Author: Nicole Kamanzi Muteteri

The summit seeks solutions to the ongoing conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) between the country’s armed forces and the M23 rebel group.

Other heads of state in attendance include Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan, Kenyan President and EAC Chairperson Dr. William Ruto, Zimbabwean President and SADC Chairperson Emmerson Mnangagwa, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema, and Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.

South African President Cyril Ramaphosa is expected to arrive later, while Burundi’s President Evariste Ndayishimiye is represented by Prime Minister Gervais Ndirakobuca.

DRC President Félix Tshisekedi is participating virtually.

The decision to convene this summit follows M23’s recent capture of Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, as a reminder to the DRC government of their call for negotiations to secure lasting peace.

Ahead of the summit, both EAC and SADC expressed support for inclusive political dialogue with M23 as key to a sustainable resolution to the conflict.

New testimonies from former FDLR fighters and Wazalendo militants indicate that SADC forces are actively supporting these armed groups, supplying them with equipment and reinforcing President Tshisekedi’s broader agenda of destabilizing Rwanda’s leadership.

These accounts come from ex-FDLR fighters who surrendered to Rwanda after suffering repeated defeats in eastern DRC. Realizing they had no future in the conflict, they chose to flee and share their experiences.

The FDLR’s specialized military unit, known as Commando de Recherche et d’Action en Profondeur (CRAP), has been particularly active in these battles, receiving significant backing from the Kinshasa government.

Recently, First Lady Denise Nyakeru Tshisekedi was seen visiting wounded CRAP fighters in the hospital, further confirming the government’s ties to the group terrorist group formed by remnant perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

Those who surrendered revealed that SADC forces provided them with weapons and played a crucial role in launching heavy artillery attacks against M23.

Manirahari Sebuyange, one of the former fighters, recounted participating in over fifteen major battles alongside Nyatura, Wazalendo, FARDC, Burundian forces, and SADC. He described how SADC airstrikes directly supported ground offensives against M23.

“In the battle at Kalenga, we fought alongside Burundian forces, FARDC, and Wazalendo. During another engagement in Gicwa, we were supported by FARDC’s unit called Hiboux, and SADC, which launched artillery strikes. The FARDC was present, but it was the SADC forces that supplied us with weapons, ammunition, and food,” he revealed.

SADC officially joined the conflict in December 2023 after President Tshisekedi expelled the East African Community (EAC) forces, accusing them of failing to defeat M23.

He then invited SADC troops, with South African forces leading combat operations.However, these troops are now facing mounting challenges and increasing scrutiny. Burundian forces, which share Tshisekedi’s political objectives, also form part of this alliance.

Jean Paul Bizimana, another former fighter, explained how SADC’s role was primarily to fire artillery at M23 positions while ground forces advanced. He recalled the battle in Sake, where over 2,000 fighters, including FARDC and Wazalendo militants, launched a coordinated attack.

Beyond battlefield operations, former fighters also detailed the internal workings of FDLR, particularly its elite CRAP unit.

This unit comprises five companies: Bombardier, led by Noheli; MIG 35, under Tuyizere Aimable; a third company commanded by Mfitumukiza Benjamin; Boeing, led by Remy; and Apache and Drone, responsible for military operations.

Each company plays a distinct role, with Boeing specifically tasked with protecting senior commanders.

One ex-fighter described the recruitment process, stating that FDLR consists of a mix of young boys, strong men, and elderly individuals.

Recruits undergo military training and are indoctrinated with anti-Rwandan propaganda.
“We were taught to hate Rwanda and its leaders, especially the Tutsis. Anyone who tried to escape was executed,” he admitted.

This threat was not an empty one. Many who attempted to flee were killed, and those suspected of disloyalty were swiftly punished.

One former fighter even admitted to receiving orders to execute comrades suspected of being Rwandan spies.

These former combatants also recounted their encounters with senior FDLR leaders, including Colonel Ruhinda Gaby, the former commander of its special forces, whose real name was Protogène Ruvugayimikore.

Ruhinda was killed in December 2023 during a battle against M23. Manirahari, who once served as his escort, described his duties, which ranged from washing the commander’s clothes to carrying his bags and cooking for him.

After Ruhinda’s death, the group experienced significant changes. “We were told to store our weapons and taken to a camp. Soon after, an explosion occurred, and a vehicle sped away. Hours later, they informed us that Ruhinda had been killed by grenade explosions,” Manirahari recounted.

His death led to the appointment of a new commander, Guillaume, under whom Manirahari was reassigned to the MIG 35 company.

Realizing the futility of their fight, many FDLR members eventually decided to surrender. They were particularly influenced by radio broadcasts and testimonies from former combatants who had safely returned to Rwanda.

Turatsinze Eric, one of the returnees, admitted that escaping was incredibly dangerous. “If they had discovered my plans, I would have been killed,” he said.

However, he managed to reach Goma, which was under M23 control at the time, making his surrender easier.

“Once in Goma, I contacted someone who helped me reach Rwandan authorities. The police received me well, and when I crossed into Rwanda, I had no further issues,” he explained.

All of these former fighters confirmed that the propaganda they had been fed about Rwanda, claims that they would be executed upon arrival, was entirely false.

Now, they urge their former comrades to lay down their arms, emphasizing that continuing to fight only serves the interests of leaders who exploit them.

“Rwanda is peaceful. I was afraid too, but I overcame my fear, and I have had no problems since arriving. We spent years running, but we achieved nothing. They should return home,” Manirahari emphasized.

These revelations about the collaboration between FDLR and SADC forces emerge at a time when pressure is mounting for the withdrawal of SADC troops from DRC, particularly the South African contingent.

Allegations have surfaced that their mission may be serving personal interests, particularly those of South African President Cyril Ramaphosa.

In response, Malawi has already announced plans to withdraw its troops, signaling a shift in regional dynamics and further casting doubt on the true objectives of the SADC deployment in eastern DRC.

In a statement delivered on February 6, 2025, Amb. Ngango countered accusations from the DRC government that Rwanda supports the armed group M23.

He described these claims as a diversion tactic aimed at concealing Kinshasa’s true intentions.

“We categorically oppose the DRC’s attempts to portray Rwanda as responsible for the insecurity in eastern DRC. This is a well-known deflection tactic used by Kinshasa to avoid accountability for the atrocities it and allied armed groups are inflicting on its own citizens,” he stated.

M23 fighters seized the city of Goma in the early hours of January 27, 2025, just four days after capturing Sake, a town in Masisi territory.

They now control key infrastructure in Goma, including the airport, and have established a new administration for North Kivu province.

Amb. Ngango revealed that as M23 advanced into Goma, the DRC’s military coalition had been preparing large-scale attacks against Rwanda, amassing weapons in and around the city.

“What is clear, however, is the imminent threat the current situation poses to Rwanda. Following the fall of Goma, new evidence has emerged of large-scale attacks planned against Rwanda. The Kinshasa-backed coalition has stockpiled a significant number of weapons and military equipment near Rwanda’s border, mostly in and around Goma airport,” he explained.

He further disclosed that the arsenal included heavy artillery and attack drones, which were not directed at M23 but instead pointed at Rwanda.

“The weapons were not positioned in the theater of operations against M23; rather, they were aimed directly at Rwanda,” he added.

Amb. Ngango also reminded the Council that after M23 took control of Goma, the DRC army shelled Rwandan territory, killing 16 civilians, injuring over 150, and damaging approximately 280 homes and properties.

Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe, recently warned that if the DRC government persists with its plans to attack Rwanda, Rwanda will maintain the defensive measures it has put in place along the border.

According to Radio France Internationale (RFI), the move aims to thwart a potential offensive by the M23 armed group to capture the city of Bukavu.

The reinforcements consist of a full battalion. Reports indicate that the troops were assembled at a military base in Gatumba, near the border, before their deployment to the DRC.

This battalion will be the 16th unit of Burundian forces stationed in the DRC since 2022, following a cooperation agreement between the two countries to combat armed groups in North and South Kivu.

Burundian troops have been fighting alongside the Congolese army in a coalition that includes the FDLR, a terrorist group formed by remnant perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

Previously, all Burundian troops stationed in North Kivu were redeployed to South Kivu after suffering losses against M23. They are now securing key strategic locations, including Kavumu, home to a critical airport.

The withdrawal of these troops, led by Brigadier General Pontien Hakizimana, also known as “Mingi,” from North Kivu reportedly facilitated M23’s capture of Sake and Goma.

Reports now suggest that M23 could advance toward Bukavu if its positions continue to come under attack.

The rewards are based on invoices requested during the months of October, November, and December 2024.

A Ministerial Order gazetted in March 2024, stipulates that a final consumer, who purchase an item not intended for business, is entitled to a reward of 10% of the VAT amount indicated on the invoice.

To receive the reward, one must be registered under this program by dialing *800# and choosing EBM services or using MyRRA. After registration, the consumer is required to always remind the seller to include their phone number on the invoice issued.

Jean Paulin Uwitonze, Assistant Commissioner for Taxpayer Services and Communications, emphasized that this reward is not a short-term promotion and encouraged everyone to participate, contributing to national development while also benefiting personally.

Since April 2024, about 58,000 people have registered for VAT rewards. Among them, 18,215, who made invoiced purchases in the last third quarter, started receiving their rewards amounting to Frw184.4 billion, since Wednesday.

“Of those registered, more than 43,000 have already requested invoices since this program started in April last year. The total value of invoices requested so far is a substantial Frw97.3 billion, with VAT amounting to nearly Frw15 billion,” Uwitonze stated.

Given that the reward is 10% of the VAT paid on these invoices, final consumers have collectively accumulated Frw1.48 billion in rewards.

Uwitonze urged all buyers to consistently request EBM invoices and reminded business owners of their obligation to issue them, warning of penalties for non-compliance.

A consumer, who is denied an invoice for the goods purchased, is urged to report it to the tax administration. In doing so, the affected final consumer receives an additional reward equal to 50% of the penalty imposed on the seller.

To report the trader, who refuses to issue an EBM invoice or provides incorrect one, consumers can send a message to the RRA WhatsApp number 0739008010.

“Infrastructure like roads, schools, hospitals, and security; all these need resources. Everyone should contribute to national development, knowing that sustainable progress comes from our collective efforts towards tax compliance,” Uwitonze added.

{{Why the received reward might be lower than expected}}

While consumers continue to receive their rewards, some have noticed that the amount received is lower than the amount displayed in the system, either via *800# or MyRRA.

This may be due to various factors, including the invoices belonging to the ongoing fourth quarter. The reward amount is deposited quarterly to the mobile money or bank account designated by the final consumer after the declaration of VAT.

“Sometimes, a consumer requests an EBM invoice, but the seller does not declare it or pay the corresponding VAT. In such cases, the unpaid VAT is deducted from the reward amount pending further follow up with the taxpayer in question, leading to differences between the expected and received rewards,” Uwitonze explained.

“There could also be ongoing verification before granting the reward on certain invoices, or a seller might have failed to declare some information. This means that the expected reward cannot be disbursed immediately. However, once the taxes are recovered, they are added to the pool of pending rewards and paid out accordingly.”

Some cases have also been reported where rewards were sent but did not reach recipients due to technical issues, requiring reprocessing, he said. In issuing EBM invoices, some sellers also generate invoices and later cancel them falsely claiming they were issued by mistake.

Uwitonze assured that such fraudulent practices would not succeed, as the system tracks all seller activities, including invoice issuance, refunds, and inventory adjustments.

He warned that tax audits could be conducted at any time, and those found engaging in such malpractices would have to correct them and face heavy penalties as provided by the law.

These lawmakers have called for the withdrawal of South African troops and the repatriation of the fallen soldiers, though challenges persist as some troops are reportedly surrounded by M23 fighters.

As he declared national mourning in the State of the Nation Address on Thursday, February 6, 2025, President Cyril Ramaphosa read the names of the fallen soldiers, who held various ranks, including Corporals, Staff Sergeants, Riflemen, and Privates.

“I have directed that the national flag be flown at half-mast in honor of these fallen heroes for a week, starting tomorrow morning,” he said.

The South African National Defence Force (SANDF) deployed soldiers to the eastern DRC as part of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) since 2023. The mandate was extended for another year in November 2024.

The initial deployment consisted of 5,000 soldiers, including 2,900 from South Africa, which leads the mission, alongside 2,100 from Tanzania and Malawi.

On June 26, 2024, it was announced that SADC had reinforced its presence in Goma, increasing troop numbers from the initial 5,000 in North Kivu to over 9,000.

Reports indicate that South Africa contributed an additional 2,600 troops, while Tanzania and Malawi reinforced their contingents with 750 and 1,000 soldiers, respectively.

Despite this buildup, the forces have not met the DRC government’s expectations, as they have failed to push M23 out of the areas under its control. Instead, the rebel group has continued to expand its territory.

Ramaphosa’s recent statement has sparked mixed reactions. Critics have questioned the characterization of South African soldiers in the DRC as peacekeepers, noting that they were directly involved in combat with M23.

Some have even suggested that the soldiers were sent to the conflict zone as part of the president’s mining interests, with claims that they were sent to die in the process.

The bodies of South African soldiers who died in clashes with the M23 rebel group continue to decompose in Goma, with reports indicating that some remain scattered in different locations and have not been placed in hospital mortuaries.

According to Rwanda’s Presidency, their discussions focused on strengthening bilateral cooperation in key sectors.

Rwanda and Morocco share a longstanding partnership, reinforced through multiple agreements over the years.

In 2016, King Mohammed VI visited Rwanda, during which the two nations signed 19 cooperation agreements in areas such as banking, diplomatic relations, and investment facilitation.

One of the agreements allowed diplomatic passport holders to travel between the two countries without restrictions.

In 2019, Rwanda and Morocco signed 12 additional agreements in Rabat, further solidifying their collaboration. Morocco remains a key partner in education, offering numerous scholarships to African students, including Rwandans.

In 2020, Rwanda’s then-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr. Vincent Biruta, and his Moroccan counterpart signed two agreements, one enhancing government collaboration and another focused on sports development in Africa.

On the same day, President Kagame also met with Dr. Sherine Abbas Helmy, CEO of Pharco Pharmaceuticals, to explore potential partnerships in healthcare and pharmaceuticals.

The fighting reached a critical point on January 27 when M23 captured Goma, a strategic city in North Kivu, forcing Congolese troops to retreat. While thousands of soldiers sought protection under the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping mission, others crossed into Rwanda.

It was an ironic twist. Just days earlier, these same forces and their coalition had launched attacks into Rwandan territory, resulting in the tragic deaths of 16 innocent civilians.

Yet, when they found themselves on the losing end of the battle, Rwanda responded not with hostility but with dignity and humanitarian aid.

Many of these soldiers surrendered because they felt abandoned. Upon arrival in Rwanda, several soldiers admitted they had been deployed into battle with no clear mission, inadequate equipment, and minimal leadership.

They described being sent to fight M23 as though they were being led to their deaths, prompting them to lay down their weapons and seek refuge.

One soldier, upon reaching Rubavu, told IGIHE that when M23 entered Goma, they were stationed at the city’s airport.

“How could we be sent to the airport when the enemy forces had surrounded the entire city and were firing everywhere? That combat strategy made no sense,” he said.

He explained that when he saw shells heading toward their location, he realized the situation was deteriorating. He sought refuge at a UN peacekeeping mission, MONUSCO camp, but after being turned away, he fled to Rwanda.

While some soldiers fled to Rwanda, others sought shelter under MONUSCO, with over 3,000 FARDC troops currently under its protection. Their future remains uncertain as the situation in eastern DRC continues to evolve.

Now, 131 FARDC soldiers are sheltered in Rugerero Sector, Rubavu District, receiving food, clothing, medical care, and proper living conditions. Among them is a female soldier.

The accommodation offers structure and stability, contrasting with the uncertainty of war.

The soldiers have access to recreational facilities and a dedicated kitchen where they prepare meals from the supplies provided.

Some have even admitted that their current conditions in Rwanda are better than what they experienced in the DRC, highlighting the struggles they faced within their own ranks.

One of the surrendered soldiers, Lt. Kasereke Tshombe, praised the reception they received in Rwanda and made an appeal to his government to facilitate their return home.

“We are grateful to the government of Rwanda for their warm welcome. Our appeal to the Congolese government is to facilitate our safe return home. We also request means to communicate with our families so they know we are safe,” he said.

AFC/M23 coordinator Corneille Nangaa recently emphasized that both those who surrendered and those captured on the battlefield remain their brothers.

“They are Congolese, just like us. They had a mission to accomplish, but they were sent by their president, who later abandoned them. They fought to protect his power. He left them to starve, recruited children into the army, rushed their training, and sent them to the battlefield under the influence of drugs.”

Nangaa added that the captured soldiers have choices regarding their future, especially since many had already lost the will to fight. However, he stressed that they would not be abandoned.

“Some are even willing to join us and be part of our revolution. We are sending them to centers where they will be taught self-reliance, good conduct, and how a revolution works,” he said.

It wasn’t just soldiers who fled the violence. Ordinary Congolese civilians also sought refuge in Rwanda, escaping the chaos of war. They were welcomed, given essential supplies, and, as stability gradually returned to Goma, many have since begun their journey back home.

For the people of Goma, the reality on the ground has changed. Businesses have reopened, hospitals are functional, and schools are running without disruption. Residents report feeling safer than before, relieved from the abuses they previously endured at the hands of undisciplined soldiers.

Rwanda’s decision to shelter former enemy soldiers and displaced civilians, despite previous hostilities, reflects a broader commitment to humanitarian values, choosing to extend a hand where others might have turned them away.

According to an official statement, the decision follows a ceasefire declaration by the warring parties and aims to facilitate negotiations for a peaceful resolution.

The M23 rebel group announced late Monday that it would implement a unilateral ceasefire starting Tuesday.

However, on Wednesday, fighting resumed after the group came under attack from the Congolese army and its allies, leading to retaliation.

Malawian troops have been part of the Southern African Development Community Mission in the DRC (SAMIDRC), whose mandate was extended late last year.

Reports indicate that various stakeholders had urged Chakwera to withdraw from the mission, arguing that continued involvement was not in Malawi’s best interest.

Malawi recently lost three soldiers in the SAMIDRC mission during clashes in which M23 forces defeated the coalition and took control of Goma.

The decision to withdraw also follows growing concerns from South African lawmakers, who questioned their country’s involvement in the DRC conflict after losing 14 soldiers in the battle for Goma.

They have since called for the withdrawal of South African troops and the repatriation of deceased soldiers, though challenges remain as some troops are reportedly surrounded by M23 fighters.