Tea cultivation commenced in Rwanda in 1952, and presently, there are 43 thousand tea farmers managing 28 hectares of tea plantations.
Rusizi District officials have declared that land assessments in the Bweyeye and Butare sectors indicate their suitability for tea cultivation, leading to plans for initiating planting. Tea is a lucrative crop that thrives in cold and acidic soils, and among Rwanda’s 18 tea factories, one is situated in the Rusizi district.
A feasibility study is underway to determine if the tea cultivation in Bweyeye and Butare can support the establishment of a tea factory there.
Ndagijimana Louis Munyemanzi, the Vice Mayor of Rusizi District in charge of economic development, mentioned that during President Kagame’s visit to Rusizi in August 2022, advice was provided on the tea cultivation project in this sector.
Munyemanzi expressed concerns about the challenge of finding buyers for the tea, with deliberations about whether to sell to the Shagasha factory, Gisakura, or Kitabi. Additionally, there is a contemplation between constructing a new tea factory or sustaining one of the existing factories that cultivate tea leaves.
As part of the government’s seven-year development blueprint, Rwanda aims to increase foreign exchange from tea production, targeting an increase from $64 million to $171 million by 2024. In 2022, Rwanda experienced a 10.3% growth in income from tea exports, rising from $96.7 million to $106.73 million. The Bweyeye and Butare sectors will join Giheke, Nkungu, Nyakarenzo, and Mururu sectors, already engaged in tea cultivation in the district.
Rutaremara highlighted Tshisekedi’s initial campaign promise to launch an attack on Rwanda, expressing doubt whether the President, now in a state of confusion, still stands by this commitment after securing victory.
In an analysis posted on X account, Rutaremara stated that Félix Tshisekedi is currently grappling with uncertainty, questioning whether he will persist in his intention to confront Rwanda. Rutaremara suggested that Tshisekedi is unsure about engaging with M23, the group that defeated his forces in North Kivu, to negotiate peace and security in the region.
Reflecting on the history of Tshisekedi’s presidency since 2019, Rutaremara recalled an earlier collaborative effort with M23 leaders to restore peace in the eastern part of the DRC. He pointed out that Tshisekedi, at that time, had agreed to establish specialized soldier brigades within six months to address security concerns in the region. However, Rutaremara noted that internal political pressures caused Tshisekedi to backtrack on this initiative.
Rutaremara also underscored that Tshisekedi’s recent provocations on Rwanda and President Paul Kagame are influenced by certain politicians benefiting from the country’s insecurity, including mine guards and Mai Mai groups associated with various crimes in the Kivu provinces.
The question arises as to whether Tshisekedi, having won the elections, will reconsider his stance, engage with M23 for a compromise, and revisit the original plan agreed upon with its leaders.
Rutaremara raised doubts about Tshisekedi’s reliance on the advice of politicians who, according to him, deceived the President. He questioned whether Tshisekedi would continue his current trajectory or choose to collaborate with M23, as initially intended. Additionally, Rutaremara pondered how Tshisekedi would navigate relations with the Burundian army, considering their previous involvement against M23, which ended in defeat.
Connecting the Burundian army’s failure to President Evariste Ndayishimiye’s accusations against Rwanda for supporting the RED Tabara group, Rutaremara emphasized that despite Tshisekedi and Ndayishimiye speaking negatively about Rwanda, the country would tolerate it as an act of incompetence.
According to the report, the Congolese government formed the Wazalendo group, comprising fighters from various factions, including the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), to assist in combating the M23 rebel group. Gen Peter Cirimwami played a crucial role in uniting Wazalendo and the FDLR, as per the report.
FDLR is a terrorist group formed by individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
In September, Cirimwami Nkuba assumed the role of interim military governor of North Kivu Province in the DRC, a region under military rule since 2021. Cirimwami, a member of the Abashi tribe from South Kivu Province, has predominantly operated in the East of the country.
Cirimwami gained media attention in April 2022 when appointed as the Head of military operations against rebels in South Kivu and North Kivu, known as Sokola II, involving clashes between government forces and the M23 militia.
The report alleges that on September 22 and 23, Cirimwami, accompanied by members of armed groups, particularly those associated with Wazalendo, held meetings in Goma. These armed individuals were reportedly hosted in Goma, with their residences protected by FARDC soldiers.
The UN report suggests that these fighters were transported by FARDC planes to various locations. Discussions during the meetings focused on establishing a collaborative mechanism between FARDC and Wazalendo to combat the M23, a group the Congolese government claims is backed by Rwanda.
However, Rwanda refuted the allegations and urged DR Congo to solve internal problems without dragging it into its mess.
The report details the assignment of specific areas of operation for participating units. Five fighters attended the meeting, each representing a group, with some individuals, including Guidon Shimiray Mwisa, leader of the NDC-Rénové group, being under international sanctions.
A week later, Wazalendo reportedly attacked M23-held areas, with the report asserting that these actions were ordered by the Office of the Governor of North Kivu. The UN report claims that the Congolese army provided weapons, equipment, and funds to Wazalendo leaders and fighters to facilitate the attacks.
Cirimwami, questioned about the FARDC-Wazalendo relationship, asserted that the use of Wazalendo was not part of the government’s plan but was a response to M23’s provocation.
The report highlights M23’s effective military tactics and their objective to capture key locations in South Kivu. Additionally, it notes the ongoing ambiguity in the relationship between the DRC and Burundi forces, with accusations from M23 regarding Burundian forces fighting on the Congolese side.
Despite a military agreement between Burundi and the DRC signed in August last year, the relationship remains unclear. The agreement outlines joint cooperation in potential attacks against either party, with a commitment to assist in case of attacks. The Congolese army accused the EAC of ineffectiveness against the M23, prompting the DRC government to seek assistance from Burundi.
The UN report reveals the presence of 1070 Burundian soldiers in Congo, fighting under FARDC uniforms since October 2023.
They arrived secretly in violation of EAC rules, cooperating with FARDC and Wazalendo in the fight against the M23. The Burundian military denies allegations that Gen Cirimwami gave orders to the Burundian army based on instructions from his superior.
The affected batch numbers are 5810315 and 581036 (expiry date: January 31, 2025), 5811390 (expiry date: August 31, 2025), and 5810022 (expiry date: August 31, 2022).
Businesses, pharmacies, and clinics in Rwanda that possess these batches are instructed to return them to their source.
Importers are urged to furnish relevant information within a 10-day timeframe. Meanwhile, reports suggest that these Fluconazole batches are still in use in Kenyan hospitals, with no official statement from the Kenyan Ministry of Health regarding discontinuation.
Fluconazole tablets serve various medical purposes, including the treatment of infections.
Discussions between the leaders occurred in Islamabad, focusing on enhancing bilateral relations, capacity building, and improving trade cooperation.
The meeting also addressed the role of the Pakistani diaspora in Rwanda’s development. The Pakistani Embassy in Rwanda played a crucial role in facilitating this visit, the second of its kind in Rwanda’s history on the Asian continent.
In a related development last August, Rwandan President Kagame received 12 new ambassadors, including Pakistan’s Naeem Ullah Khan. Ambassador Naeem emphasized the longstanding relations and friendship between Rwanda and Pakistan, pledging efforts to strengthen this bond. The two nations have previously signed a cooperation agreement in the health sector and security. Amb. Naeem expressed plans to explore additional areas of collaboration, such as trade and investment.
Amb. Naeem also highlighted specific initiatives, including connecting Rwandan tea exporters with Pakistan, facilitating the exchange of medical professionals, and exploring trade opportunities. He emphasized the potential of Pakistan’s large market for Rwandan products, such as tea, while mentioning Rwanda’s need for rice, a commodity Pakistan is known for producing. Additionally, he identified a reciprocal need for avocados, as Pakistan requires them, and Rwanda has a surplus.
In the pursuit of strengthening economic ties, Amb. Naeem outlined plans to encourage Pakistani investors to invest in Rwanda. Furthermore, there is a proposal to establish an industrial park in Rwanda. Overall, the discussions underscored the commitment to deepening cooperation and fostering mutually beneficial partnerships between Rwanda and Pakistan.
This announcement follows a press conference on Tuesday, January 2, 2024, where Burundi’s President, Evariste Ndayishimiye, indirectly suggested the possible re-closure of borders between the two nations.
Ndayishimye accused Rwanda of supporting the RED Tabara group, responsible for a recent attack on Burundi through the Gatumba area on the border with the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Despite the rebels entering Burundi from a border unrelated to Rwanda, Ndayishimiye claimed that since 2015, when suspected coup plotters sought refuge in Rwanda, they were assisted in recovery and provided with equipment.
The Rwandan government promptly dismissed these accusations, asserting that the issues between Burundi and Rwanda should not be entangled.
They emphasized the longstanding relationship between the two nations, rejecting any disturbance to it.
Ndayishimiye’s request to Rwanda is to extradite those accused of attempting to overthrow the Burundian government, who sought refuge in Rwanda since 2015—an action Rwanda claims violates international laws governing refugees.
Ndikuriyo acknowledged efforts to engage with the Rwandan government, advocating for the return of those accused. He emphasized that if tried individuals are imprisoned and Rwanda abides by international laws, concerns about harboring criminals would be addressed. Despite existing disagreements, Ndikurio stressed the importance of dialogue.
As the leader of the CNDD-FDD Party, Ndikurio pledged to initiate discussions with counterparts in the RPF Inkotanyi in Rwanda to seek a resolution. He emphasized the need for dialogue, expressing doubt that individuals with significant life experiences would jeopardize the historical relations between the two countries.
These relations were restored in 2021 when borders were reopened. Despite Burundi accusing Rwanda of sheltering coup plotters, it also accused Rwanda of supporting those aiming to disrupt security.
Since 2017, the FLN group has been launching attacks on Rwanda from Burundi. Notably, leaders of the FLN, Paul Rusesabagina and Nsabimana Callixte, revealed that senior soldiers in Burundi aided the group.
Actually, it is only normal to feel pain after losing someone that you deemed as the most precious. Going through a temporal depression, having feelings of anger or shame are just as typical as brushing one’s teeth in the morning.
Though all these are common during a break-up episode, there is a line to what shouldn’t be gone beyond. If you experience symptoms like intense sadness, change in appetite, withdrawal from hobbies, trouble sleeping for at least 2 weeks after a break-up, it might be a sign of depression.
Sometimes even deleting their number doesn’t work because you have already memorized it. You find yourself calling them even when you know you shouldn’t. Or sometimes, you find yourself on the way to their home. This is how break-ups are hard to deal with. However, if you are reading this, I want you to get some tips that can help you deal with a break-up without developing some lethal mental illnesses like depression, self-hatred, etc.
{{Express your emotions}}
Speaking from experience, my first advice is to express your emotions. Hiding how you feel just for the sake of acting strong is the worst thing I have seen, because in the end, you’ll recognize that you were only masking a wound and not patching it. Just as time goes, the wound will get even worse bearing something even worse than the wound itself.
{{Don’t jump into new relationships}}
Secondly, avoid new relationships. Some people say that ‘love wound is healed by a new love’, but that is not a good idea in the slightest. Work on yourself, heal yourself, be complete and make yourself happy again. Before you do all that, do not consider new relationships unless you want another sudden breakup.
{{Reconnect with friends}}
Meet friends. Remember, friends offer free therapy. If you’re blessed enough to have real friends, connect with them. If you find it even possible, make a calendar of plans with them. That will help you to feel surrounded and happy again.
{{Give yourself time to grieve}}
Has someone ever told you to cry it out? That’s because that is really helpful. Do not pretend to be happy when you’re only hurting inside. If you don’t want people to see you, go in your room and cry all you want. That will really lessen the pain in your heart and speed up the recovery.
Even though break-ups are hard to deal with, there is always room for recovering and starting a new life. Remember that the other person is not more precious than you are. Even if it is easier said than done, ‘you were great before they came, you can even be greater’!
President Félix Tshisekedi Tshilombo of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, during a campaign rally on December 18, 2023, pledged to seek parliamentary approval for declaring war on Rwanda, once the M23 rebel group attacks Goma town. This statement reflected the President’s consistent rhetoric throughout 2023, envisioning Rwanda as the 27th province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
In a recent interview on January 2, 2024, Lt Col Simon Kabera reiterated the security and resilience of Rwanda. He emphasized that the Rwandan Army is impervious to threatening words, with a steadfast commitment to safeguarding citizens. Despite the sowing of hatred rooted in historical events, Lt Col Kabera asserted that efforts to divide Rwandans are futile, as the citizens reject such divisive ideologies.
Lt Col Kabera reassured the public, stating that those attempting to separate Rwandans have no chance of success, as the citizens remain united. He emphasized the army’s broader mission, not limited to border security but extending to the well-being and development of the people. Lt Col Kabera urged the public not to be disturbed by provocations, highlighting the country’s past successes in achieving security amid challenges.
Tourism, recreational activities, and daily life in Rwanda were encouraged to continue without disruption. Lt Col Kabera expressed confidence in the RDF’s ability to fulfill its responsibility in managing the security of Rwandans, citing positive feedback from the Rwanda Governance Scorecard, where security and stability received a high satisfaction rating of 93.63%.
Furthermore, Lt Col Kabera affirmed that people should continue their daily activities, emphasizing collaboration between the military and the public in building the country. The Rwandan Army’s commitment to social welfare was underscored, with examples of annual operations providing medical services and infrastructure development, including the settlement of 120 families in Rugerero Model Village.
Since the enactment of the immigration policy, which grants ministers the authority to detain illegal immigrants and facilitate their deportation to another country, the UK has granted permission for these individuals to stay.
The government has recently confirmed that applications approved under this policy will result in migrants being sent to Rwanda while their claims are processed.
According to The Telegraph, this directive implies that asylum seekers arriving after the issuance of this order in July 2023 will be initially directed to Rwanda during the processing period for approval or rejection.
The governments of Rwanda and the United Kingdom solidified their commitment to collaboration on migration issues and economic development through a revised agreement signed on December 15, 2023, following the Supreme Court’s determination that the initial plan was legally unacceptable.
Prime Minister Rishi Sunak emphasized that this agreement addresses concerns about Rwanda’s safety for immigrants and asylum seekers.
The approval of Parliament members was a crucial step to confirm Rwanda’s safety. Initial voting by deputies has been favorable, and the pending decision from members of the second chamber of UK’s parliament anticipated in January 2024.
Out of this collective need for healing and remembrance, the Ibuka family emerged. Established in Belgium on August 16, 1994, by Rwandans residing there at the time, Ibuka stands as an organization dedicated to the welfare of Genocide survivors, expanding its reach across continents.
Ibuka’s journey began with Ibuka-Belgium, followed by the establishment of branches in Switzerland, Rwanda, Europe, France, Italy, Holland, Germany, the USA, Senegal, Maine-USA, Finland, Sweden, Denmark, and Canada in subsequent years.
The inception of Ibuka in Belgium, given Rwanda’s historical ties with the country, was a challenging endeavor that demanded dedication, patience, and relentless effort, with some Rwandans and Belgians sacrificing nights until Ibuka materialized.
The organization’s first significant action took place on April 7, 1995, a poignant date when over a million Tutsis fell victim to the 1994 Genocide. Ibuka-Belgium played a crucial role in subsequent actions, including creating and publishing documents to expose Genocide suspects globally.
Advocacy efforts gained momentum as Ibuka members, guided by Rwandan government initiatives, pursued justice against those denying or trivializing the Genocide against the Tutsi, bringing perpetrators to trial in Belgium and France.
Belgium’s proactive stance in prosecuting Genocide perpetrators became evident, with the Court of Assizes in Brussels hosting trials from 2001 onwards. Notable cases include the Nuns of Sovu, Samuel Ndashikirwa, Etienne Nzabonimana, Bernard Ntuyahaga, Ephrem Nkezabera, and the landmark Fabien Neretse case in 2019. Recent convictions in 2023, such as Twahirwa Séraphin and Pierre Basabose, signify continued efforts to seek justice.
In France, trials against individuals like Captain Simbikangwa, Octavien Ngenzi, Tito Barahira, Claude Muhayimana, Bucyibaruta Laurent, Hategekimana Philippe, and Dr. Sosthène Munyemana resulted in convictions and 24-year sentences, marking a step forward in addressing Genocide-related crimes.
Beyond legal pursuits, Ibuka’s collaborative efforts with authorities, Rwandan Embassies, and city leaders have led to the erection of monuments in various European cities. These memorials serve as poignant reminders of the Genocide against the Tutsi, providing spaces for survivors and the public to reflect on the tragic events of 1994 and engage in discussions to prevent such atrocities from recurring.
In Belgium, monuments like “La Stèle Commémorative” in Brussels and the “Plaque commémorative” in Charleroi stand as enduring tributes. France boasts multiple monuments, including those in Cluny, Dieulefit, Bègles, and Paris’s “Jardin de la Mémoire.” Switzerland recently opened a commemorative site in Lausanne.
Italy contributes to the remembrance efforts with monuments like “Parco Nemorense” in Rome and one in Tradate’s Children’s Park. Turin’s “Piazza delle Vittime del Genocidio dei Tutsi” and Buttigliera d’Asti’s road further emphasize the global commitment to preserving memory.
In England, memorials in Plymouth and Liverpool, along with planned additions, demonstrate the international scope of remembrance efforts. Africa’s sole memorial is in Senegal, located at “La Place du Souvenir Africain.”
These endeavors underscore the ongoing commitment to uncovering the truth about the Genocide against the Tutsi. The collective efforts of Genocide survivors spanning European, African, and American continents continue to bear witness in courts and contribute to over 1000 documents demanding the arrest of Genocide suspects.
As Ibuka marks 29 years abroad, the question lingers: Will the unity forged in the face of adversity prevail in the next 30 years? Looking back, survivors who once endured the Genocide are now elders, using their strength to empower the younger generation. The journey towards lasting unity and remembrance remains a shared responsibility for the global community.
{{During commemoration events held in Belgium, survivors take the moment to share their testimonies.}}
