.
There has been no comment from the RSF regarding the claims.
Sudan has been embroiled in a devastating conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the RSF since mid-April 2023, which has claimed more than 29,600 lives, according to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data, a crisis monitoring group cited by the United Nations.
On Sunday, Minister of Minerals Anthony Mavunde launched the new plant—Solar Nitrochemicals Limited—located in Kisarawe district, Coast Region.
The facility is part of the government’s ongoing strategy to add value to local industries and strengthen key economic sectors, especially mining.
Minister Mavunde highlighted the critical role of the new plant in enhancing mining efficiency and reducing dependency on imported explosives.
He reaffirmed the government’s commitment to creating a stable investment climate, acknowledging the role of investors in creating employment and driving national revenue.
With the country’s annual explosives demand at 26,000 tonnes and 10 million pieces, the plant is expected to produce 22,000 tonnes and 15 million pieces each year.
This production capacity is not only expected to meet most of the domestic demand but also create opportunities for exports to neighboring markets.
