Nguema secured a commanding victory with 90.35% of the vote, Interior Minister Hermann Immongault confirmed. His closest rival, former Prime Minister Alain-Claude Bilie By Nze, garnered just 3.02%.
The election registered 920,200 eligible voters, including over 28,000 from abroad, and achieved a voter turnout of 70.4%, the minister added.
This marks Gabon’s first presidential election since the ousting of former President Ali Bongo Ondimba, and represents a key milestone in the country’s return to constitutional governance following the political transition.
The announcement was made on Saturday in the capital, Dodoma, by Ramadhani Kailima, Director of Elections at the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
While defending the commission’s tough stance, Kailima stressed that the code is a vital tool for ensuring fair and transparent elections at all levels—presidential, parliamentary, and local.
“The code of conduct is fundamental for guaranteeing integrity in the electoral process. All political parties were required to sign it,” Kailima stated, adding that Chadema was the only party out of 19 registered groups that refused to do so.
The code outlines expectations for ethical political behaviour ahead of the October polls, and failure to comply was previously flagged by the electoral body as grounds for disqualification.
Chadema’s rejection of the code stems from its longstanding call for sweeping electoral reforms.
The party has insisted that meaningful changes—such as constitutional amendments, the establishment of a genuinely independent electoral commission, and updated electoral laws—must be implemented before it agrees to participate in elections.
John Mnyika, Chadema’s Secretary General, reiterated the party’s “No Reforms, No Election” stance, arguing that the current framework is skewed in favour of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM).
Although the government enacted limited reforms in 2024, Chadema maintains these changes fall far short of addressing systemic imbalances.
The ban marks a deepening standoff between the opposition and the state, further complicated by the recent arrest of prominent Chadema figure Tundu Lissu.
A former presidential candidate and one of the party’s most vocal leaders, Lissu was detained after a public rally where he called for electoral reform.
On Thursday, the 57-year-old politician was charged with treason after being accused of inciting rebellion and attempting to disrupt the electoral process. The offence carries a potential death sentence.
The genocide had begun openly on April 7, 1994, following the assassination of President Juvénal Habyarimana when his plane was shot down. Within hours, mass killings of Tutsi civilians were underway across the country, particularly in the capital, Kigali.
Recognizing the scale and urgency of the atrocities, Kagame issued immediate orders to his military commanders. Speaking from Mulindi in Byumba, the RPA’s main base at the time, he directed RPA forces to launch an offensive aimed specifically at halting the genocide.
The decision was quickly communicated to international diplomats and humanitarian organizations.
The first soldiers given the task of stopping the genocide were the 600 RPA troops already stationed at the CND (Parliament) in Kigali since December 28, 1993. Led by Charles Kayonga, this battalion included several high-ranking officers such as Maj Gen (Rtd) Charles Karamba (then a Captain), Jacob Tumwine, Emmanuel Rugazora, and Kwikiriza.
Originally, the soldiers’ mission was to protect FPR-Inkotanyi politicians who were expected to join the transitional government. But the downing of the president’s plane changed everything.
The soldiers, surrounded and attacked by government forces from Kanombe and Kacyiru, had to defend themselves and civilians who began seeking refuge.
On Kagame’s orders, the battalion transformed their CND post (now the Rwandan Parliament building) into a safe haven. Part of it became a makeshift hospital. Alone, they held their ground until April 11, when the Alpha Battalion under Sam Kaka arrived from Gicumbi, reinforcing them and allowing for a broader push across the city to stop the killings.
The goal was urgent and uncompromising—to defeat the enemy forces, dismantle roadblocks manned by the Interahamwe militia, and rescue Tutsi wherever they were being hunted. In every area secured by the RPA, they established safe zones, arranged for medical care, distributed food, provided clothing and shelter—restoring a measure of humanity in the face of systematic extermination.
Special squads were tasked with identifying and evacuating wounded survivors, abandoned children, and the elderly. The soldiers did everything: defending safe zones, administering first aid, collecting medicine, comforting victims, and gathering intelligence about others in hiding.
RPA troops faced fierce resistance from genocidal forces. Yet they pushed forward—fighting by day and rescuing by night. In Kigali, where the battlefield was chaotic and government troops were heavily concentrated, night missions were often the only way to search for and extract survivors. Soldiers combed through homes, bushes, streets—anywhere people might be hiding.
Survivors were taken to the battalion headquarters, where they received food, clothing (as many had been stripped or were barely dressed), medical care, and protection. Some were later relocated to pre-secured zones.
Intelligence teams also identified areas where Tutsi were being gathered for mass execution. The information was relayed to command centers, which then launched targeted assaults to liberate those zones. One example was the operation to rescue people trapped in Amahoro Stadium, which had become surrounded by killers. RPA troops stormed Remera and secured the area, saving hundreds.
When locations couldn’t be immediately seized, RPA soldiers infiltrated under the cover of night, battling their way in and evacuating victims. Such missions saved lives at Saint Paul, Saint André, and other high-risk areas.
Some soldiers went even deeper behind enemy lines—not only to gather military intelligence but to pinpoint the locations of genocidaires and, when possible, rescue Tutsi on the spot.
Ultimately, many people were saved through these night missions, and even more were rescued as the RPA took control of Kigali and expanded its reach across the country.
This extraordinary military effort, spearheaded by a resolve to stop the genocide regardless of international inaction, remains one of the most defining chapters in Rwanda’s history.
Kagame’s declaration on April 8, 1994, was more than a warning to the world; it was a promise kept.
The panel will engage with all stakeholders to enhance mediation efforts and support the full implementation of the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (R-ARCSS), the AU said in a statement issued Monday.
The AU calls on all parties to uphold all the provisions of the R-ARCSS, the statement said, adding that the pan-African bloc remains actively engaged with regional and international partners, including the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the East African Community (EAC) and the United Nations, to support South Sudan’s transition to durable peace and democracy.
It said that after cordial direct talks with President Salva Kiir of South Sudan, AU Commission Chairperson Mahmoud Ali Youssouf addressed the evolving political situation in South Sudan and the recent violence in Nasir County in the country’s Upper Nile State.
Dozens of people were killed, and several senior officials, including First Vice President Riek Machar, have been detained since clashes erupted in January between the South Sudan People’s Defense Forces and opposition fighters.
South Sudan, which became independent in 2011, signed a peace deal in 2018 that ended a civil war between forces loyal to Kiir and Machar. Nearly 400,000 people died in the civil war.
Relations between Kiir and Machar, who have dominated South Sudan’s politics for decades, remain strained. The clashes and latest political tensions between the two leaders have unsettled many citizens and the international community.
The move, announced on Tuesday by the presidency’s spokesperson Tina Salama, spares the lives of Marcel Malanga, a Utah-born U.S. citizen, and two other Americans who had faced execution following their conviction by a Kinshasa military court in September 2024.
According to Salama, the death sentences have been commuted to life imprisonment, following an executive order from Tshisekedi.
“They will not be executed, as the death penalty is commuted,” she stated, confirming the reprieve for Malanga and his co-defendants.
The motive behind the pardon remains unclear. However, the decision comes at a time when Tshisekedi is seeking closer security cooperation with the United States. Recently, he proposed a deal offering minerals in exchange for U.S. military support to counter the M23 rebel group, which has seized large swaths of territory in eastern DRC.
The three Americans were among 37 alleged coup plotters who were sentenced to death last September for their role in a failed coup attempt.
The attack targeted the residence of then-Vice Prime Minister Vital Kamerhe before shifting to the Palais de la Nation, the seat of the Congolese presidency.
The coup was thwarted by security forces, resulting in the deaths of six people, including the plot’s leader, Christian Malanga, a former Utah-based car dealer who had returned to the DRC and was father to one of the convicted Americans, Marcel Malanga.
During their trial, Marcel Malanga and his high school friend, Tyler Thompson Jr., both 21, claimed they were coerced into participating in the coup under threat from Christian Malanga. Despite these statements, they, along with a Canadian, a British citizen, and a Belgian national, were convicted and sentenced alongside several Congolese defendants.
The U.S. State Department previously acknowledged the case, and Utah Senators Mike Lee and Mitt Romney had engaged with diplomatic channels over the matter.
Odinga, who arrived in Juba on Friday for discussions with South Sudanese President Salva Kiir and Machar, revealed that while he met with Kiir, he was not permitted to visit the detained vice president. His six-hour visit yielded little public information apart from official images taken at the presidential palace.
Upon his return from Entebbe, Uganda, on Saturday, Odinga disclosed that Kiir had briefed him on the killing of General Majur Dak and other soldiers in the northern town of Nasir on March 7.
The South Sudanese government reported that the general and his team were attacked while attempting to board a United Nations helicopter for evacuation.
As a result of the attack, Kiir’s government placed Machar under house arrest, citing ongoing investigations into the incident.
“I had a lengthy discussion with President Kiir, who told me about the challenges they are facing—that a General and 10 other people were killed in the town of Nasir in the Upper Nile, and this is what they are investigating,” Odinga explained.
Following their meeting, Odinga requested permission to speak with Machar but was denied. Instead, he was advised to consult with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, leading to his visit to Entebbe, where he briefed Museveni on the developments.
“I reported to him [Museveni] what I had found in South Sudan, and after a lengthy discussion, he said he would get in touch with President Kiir,” Odinga stated.
Odinga, a seasoned Kenyan politician, told the press in Nairobi that he would only return to Juba if granted direct access to Machar.
“They said that when I want to go back to Juba, they will allow me, but I have said that I will only return when I meet with Mr. Riek. I don’t want to disclose right now when I am going back,” he asserted.
Back in Kenya, Odinga intends to brief President William Ruto, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, and Djibouti’s President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh on the South Sudan situation.
He also called for international intervention to prevent further escalation.
“The situation requires international attention. I am happy that the UN is getting involved in what is happening in South Sudan. I believe this is a situation that warrants intervention by the international community,” he remarked.
Although South Sudanese authorities have not directly linked Machar to the killings, they claim that some of his supporters, including militia groups allegedly affiliated with him, may have played a role in the attack.
Machar’s appointment as First Vice President was the result of a fragile peace deal brokered in 2018 to end years of civil war. He was reinstated in 2020 as part of a power-sharing arrangement with President Kiir after previous attempts at cooperation had collapsed into renewed conflict.
The deal aimed to unify rival factions and establish a transitional government, but tensions between Kiir and Machar have remained high, with periodic clashes threatening to unravel the agreement.
The Kenyan government recently appointed Odinga as its special envoy to South Sudan amid rising tensions following Machar’s arrest on March 26.
President Ruto, who has been actively involved in mediation efforts within the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) region, made the appointment after consulting with regional leaders, including Kiir, Museveni, and Abiy Ahmed. Ruto stated that Odinga was tasked with engaging all parties to de-escalate the conflict and provide feedback on the situation.
Machar’s detention, which also included his wife, Angela Teny, the country’s Interior and Coordination Minister, has drawn international condemnation. The United States was among the first to demand his immediate release, adding to growing pressure on Kiir’s administration.
In his media briefing on Saturday, Odinga expressed optimism that the ongoing investigations will be resolved swiftly to restore stability in the fragile nation, which has long been plagued by conflict and political rivalries.
On March 16, 2025, Tshisekedi’s office announced that it had welcomed Congressman Dr. Ronny Jackson and discussed security in eastern DRC as well as development issues.
“On this Sunday, President Félix Tshisekedi met with Mr. Ronny Jackson, the Special Envoy of the President of the United States, Donald Trump, and a member of the U.S. Congress,” the office of the president said in a statement.
Dr. Jackson, who also chairs the U.S. Congress Intelligence and Special Operations Committee, visited Rwanda, Burundi, and Uganda to understand the root causes of insecurity in the region.
After concluding his visit on March 23, Dr. Jackson explained to his fellow U.S. lawmakers that the insecurity stemmed from colonial-era border changes in the 19th century, which resulted in some land being allocated to the DRC.
Dr. Jackson stated that due to these altered borders, some Congolese in eastern DRC, including many members of the M23 armed group, are not recognized as full citizens, which has led them to take up arms to fight for their rights.
“For lasting peace, the Congolese government must integrate M23 fighters into the military and recognize the people of eastern DRC as full citizens with legitimate rights,” he added.
His remarks angered some Congolese social media users, who criticized the U.S. Embassy in Kinshasa, questioning how a special envoy from Trump could make such statements.
The outrage stemmed from the fact that Dr. Jackson did not distort the region’s history as some Congolese politicians and their foreign allies have often done.
On March 26, the U.S. Embassy in Kinshasa clarified that Dr. Jackson was not a special envoy of Trump but had visited the region as a member of the U.S. Congress.
“The Embassy wishes to clarify that Mr. Ronny Jackson is an elected member of the U.S. Congress and not an official envoy appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate,” the statement read.
Dr. Jackson’s remarks could potentially shift the perspectives of some U.S. politicians who previously believed that the conflict between the Congolese army and M23 was solely driven by the struggle for mineral resources, rather than by the fight for the rights of marginalized Congolese communities.
Liège authorities have traditionally joined Rwandans in commemorating the genocide and had scheduled the event for April 12, 2025. However, they have now decided to withdraw from the event.
According to state broadcaster RTBF, the city’s decision was based on a warning from the Liège police.
The police cited tensions between the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Rwanda, suggesting that individuals from the two countries residing in the city could clash during the event.
“An analysis of the potential issue was conducted. The Liège police provided an unfavourable recommendation. The international political climate is unstable,” Jadranka Lozina, the spokesperson for the Liège police, was quoted as saying.
While Rwandans will still be allowed to gather privately for the commemoration, Liège Mayor Willy Demeyer will not attend. Authorities have also warned that if public order is threatened, the gathering will not be permitted.
The decision comes amid strained diplomatic relations between Rwanda and Belgium. Rwanda recently cut ties with Belgium due to the latter’s alignment with the DRC in calling for sanctions against Rwanda, accusing it of supporting the M23 rebel group—an allegation Rwanda has strongly denied.
Minister Nduhungirehe condemned the move, arguing that it demonstrates how the genocide denial narrative, propagated by DRC authorities and their Belgian supporters, is rapidly spreading within Belgium.
“It is evident that the denial virus, spread by the Congolese government and its supporters in Belgium, is rapidly taking hold in the Kingdom of Léopold!” the minister wrote on X.
Nduhungirehe further pointed out that Liège is governed by the Socialist Party (PS), which includes Lydia Mutyebele, a DRC-born MP known for her hostility towards Rwanda and genocide denial, as well as André Flahaut, who has recently shown support for Kinshasa’s leadership in the ongoing regional tensions.
He also reminded that April 7 is an internationally recognised day, designated by the United Nations General Assembly, for the world to join Rwandans in commemorating the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
The minister made the comments following President Ndayishimiye’s interview with the BBC, in which he claimed to have reliable information suggesting that Rwanda is planning an attack on Burundi through the RED Tabara rebel group, which operates in South Kivu province in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
In the interview, President Ndayishimiye intensified his rhetoric, suggesting that Burundi is prepared to attack Rwanda.
“We know that Rwanda is attempting to attack us via Congolese territory, using the RED Tabara group. But we are telling them that if they want to attack Bujumbura through Congo, Kigali is not far from us through Kirundo,” he stated.
Nduhungirehe expressed concern that such comments contradicted the progress made in talks between the two countries to de-escalate tensions.
“This statement by H.E. the President of Burundi is unfortunate, especially since the military and intelligence authorities of both countries are currently in discussions and have even agreed on the need for a military and verbal de-escalation,” Nduhungirehe stated, referring to the talks, with the most recent meeting taking place in Kirundo Province on March 10, 2025.
The minister also noted that he had discussed the matter with his Burundian counterpart during a recent joint East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) ministerial meeting in Zimbabwe.
“I also discussed this matter with my Burundian counterpart on the sidelines of the joint EAC-SADC ministerial meeting in Harare on March 17, 2025, and we were fully aligned on this issue,” Nduhungirehe added.
Despite the setbacks, Nduhungirehe emphasized that Rwanda remains committed to peace with Burundi and the broader Great Lakes region.
“Rwanda will continue its commitment to peace with Burundi and in the Great Lakes region, while hoping for more calm and restraint in official statements from across the Akanyaru River,” he stated.
The relations between Rwanda and Burundi have been strained for years, particularly due to Rwanda’s refusal to extradite individuals accused of attempting to overthrow former President Pierre Nkurunziza’s government in 2015. Rwanda maintains that these individuals are refugees protected under international law, preventing their extradition.
Since January 2024, Burundi has closed its land borders with Rwanda, accusing it of supporting attacks by RED Tabara—a claim that Rwanda has consistently denied, asserting it has no connection with the armed group.
In a virtual summit chaired by Kenyan President William Ruto and Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa on Monday night, regional heads of state appointed three former African presidents—Kgalema Motlanthe of South Africa, Catherine Samba-Panza of the Central African Republic, and Sahle-Work Zewde of Ethiopia—to an expanded team that will lead peace talks between the AFC-M23 rebel group and the Congolese government. The panel already included Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya and Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria.
The summit cited the need to ensure gender balance, regional, and linguistic inclusivity in the team, leading to the appointment of the three additional former presidents. Former Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, who was part of the initial team, has been dropped.
The Heads of State and Government from 14 EAC and SADC member countries participated in the Monday night meeting, focusing on the deteriorating security situation in eastern DRC and the implementation of a comprehensive peace roadmap.
The Joint Summit, attended by President Paul Kagame, mandated the EAC and SADC Secretariats to formally notify the panel members and convey the outcomes of the summit to the African Union (AU) and United Nations (UN) Security Council.
Furthermore, the co-chairs, Kenyatta and Obasanjo, were directed to convene a briefing session with the facilitators within seven days, to be conducted jointly by the EAC, SADC, and the African Union.
The Monday summit also adopted a comprehensive report from the Joint EAC-SADC Meeting of Ministers, which outlines immediate, medium-, and long-term measures to achieve lasting peace and security in the region. The Heads of State emphasized the urgent implementation of these measures to address the ongoing conflict.
The new appointments follow a joint summit held on February 8, where the EAC and SADC proposed merging the Nairobi Process, an EAC-led mediation effort led by Kenyatta, with the Luanda Process, a separate peace initiative facilitated by Angolan President João Lourenço under the African Union.
The expanded team marks a renewed regional commitment to resolving the protracted conflict in eastern DRC. The newly appointed facilitators are expected to play a pivotal role in mediation efforts and ensuring the successful execution of the peace roadmap after months of fighting between the Congolese army and rebels who accuse the government of poor governance and the persecution of Congolese Rwandophones in the east.
