Category: People

{{Former United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan’s book, ‘Interventions, A Life in War and Peace.’ was officially launched in a colorful ceremony held in Accra, Ghana on Saturday.}}

In the 353-page book, Annan provides a personal account of life in war-torn and peaceful countries as well as the achievements and challenges of the UN.

Speaking during the ceremony, the soft-spoken former UN boss he noted that democracy was gradually gaining ground globally and urged Ghanaians to foster democracy in order to enhance socio-economic development of the nation.

The book is a good read for Kenyans with the Chief Mediator after the 2007/2008 disputed Elections recounting in a chapter entitled, ‘Half a million Rwandan Ghosts: Crisis in Kenya’, details of the negotiations that led to the 2008 National Accord.

He credits the peace accord for developing a framework for a new constitution.

{internet story}

{{Drama seemed to unfold almost every day, with squabbles among political parties and scandals involving senior leaders shaking the nation.}}

For the fourth year running, unending disputes among the coalition government partners, Zanu PF and the two MDCs over the implementation of outstanding Global Political Agreement (GPA) issues, dogged the nation with not much progress made.

The much anticipated new democratic constitution is still to materialise, as parties to the GPA are still haggling over the contents of a new draft charter for the country.

The Copac second All-Stakeholders’ Conference, which was initially expected to produce fireworks, failed to live up to expectations.
It did not come up with concrete decisions, with President Robert Mugabe insisting that the GPA principals and not Copac had the final say on the draft constitution before it goes for a referendum.

A cabinet committee has since been set up to break the deadlock in the constitution-making process.

But it was still to resolve contentious issues stalling the process, including the host of amendments which Zanu PF wants incorporated.
Zanu PF wants to retain Mugabe’s imperial powers and is against devolution of power, dual citizenship and the creation of an independent prosecuting authority.

The two MDC formations have so far refused to budge, maintaining that all the three parties to the GPA have already appended their signatures to the compromise document.

The Zanu PF conference held at the beginning of the month in Gweru at a new US$6,5 million convention centre, insisted that unless the constitution-making process was concluded before Christmas, Mugabe should call for an election under the current Constitution.

And again, Sadc continued to intervene in an attempt to resolve the Zimbabwean crisis.

For the better part of the year, Mugabe and his Zanu PF party have been threatening to call for elections in 2012 in the absence of credible reforms.

The party made several resolutions to end the GNU and hold elections this year. But Sadc pulled the plug on the plans.

A summit in Angola in June blocked Mugabe’s plans to hold elections before reforms. The summit resolved that the parties to the GPA should finalise the constitution-making process and subject it to the referendum, as well as develop an implementation mechanism and set out time frames to an agreed election road map.

Sadc was again to meet in Maputo in August, reiterating its position, that Zimbabwe’s warring parties should complete the constitution-making process and put it to a referendum in order to allow for free and fair elections to be held.

It was this summit, which confirmed MDC President Welshman Ncube as the third principal in the country ahead of Professor Arthur Mutambara, who is contesting the leadership of the party.

Mutambara reportedly attacked Sadc facilitator, President Jacob Zuma of South Africa during the Sadc Troika meeting, accusing him of side-lining him in favour of his in-law, Ncube. The regional bloc also met in Tanzania in December and reiterated its position on Zimbabwe.

Another highlight of the year was the inquest into former army commander, General Solomon Mujuru’s death. The inquest held at the Harare magistrate’s court took centre stage at the beginning of the year.

Witnesses proved that there were sharp contradictions and inconsistencies on the cause of the death of Mujuru in a mysterious fire in August last year, deepening suspicions of foul play.
But the coroner ruled that there was no evidence to prove foul play.
The Mujuru family lawyer, Thakor Kewada, described the verdict that Mujuru died of carbonation as a mockery.

He demanded the exhumation of Mujuru’s remains to allow for a second autopsy by an independent pathologist, but the government is still to respond to the request.

The late general’s wife and Mugabe’s deputy, Joice, was to later shock the nation at his memorial service when she revealed that Mujuru was a philanderer who sired several children out of wedlock.
Fears continued to mount that the military would seize power in the event of Mugabe’s death or electoral defeat, with securocrats making several political statements.

Zimbabwe Defence Forces Chief of Staff, Major General Martin Chedondo, stirred a storm when he said soldiers must be involved in national politics in order to remain “loyal and defend the nation’s territorial integrity and interests”.

Another top army general, Trust Mugoba, also said the military would not allow anyone who did not share the ideals of Zanu PF to lead the country.

Justice and Legal Affairs minister, Patrick Chinamasa, did not help the situation, telling the BBC that his party and the military would not accept Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s electoral victory.
Zanu PF spokesperson, Rugare Gumbo on the other hand, reportedly warned that it would be “messy” if Tsvangirai won.

He told South Africa’s e-News Channel Africa that hardliners would find it difficult to hand over power to the PM.

But calls by the MDC-T for the arrest of the two politicians on charges of plotting to subvert the will of the people fell on deaf ears.

Mugabe even controversially extended the terms of office of all service chiefs despite protests by Tsvangirai, who was not consulted.
Police Commissioner-General Augustine Chihuri’s term of office was extended to 2014.

The terms of office for Commanders of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, General Constantine Chiwenga, Zimbabwe National Army Commander, Lieutenant General Philip Valerio Sibanda, Air Marshal Perrance Shiri and Commissioner of Prisons, Retired Major General Paradzai Zimondi, were also extended.

The performance of the MDC-T in the inclusive government came under spotlight in the wake of a recent survey, which showed that the party had lost support.

The results of the opinion poll by American think-tank, Freedom House, concluded that support for MDC-T plummeted from 38% in 2010 to 19% this year while that for Zanu PF grew from 17% to 31% over the same period.

There was controversy surrounding the forced takeover of the Save Conservancy by mostly Zanu PF politicians, who wanted to displace the local communities and their white partners.

The politicians, among them, the late Higher Education minister, Stan Mudenge, war veteran leader, Joseph Chinotimba and Masvingo governor, Titus Maluleke, were granted 25-year leases and hunting permits in a development that threatens efforts to rebuild Zimbabwe’s tourism sector.

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{{In Zimbabwe, ZANU-PF national political commissar Cde Webster Shamu yesterday sent a condolence message to the Chinamano family following the death of Josiah Pfumojena Chinamano Jr.}}

In a statement yesterday, Cde Shamu said Josiah Jr’s death was a great loss to the family.
Josiah was the late national hero Josiah and heroine Ruth Chinamano’s last born son.

“Our sorrow is further exacerbated by the realisation that death has robbed the Chinamano family, nay, Zimbabwe as a nation, a son named after his heroic father Josiah Mushore Chinamano (senior).

The young Josiah who endured incarceration for 19 months at the hands of the racist Smith regime, alongside his parents who were fighting for the liberation of the country, was detained and restricted at the tender age of five,” he said.

He said Josiah (Jnr) was a constant reminder that revolutionaries never die but turnover from time to eternity.

Cde Shamu said the experiences of young Josiah (Jnr) at Wha Wha Detention Camp would forever be a reminder that the scar that imperialism left is irreparable.

“As we pray for Josiah (Jnr)’s soul to rest in peace, we beseech the people of Zimbabwe to find strength in our unity of purpose that should forever bind us together irrespective of tribe, race or religion as we uphold the principle that Zimbabwe will never be a colony again,” he said.

Meanwhile, the Chinamano family has refuted allegations in the private media that they had been neglected by Government and Zanu-PF after the death of Mr Josiah Chinamano Jr.
Cde Chinamano Jr died on Christmas Day due to a liver condition.
He was 51 years old.

Family spokesperson Mr Kudakwashe Chinamano yesterday said it was unfortunate that Josiah died when all Government and party officials were on holiday.

“We want to clearly state that the story in some sections of the private media that our party has neglected us is totally unfounded and malicious. The party and Government have been with us and continue to stand by our side and our load has been very easy.”

He said the story showed great “immaturity” on the writer who did not notice that officials were on holiday.

“He should have known that everyone is on holiday to process anything. The story is just meant to cause unnecessary chaos, division and commotion.

“As you can see here we have members of the defence forces, officers from several ministries such as youth, media, Zanu-PF officials who are helping us with all processes,” he said.

Custodians of the Legacy secretary general Ms Bellinda Cele dismissed the story as false and baseless.

“Cde Chinamano died during the holiday and under normal circumstances everyone, including Government officials was on holiday so logistic mobilisation was not possible. Now that the holiday is over everyone has come on board. Zanu-PF and several Government officials are fully behind the family.”

She emphasised that Zanu-PF would not abandon its comrades and their orphans.

Josiah Pfumojena Chinamano Jr was born on February 17, 1961 at Harare Hospital, then Salisbury. He will be buried today at his rural home in Seke.

{{A lover of fast cars, vintage wine, trout fishing and game farming, Cyril Ramaphosa is the second richest black businessman in South Africa with global financial publication Forbes putting his wealth at $675m (£416m).}}

Once a leading trade unionist, he became the symbol of black capitalism in South Africa after the African National Congress (ANC) came to power at the end of white minority rule in 1994.

But business was never his passion. His first love was politics and he harboured ambitions to become the deputy of Nelson Mandela, South Africa’s first black president.

When Mr Mandela overlooked him, he was said to have been so upset that he refused to attend Mr Mandela’s inauguration as president.

He also declined to take a post in government.

Instead, Mr Ramaphosa – a qualified lawyer – became an MP and chairman of the constitutional assembly, playing the lead role in drafting South Africa’s post-apartheid constitution, one of the most liberal in the world.

To the dismay of many South Africans who saw him as the most credible politician of the post-Mandela generation, Mr Ramaphosa later withdrew from the political centre-stage to become a businessman.

This was then a rare career for black people in a white-dominated sector, especially for a trade unionist who had organised the biggest mining strike in South Africa’s history in the 1980s to increase pressure on the apartheid government.

As white businessmen tried to accommodate him, Mr Ramaphosa acquired a stake in nearly every key sector – from telecoms and the media (where he rarely interfered in the editorial independence of newspapers he owned) to beverages and fast-food (he owns the South African franchise of the US chain, McDonalds) and mining.

Foreign puppet

But Mr Ramaphosa, 60, always kept a foothold in the ANC, serving on its top leadership body, the National Executive Committee – a position that, his critics say, gave him insider information and unparalleled access to government ministers as he built his business empire.

These accusations grew after police killed 34 workers in August at the Marikana platinum mine – the most deadly po

With Mr Ramaphosa a director in Lonmin – the multinational that owns the mine – he was accused of betraying the workers he once fought for, especially after emails emerged showing he had called for action against the miners for engaging in “dastardly criminal acts” – an apparent reference to their wildcat and violent strike.

Leading the attack on Mr Ramaphosa, expelled ANC youth leader Julius Malema portrayed him as a puppet of whites and foreigners.

“The British are making money out of this mine… It is not the British who were killed. It is our black brothers,” Mr Malema said.

“Every mine has a politician inside. They [whites] give them money every month, they call it shares. But it is a protection fee to protect whites against the workers.”

More recently, financial journalist Bruce Whitfield, writing in South Africa’s Finweek magazine, raised questions about Mr Ramaphosa’s business deals.

He is the chairman of Shanduka, the investment company which he founded, and the independent non-executive chairman of MTN, the telecommunications giant.

“Shanduka, which owns 0.45% of MTN Group, announced [in November] that it had made a $335-million investment in MTN Nigeria,” Mr Whitfield wrote, asking: “Is there some sort of insider trading here?”

Although MTN strongly denied any wrongdoing and said Mr Ramaphosa had recused himself from discussions over the deal, leading South African political commentator Justice Malala said: “There has not been enough scrutiny of all the candidates for high office in the ANC.”.

Even as general-secretary of the National Union of Mineworkers in the 1980s, Mr Ramaphosa was known for his lavish lifestyle.

As his biographer Anthony Butler wrote in Johannesburg’s Mail and Guardian newspaper, “Ramaphosa has always believed that education, the arts, vintage wine and fast cars should not be reserved for the rich or middle-class whites. As a union leader he always flew first class.

“He also insisted that his regional negotiators, some of whom had never been inside a hotel before, should stay in the same luxury hotels as their management counterparts.”

{{Suave and urbane}}

Also the owner of a farm with highly-prized cattle, Mr Ramaphosa once went to an auction to bid for a buffalo and her calf.

He offered about 19.5m rand ($2.3m; £1.4m), but could not match the 20m rand offered by rival bidder Jaco Troskie, the son of South African film ­magnate Boet Troskie.

Mr Ramaphosa said his budget did not allow him to bid any higher.

“I spent my budget on other animals. And, like any businessman, you must know when to stop,” Mr Ramaphosa was quoted by South Africa’s City Press newspaper as saying.

His role in the auction came to haunt him after the Marikana killings, as his critics accused him of spending lavishly on animals but not paying workers a decent wage.

To salvage his credibility in the ANC and the trade union movement, he apologised on national radio.

“I regret it because it is an excessive price in the sea of poverty. I belong to a community and it was one of those moments when I was blind-sighted,” he said.

Although to some his reputation was tarnished, his election as ANC deputy leader shows he retains massive support among the party’s rank and file, dating back to his role in the struggle against apartheid.

His nomination for the post was supported by influential figures in the National Union of Mineworkers, which he founded in 1982, as well as the South African Communist Party – a clear sign that, despite his wealth, they do not believe he has abandoned his roots.

He was guaranteed the post after President Jacob Zuma backed his candidature.

Suave and urbane, Mr Ramaphosa is the exact opposite of Mr Zuma, a Zulu traditionalist.

The two are likely to form a powerful team as the ANC gears up for the 2014 election, with Mr Ramaphosa appealing to middle-class South Africans while Mr Zuma focuses on winning the support of workers and the rural poor.

“Mr Ramaphosa brings a close understanding of the needs of established and black business and, through his involvement with companies such as MTN, he has unparalleled personal networks in Europe, Africa and East Asia,” Mr Butler said.

Mr Ramaphosa played a key role in easing the way for Mr Zuma’s re-election, expelling Mr Malema – who was campaigning to oust him as ANC leader – last year.

His elevation to the deputy leadership of the ANC means he will be South Africa’s next deputy president – a step closer to fulfilling his long-held ambition of becoming president, an ambition that Mr Mandela thwarted in 1994 when he chose the more senior Thabo Mbeki as his deputy.

At the time, Mr Mandela’s former doctor and businessman, Nthatho Motlana, said that Mr Ramaphosa – then only in his 40s – had age on his side, that he should move into business and return to the political frontline at a later stage.

More than 15 years later, this is exactly was Mr Ramaphosa has done to the delight of his allies who see him as the ANC’s prodigal son.

They hope he will revamp the ANC so that it will no longer be reliant on its status as a liberation movement to win elections but can use his business credentials to become a party of the aspirational classes.

{{In Ghana, Michael A. K. Danwono, the headmaster of Akyem Swedru Senior High School (AKISS), allegedly chased a woman who had been visiting her sick daughter at the school while wielding a machete.}}

Kwadwo Baah, who had driven his mother Madam Florence Yaa Fosuaa to the school, was not spared.

The headmaster physically assaulted him, threatened to slash him with the machete and attempted to smash the private car that Baah had driven to the school.

Narrating her experience to journalists in Akyem Swedru, Madam Fosuaa said her daughter, Hannah Owusu-Agyekum, had typhoid fever and was admitted to the Oda Government Hospital for some time for treatment.

She said when Hannah returned to school after being discharged from the hospital.

According to the woman, on December 13, 2012, Hannah’s housemistress, Madam Hannah Adunah, phoned Hannah’s father, Mr Owusu-Agyekum, to say that his daughter’s condition had worsened and that he should proceed to the school to take her to the hospital for treatment.

Madam Fosuaa said that because her husband was already taking care of their son who was also on admission to a private hospital in Oda, he asked her to attend to Hannah and, if possible, take her to Oda for medical attention.

He released his private car to Baah so that he could drive her to AKlSS.

She said on reaching the school around 6:10 pm, she told Baah and his two friends who had accompanied them to the school to wait for her in front of the house mistress’s house, while she went to the house mistress for an exeat to enable her to take Hannah home for medical treatment.

The woman said while she was holding discussions with the housemistress, she heard Baah screaming, and when she rushed to the scene, she saw Mr Danwono, accompanied by his dog, holding Baah’s neck with one hand and a machete in the other, shouting, “I’ll kill you!”

Madam Fosuaa said she was astonished by Mr Danwono’s action and she questioned him as to why he had attacked her son. Suddenly, the headmaster left Baah and rushed at her with the machete.

According to the woman, who has metals in both legs as result of a surgical operation, she had to flee with difficulty from the angry headmaster, who never showed any remorse for his action.

She said the housemistress, a nursing mother, who intervened to explain to the headmaster that Madam Fosuaa had come for an exeat for her daughter to convey her home for medical treatment, also bore the brunt of Mr Danwono’s anger as he then threatened her with the machete.

When journalists visited Mr Danwono in his office last Monday for his version of the incident, he initially stated that he would not comment unless he received instructions from the Director-General of the Ghana Education Service but later said he had chased the woman and her son with the machete because his life was in danger.

The matter is under investigation by the Akyem Swedru Police.

{MyJoyonline}