Author: Wycliffe Nyamasege

  • Bells toll as Rwandan catholics begin mourning rites for Pope Francis

    From midday on the day of his death, church bells tolled in parishes across the country to mark the beginning of the mourning rites. This tradition, deeply rooted in Catholic liturgy, serves as a public call for prayer and remembrance. It also symbolises the Church entering a time of reflection and spiritual solidarity.

    The Archdiocese of Kigali, under the leadership of Cardinal Antoine Kambanda, issued a directive for all parishes to ring their bells and begin special prayers for the late pontiff a few hours after the announcement of his death.

    In a communique, Cardinal Kambanda urged Christians, particularly members of religious congregations, to dedicate prayers for Pope Francis and for the universal Church during this critical period.

    “May all Christians and people of goodwill find strength during this period of mourning. Let us all look to the risen Christ,

    According to canon law and Catholic tradition, the Pope must be buried within nine days of his passing. The mourning period, commonly referred to as novemdiales, involves a series of liturgical observances, including Masses and special intentions for the repose of the Pope’s soul.

    The Vatican has not yet confirmed the date of Pope Francis’s funeral, but preparations for the conclave—the highly secretive process of electing a new pope—are expected to begin soon.

    Cardinals under the age of 80 are eligible to vote and must gather within 15 to 20 days of the Pope’s death to begin the election process. A two-thirds majority is required for a candidate to be elected.

    Until a new pope is chosen, prayers for the Church and its leadership will continue. Rwandan Catholics have been encouraged to use this time not only to mourn but to reflect on the legacy of Pope Francis, who championed humility, dialogue, and inclusion throughout his papacy.

    Pope Francis, born Jorge Mario Bergoglio in Argentina, was elected in 2013 and became the first pope from the Americas. During his tenure, he initiated widespread reforms in the Vatican, prioritised the needs of the poor, and challenged the global Church to engage more openly with modern issues.

    The Archdiocese of Kigali, under the leadership of Cardinal Antoine Kambanda, issued a directive for all parishes to ring their bells and begin special prayers for the late pontiff a few hours after the announcement of his death.

  • Who will be the next pope? Two African cardinals emerge among strong contenders

    Cardinals Peter Turkson of Ghana and Robert Sarah of Guinea are both being closely watched. Turkson, 76, has long been an influential voice on social justice, climate change, and human rights. Though he has maintained the Church’s traditional teachings on marriage and priesthood, he has shown a willingness to critique harsh anti-LGBTQ+ laws in Africa, arguing for more compassionate responses.

    Turkson's election would mark a historic moment as the first African pope in centuries.

    His moderate stances, combined with decades of experience in Vatican diplomacy, position him as a potential bridge between the global south and Rome.

    Robert Sarah, 79, represents the more conservative wing of the Church. A vocal critic of modern gender discourse and a staunch traditionalist, Sarah has previously aligned with former Pope Benedict XVI on issues such as clerical celibacy. His election would signal a sharp turn away from Francis’s progressive reforms.

    Sarah is a traditional, Orthodox cardinal who at one time sought to present himself as a “parallel authority” to Francis, according to a Vatican observer.

    If chosen, either cardinal would become the first Black pope in centuries—a historic shift at a time when the Church’s fastest-growing populations are in Africa and Asia.

    Historically, three African popes served in the early centuries of the Church: Pope Victor I (c. 189–199), Pope Miltiades (311–314), and Pope Gelasius I (492–496). All were of North African origin and played significant roles in shaping early Christianity. Since then, no African has held the papacy, making the current moment particularly significant as the Church grapples with questions of representation and global relevance.

    Other frontrunners include Italian Cardinal Pietro Parolin, 70, considered a “continuity candidate” who played a key role in the Vatican’s diplomatic engagement with China and the Middle East. He is viewed as a pragmatic moderate, although his critics argue he compromises too much on doctrine for the sake of diplomacy.

    Seen as a moderate “continuity candidate”, Parolin was close to Francis.

    From Asia, Filipino Cardinal Luis Antonio Tagle, 67, once seen as a natural heir to Francis, now appears to have lost momentum. Still, his advocacy for the poor and pastoral openness on LGBTQ+ and divorced Catholics make him a figure to watch.

    If elected, Luis Antonio Tagle would become the first Asian pope.

    Hungarian Cardinal Péter Erdő, 72, stands out as a leading conservative voice and could represent a break with Francis’s direction. Known for his intellect and defence of doctrine, Erdő has also drawn criticism for aligning with Hungary’s nationalist leadership on migration issues.

    Péter Erdő would represent a big shift away from Francis’s approach.
    On the progressive side, Cardinal Matteo Zuppi, 69, of Italy, is closely associated with Francis’s legacy. Known for his peace-building efforts in Ukraine and relatively liberal views on same-sex relationships, Zuppi could carry the torch for a more inclusive Church.

    69-year-old Matteo Zuppi comes from Italy.

    Portugal’s José Tolentino Calaça de Mendonça, at 59, is among the youngest candidates. Though close to Francis, his age and progressive views—particularly his openness to modern cultural issues—may prove too controversial for traditionalists.

    José Tolentino Calaça de Mendonça, 59, hails from Portugal.

    Other names in contention include Malta’s Mario Grech and Italian Pierbattista Pizzaballa, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, known for his advocacy for Christians in the Holy Land and his personal sacrifice during the Israel-Gaza conflict.

    Mario Grech has expressed support for female deacons.Pierbattista Pizzaballa is the Latin patriarch of Jerusalem.

    The election will follow centuries-old Vatican traditions. The College of Cardinals, composed of those under 80 years old, will cast secret ballots inside the Sistine Chapel. For a candidate to win, he must secure a two-thirds majority.

    If no consensus is reached in a round, the ballots are burned and black smoke rises from the chapel’s chimney—signalling to the world that the conclave continues. White smoke, however, will announce the moment the Church has chosen its new leader.

  • Rwanda and Pakistan sign MoU, eye trade expansion and tech collaboration

    The signing of the MoU took place during the first official visit to Pakistan by the Rwandan Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe.

    The agreement was announced on Monday, April 21, during a joint press conference in Islamabad with Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Mohammad Ishaq Dar. Both sides hailed the visit as a significant milestone in the steadily growing relationship between the two nations.

    “This is a historic occasion — the first ever visit by a Rwandan Foreign Minister to Pakistan,” said Dar.

    “We held in-depth discussions today, focusing on strengthening our existing ties and exploring new avenues of cooperation. The signing of the MoU in diplomatic training is just the beginning.”

    The visit comes on the heels of increased high-level exchanges between the two countries. Pakistan established its High Commission in Kigali in 2021, while Rwanda inaugurated its diplomatic mission in Islamabad in 2024. Both sides view these steps as foundational pillars for deepening collaboration across multiple sectors.

    “Our relationship is based on mutual respect and a common drive to work together,” said Minister Nduhungirehe.

    “This visit, accompanied by a delegation from the Rwanda Development Board and the Ministry of Trade and Industry, underscores our commitment to doing business with Pakistan.”

    The Rwandan minister emphasised that the two countries are actively reviewing additional MoUs in sectors such as education, defence, and trade.

    Trade featured prominently in the discussions, with both ministers highlighting opportunities to expand commercial ties. Pakistan currently imports $26 million worth of Rwandan goods annually — primarily tea — and is exploring imports of coffee, avocados, pulses, and horticultural products.

    In return, Pakistan, which exports approximately $100 million in goods to Rwanda, sees potential for its pharmaceuticals, textiles, rice, surgical instruments, and sports equipment in the Rwandan market.

    “Our economies are complementary,” said Dar. “This provides a strong foundation for a mutually beneficial partnership.”

    Rwandan businesses have recently increased their engagement with Pakistan, including active participation in the health, engineering, and minerals exhibition held in Lahore. More engagement is expected at the upcoming Pakistan-Africa Trade Development Conference and Single Country Exhibition in Addis Ababa next month.

    Technology and innovation cooperation

    Both countries are eyeing strategic cooperation in technology and innovation. Pakistan, with its growing ICT sector, is keen to support Rwanda’s ambition to become a regional tech hub. Areas under consideration include digital transformation, fintech, e-governance, and innovation platforms for youth.

    “Pakistan is ready to collaborate with Rwanda in building digital ecosystems,” said Dar, pointing to potential joint ventures and knowledge exchanges.

    On the multilateral front, both countries reaffirmed their commitment to global peace and security. Pakistan and Rwanda are among the top contributors to United Nations peacekeeping missions.

    Minister Nduhungirehe praised Pakistan’s role on the UN Security Council and its efforts to address conflicts affecting Africa, particularly in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.

    “We appreciate Pakistan’s contributions to peacekeeping and conflict resolution,” Nduhungirehe said.

    “Rwanda is committed to regional peace, and we will continue to engage in multilateral efforts for lasting solutions.”

    The visit concluded with both ministers expressing optimism about the future of Rwanda-Pakistan relations. High-level visits and diplomatic engagements are expected to continue, with both sides prioritising economic development, regional integration, and mutual support at international forums.

    “We see in Pakistan not just a partner, but a friend,” said Minister Nduhungirehe. “This visit has laid the groundwork for deeper cooperation that benefits both our peoples.”

    Rwanda and Pakistan have signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) aimed at strengthening cooperation in diplomatic training, signalling a broader ambition to deepen bilateral ties in trade, technology, and investment.The signing of the MoU took place during the first official visit to Pakistan by the Rwandan Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe.Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Mohammad Ishaq Dar, stated that Pakistan is ready to collaborate with Rwanda in building digital ecosystems, highlighting the potential for joint ventures and knowledge exchange.

  • Pope Francis’s legacy in Rwanda: Key moments and lasting impact

    His death comes after years of fragile health. The pontiff had long battled respiratory complications stemming from a serious illness in his youth, which led to the removal of part of his lung at the age of 21.

    In recent months, his condition had deteriorated significantly, with multiple hospitalisations due to bronchitis and other complications.

    Despite his failing health, Pope Francis remained deeply engaged in his pastoral mission, often addressing issues of injustice and human suffering around the world, including the legacy of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.

    As the first Jesuit pope and the first non-European pope in over 1,200 years, Pope Francis — born Jorge Mario Bergoglio in Buenos Aires, Argentina — brought with him a distinctly global perspective.

    In 2017, Pope Francis made a historic and unprecedented gesture when he publicly acknowledged and apologised for the role of the Catholic Church in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

    Speaking during a meeting with President Paul Kagame at the Vatican on March 20, 2017, the Pope expressed deep sorrow:

    “I feel the pain, the sorrow, and the shame of the fact that some of the Church’s sons, ministers, priests, have been involved in the genocide, in that unspeakable crime. I ask forgiveness for the scandal that this has caused to the Church and to all humanity.”

    It was a moment that shifted the tone of relations between the Vatican and Rwanda. For years, survivors and the Rwandan government had called for an acknowledgement of the Church’s complicity.

    Some members of the clergy were directly involved in atrocities, while others failed to protect victims or speak out. Pope Francis’s direct and heartfelt apology broke with the Church’s prior reluctance to confront its failings.

    President Kagame welcomed the gesture, calling it “an important step in the journey of reconciliation.” Many Rwandans viewed the apology as a powerful act of humility and truth-telling—qualities Pope Francis consistently championed.

    A Cardinal for Rwanda

    Another major milestone in Rwanda’s relationship with the Catholic Church under Pope Francis came in 2021, when he appointed Archbishop Antoine Kambanda as the country’s first cardinal. A genocide survivor himself, Cardinal Kambanda’s elevation was both a personal recognition and a national symbol of Rwanda’s journey from tragedy to hope.

    “This is not just a personal honour,” Cardinal Kambanda said after his appointment. “It is an acknowledgement of the progress Rwanda has made in healing and in building a future based on justice, peace, and unity.”

    Another major milestone in Rwanda’s relationship with the Catholic Church under Pope Francis came in 2021, when he appointed Archbishop Antoine Kambanda as the country’s first cardinal.

    By naming Kambanda a cardinal, Pope Francis affirmed Rwanda’s place in the global Catholic community and highlighted the Church’s role in the country’s healing process. The decision was also widely seen as reinforcing the Vatican’s commitment to local leadership and its desire to support African voices in shaping the future of the Church.

    A Papacy of reconciliation and courage

    Throughout his twelve-year papacy, Pope Francis emphasised a Church that is humble, compassionate, and willing to confront uncomfortable truths. His philosophy of leadership was deeply influenced by his own experiences in Argentina during the Dirty War, where he quietly helped victims of state violence. That background helped shape his emphasis on social justice and his refusal to let the Church remain silent in the face of moral crises.

    His approach to Rwanda reflected this ethos. He did not shy away from the uncomfortable legacy left by the Church during the Genocide against the Tutsi. Instead, he took ownership, offering not just words but gestures that signalled a readiness to accompany Rwandans on their path to healing.

    As he once said in his meeting with Kagame, “Reconciliation is a gift that God gives, but it requires an active commitment from everyone. Only through dialogue, mutual respect, and a willingness to heal the wounds of the past can we build a future of peace.”

    Pope Francis’s legacy extends far beyond Rwanda. He is remembered globally for his progressive views, humility, and concern for the marginalised. From advocating for climate justice to addressing income inequality, from engaging in interfaith dialogue to supporting migrants and refugees, he continually reoriented the Catholic Church toward service.

    But in Rwanda, his legacy is particularly profound. It is the legacy of a man who looked into the face of a nation’s pain and responded not with defensiveness, but with repentance and solidarity. In doing so, he helped to begin mending a broken relationship and set an example for moral leadership.

    As Rwanda continues its journey of remembrance and reconstruction, Pope Francis will be remembered as the pope who listened, who apologised, and who walked alongside a grieving nation with grace and courage.

    In 2017, during a meeting with President Paul Kagame at the Vatican, Pope Francis made a historic and unprecedented gesture when he publicly acknowledged and apologized for the role of the Catholic Church in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

  • Ex-ICTR prosecutor Kabasinga sheds light on the challenges of pursuing genocide suspects abroad

    In an exclusive interview with IGIHE, Kabasinga shared her experiences, ranging from the daily struggles of her job to the broader issues of tracking genocide suspects and the urgent need to combat the rising tide of genocide ideology.

    Kabasinga noted that a major challenge in prosecuting genocide suspects lies in identifying them, as many deliberately conceal their identities. Some change their names and nationalities, claiming to be Congolese, Zimbabwean, Malawian, or Cameroonian, which complicates the process of bringing them to justice.

    “They change names, claim to be Congolese, Zimbabwean, Malawian, or Cameroonian. So, imagine trying to convince someone in Cameroon that their neighbour took part in the Genocide in Rwanda—it’s not easy,” she explained.

    Another major hurdle is the difficulty of international cooperation in extraditing suspects. Countries require detailed documentation before arresting and handing over individuals. This demands that prosecutors in those countries fully understand the gravity of the crimes, which is not always the case.

    Kabasinga highlighted legal barriers in some nations, where their laws prevent the extradition of individuals who have acquired citizenship, preferring instead to try them domestically, if at all.

    “Some countries question why they should spend millions of dollars prosecuting these individuals, sending them to prison for life. They see it as a financial burden and say, ‘This isn’t our problem.’ That’s one of the core challenges,” she added.

    She also pointed to a disturbing trend where some genocide perpetrators seek refuge under the guise of being political opponents of the Rwandan government. This narrative is often accepted by host countries, giving them undeserved protection.

    During her time at the ICTR, Kabasinga found it particularly difficult to work with foreign colleagues who lacked an in-depth understanding of Rwanda’s history.

    “As a Rwandan, sitting in court and listening to a witness say, ‘I was hiding in a sorghum field,’ the translation into French or English sometimes didn’t capture the full meaning. A judge from Norway, for example, might not even know what sorghum is or how one could hide there. It was hard for us Rwandans because I couldn’t just turn around and explain everything to the court,” Kabasinga recounted.

    She recalled the case of François Karera, the former prefect of Kigali, whose trial began in 2006. Prosecutors requested that the entire court visit Rwanda to better understand the history of the Genocide, which proved instrumental in delivering a sound judgment. Karera was convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity and sentenced to life imprisonment.

    Genocide perpetrators should not still be free

    Kabasinga stressed that, in 2025, it is unacceptable that some individuals who took part in the Genocide against the Tutsi have still not been brought to justice. She warned that this fuels a culture of impunity.

    “When countries refuse to prosecute these individuals, the message sent is clear: ‘If it happens again, there will be no consequences.’ That should never be acceptable.”

    She further noted with concern that genocide ideology is on the rise, even among the younger generation—a worrying trend that could lead to history repeating itself elsewhere.

    She pointed out that some individuals living abroad are engaged in denial and minimisation of the Genocide against the Tutsi and are actively influencing Rwandan youth with their propaganda. Stronger measures are needed to stop this.

    Kabasinga called for intensive education of young people about Rwanda’s history so they can recognise and reject false narratives.

    She also confirmed that, internationally, efforts to punish those spreading genocide ideology remain weak and inconsistent. She urged nations to take this issue seriously and adopt firm stances.

    Kabasinga also emphasized that trivializing genocide ideology must never be tolerated at the international level.

    Kabasinga Florida revealed that during her time at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, she faced challenges working with people who did not fully understand Rwanda’s history.Kabasinga emphasised that the genocide ideology should not be given any platform or legitimacy.Kabasinga pointed out that some individuals living abroad are engaged in denial and minimisation of the Genocide against the Tutsi and are actively influencing Rwandan youth with their propaganda. Stronger measures are needed to stop this.The former ICTR prosecutor also confirmed that, internationally, efforts to punish those spreading genocide ideology remain weak and inconsistent.

  • Pope Francis dies at 88

    “At 7:35 this morning, the Bishop of Rome, Francis, returned to the home of the Father,” Farrell said in a statement.

    “His entire life was dedicated to the service of the Lord and of his Church,” he added.

    Pope Francis’ passing on Easter Monday is a blow to the global Catholic community, casting a shadow over one of the most sacred days in the Christian calendar. It leaves millions mourning during a time traditionally reserved for hope and renewal.

    The Pope had been hospitalised several times in recent months due to health concerns, the most critical of which occurred in late February. On February 28, Pope Francis suffered a severe breathing crisis and was rushed to Rome’s Gemelli Hospital.

    Dr. Sergio Alfieri, the Pope’s lead physician, revealed that at one point, the medical team seriously considered halting treatment due to the pontiff’s deteriorating condition.

    Pope Francis experienced a violent bronchospasm and aspirated vomit, which endangered multiple organ systems. The medical team faced a critical decision: whether to stop treatment and allow him to pass peacefully, or continue with aggressive interventions despite the risk of further damage to his organs.

    After a tense discussion, they chose to proceed with treatment, and Pope Francis remained alert during the crisis, although at one point, doctors feared he might not survive the night.

    Thanks to quick intervention and the efforts of his medical team, which included a non-invasive aspiration procedure and intensive medication, Pope Francis’ condition was stabilised. However, just days later, he suffered a second acute respiratory episode, which required the insertion of a specialised tube to clear his lungs.

    The Vatican’s transparency during the Pope’s hospitalisation was notable, with daily updates on his condition. According to Dr. Alfieri, Pope Francis insisted on honesty about his health status, stating, “He wanted the truth about his condition to be shared. Nothing was hidden or omitted.”

    After 38 days in the hospital, the Pope was discharged on March 23, appearing frail but determined. He thanked well-wishers from a hospital balcony, expressing gratitude for their prayers. Following his discharge, the Vatican confirmed that Pope Francis would undergo a strict two-month recovery period at his Vatican residence, Casa Santa Marta, with continuous medical supervision and oxygen support.

    Despite his recovery, Pope Francis continued to face health challenges.

    Pope Francis, born Jorge Mario Bergoglio in Argentina, became the 266th Pope of the Catholic Church in 2013, following the resignation of Pope Benedict XVI on February 28, 2013.

    Known for his humility, compassion, and commitment to social justice, he broke new ground in the papacy, emphasizing the importance of caring for the poor, the environment, and promoting interfaith dialogue.

    Pope Francis passed away on Monday, April 21, 2025, at the age of 88.

  • Russia says it repelled Ukrainian attacks amid Easter truce

    The ministry said Russian troops “remained at previously occupied lines and positions” while Ukrainian troops “attempted to attack the positions of Russian troops” in the Donetsk region overnight.

    It added that Ukrainian forces had fired at Russian positions 444 times and counted more than 900 Ukrainian drone attacks.

    Meanwhile, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said on Sunday that 26 Russian assault actions have taken place from 00:00 (2100 GMT on Saturday) to noon (0900 GMT), accusing Russia of violating its self-declared ceasefire.

    Putin said the truce starts from 6 p.m. local time (1500 GMT) on Saturday and lasts until midnight on Sunday into Monday (2100 GMT on Sunday). Zelensky said on Saturday that Ukraine will respond in kind to the ceasefire.

    The Russian Defence Ministry said Sunday that it repelled Ukrainian attacks overnight amid a unilateral Easter truce declared by Russian President Vladimir Putin, while Ukraine accused Russia of violating the ceasefire.

  • Remembering Rwanda’s last queen Rosalie Gicanda, 31 years on

    Among those whose lives were cut short during the darkest chapters of Rwanda’s history was the country’s last queen, Rosalie Gicanda.

    Queen Gicanda was killed on a day like today, April 20, 1994, just weeks into the Genocide. She was the widow of King Mutara III Rudahigwa, one of Rwanda’s most prominent historical figures. Those who knew her remember a woman of remarkable humility and moral strength, who lived with quiet dignity even as the monarchy she represented was dismantled.

    Born in Rwamagana in 1928, Rosalie Gicanda married King Mutara III in January 1942. After his death in July 1959, she continued to live in Rwanda, even as political change swept the country.

    In 1961, amid the shift to a republic, President Grégoire Kayibanda expelled her from the royal palace in Nyanza in an effort to erase traces of the monarchy. She then settled in Butare, now Huye District, where she remained out of the public eye for over three decades.

    Despite her quiet life under both the First and Second Republics, Queen Gicanda was consistently denied the honour and protection that her status warranted. A devout Catholic, she lived modestly with her elderly mother and a few companions who assisted with household chores.

    When the Genocide began, Queen Gicanda sought protection from Butare Prefect Jean Baptiste Habyarimana, a man known for resisting the massacres. But following Habyarimana’s arrest and assassination on April 17, fear spread rapidly through her household. She turned to Ngoma’s mayor, Joseph Kanyabashi, for help—but he declined.

    On April 20, soldiers led by Lieutenant Pierre Bizimana stormed her residence under orders from Captain Ildephonse Nizeyimana, who was then Head of Intelligence and Operations at the ESO military school.

    They abducted Queen Gicanda and six other women, taking them to a site behind the former National Museum of Rwanda, where they were executed. Her 80-year-old mother and a young caretaker, initially left behind, were also killed shortly after. A local priest intervened to ensure she was buried with dignity, and Mayor Kanyabashi later dispatched prisoners to carry out the burial near her home.

    Queen Gicanda’s legacy is not only remembered through history books but also through personal testimonies, including one from President Paul Kagame. In 2017, he shared in an interview with Jeune Afrique how the queen had once helped save his life.

    In 1961, during attacks on Tambwe Hill, where his family lived, a letter from Queen Gicanda arrived inviting them to seek refuge in Nyanza. They escaped just before attackers reached their home, later fleeing to Mutara and eventually into exile in Uganda.

    President Kagame also revealed in a 2024 interview that he returned to Rwanda in secret during his years in exile to visit the queen in Butare.

    This year’s commemoration takes on renewed significance following the arrest of Brigadier General Jean Baptiste Gakwerere, one of Queen Gicanda’s alleged killers. Gakwerere, once Secretary-General of the FDLR militia group, was recently handed over to Rwanda by the M23 rebel group after being captured during fighting around Goma.

    At the time of the Genocide, he was a lieutenant at ESO/Butare and a close associate of Captain Nizeyimana. He reportedly led a notorious unit known as the “New Formula” soldiers, responsible for many of the massacres in Butare, including the killing of Queen Gicanda and Prefect Habyarimana.

    Three decades on, Queen Rosalie Gicanda remains a potent symbol of grace, resilience, and national tragedy. Her life and death continue to remind Rwandans of the human cost of hate, and the enduring need to uphold dignity, memory, and justice.

    Queen Gicanda was killed on April 20, 1994, just weeks into the Genocide.Queen Rosalie Gicanda was the widow of King Mutara III Rudahigwa, one of Rwanda’s most prominent historical figures.

  • Minister Bizimana joins family to honour Queen Rosalie Gicanda’s memory (Photos)

    The solemn event took place in Mwima, Nyanza District, where Queen Gicanda is buried.

    The event was preceded by a memorial Mass held in remembrance of Rwanda’s last queen, bringing together her family, friends, and officials from various institutions. The group, led by Minister Bizimana, later proceeded to Mwima Hill, where they laid wreaths at her final resting place and offered prayers in her honour.

    Queen Rosalie Gicanda, the widow of King Mutara III Rudahigwa, was tragically killed on April 20, 1994, just weeks into the Genocide. Revered for her humility and quiet dignity, she remains a powerful symbol of resilience and national identity. Her killing marked one of the many painful losses Rwanda endured during the Genocide.

    This year’s commemoration is part of the broader 100-day national mourning period honouring more than one million lives lost in 1994.

    Jean Damascene Bizimana, Rwanda’s Minister of National Unity and Civic Engagement, on Sunday, April 20, joined members of the family and other officials to commemorate the life of Queen Rosalie Gicanda, 31 years after she was killed during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.The solemn event took place in Mwima, Nyanza District, where Queen Gicanda is buried. Minister Bizimana and attendees laid wreaths at her final resting place and observed a moment of silence in her honour.
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  • The drama of the absurd at the United Nations

    If the world needed a reminder that reckless rhetoric still finds a comfortable seat in high places, it came crashing down on April 16, 2025, at the 9,899th meeting of the United Nations Security Council. Standing before the most powerful diplomatic body in the world, Therese Kayikwamba Wagner, the Foreign Minister of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to the UN, delivered a jaw-dropping statement: there was a genocide against the Hutu in 1994.

    This wasn’t some fringe Twitter conspiracy or the rant of a YouTube keyboard historian. This was a topmost diplomat of a sovereign state—one sitting on a continent still reeling from the scars of real genocide—speaking in the most consequential diplomatic chamber in the world. The shamelessness is overwhelming. The implications, deeply disturbing.

    Yes. She said that. In the very chamber that should be the world’s pinnacle of historical integrity, a top diplomat of a UN member state stood up and rewrote one of the most thoroughly documented genocides in modern history. Not a slip of the tongue. Not a misinterpretation. A full-throated, unapologetic revision of history.

    Kayikwamba chose to trample on established historical fact, echoing one of the most toxic talking points of genocide deniers and ideologues who have long sought to rewrite the past and shift blame onto the victims. It was a calculated move, the kind that feeds into the twisted narrative of those who continue to defend or justify the 1994 genocide and its perpetrators.

    It’s not just that her statement was a lie — it was a dangerous, reckless, and deeply offensive one. A ludicrous erasure of the Genocide Against the Tutsi in Rwanda, which was recognised by the UN itself and in which over a million people were slaughtered in just 100 days.

    There is no ambiguity. No scholarly controversy. No nuance to hide behind. And yet, here we are, with a Congolese minister pontificating as though history were a tabula rasa upon which she could scrawl whatever ideological graffiti she pleases.

    And yet, no gavel dropped. No stern rebuke came from the UN Secretary-General. No member of the Council demanded a retraction. Silence. Deafening silence.

    Because apparently, when it comes to the DRC and its officials, even the most insulting, historically revisionist fabrications can pass as legitimate political speech. It has now become a morbid tradition: Congolese officials never disappoint when it comes to saying anything, no matter how shameful, embarrassing, or grotesquely false.

    Not all is craziness and interruptions

    Two days later, sanity made a brief appearance on the X platform. Burundian diplomat Fred Ngoga took issue with Kayikwamba’s grotesque distortion of the truth and called her out publicly:

    “My sister @RDCongoMAE this is factually wrong. Our President at the time was Sylvestre Ntibantunganya, a Hutu. On the other hand, read the U.N. report. There was no genocide against our Hutu population in Burundi, period. Are you trying to mount our communities one against the other? Please withdraw this statement!”

    Ngoga’s post was dignified, precise, and rooted in historical accuracy. He did not mince words. He upheld the truth in a region that has bled far too long because of political lies and ethnic incitement.

    But then came the real theatre of the absurd. In swooped Burundi’s Ambassador to Ethiopia and the African Union, Willy Nyamitwe, not to applaud his compatriot’s defence of truth and regional harmony, but to rebuke him. Yes, rebuke him.

    “Mr @NgogaFred is serving at the @_AfricanUnion’s Political Affairs, Peace & Security Department (@AUC_PAPS). He should stand for the AU’s impartiality and dedication to diplomacy and conflict prevention. His duty is not to fuel political rhetoric against a sovereign Member State.”

    So here we are. A seasoned diplomat is told off not for lying, but for telling the truth. According to Nyamitwe, truth has now become “political rhetoric,” and sovereignty — that convenient shield — is the fig leaf behind which impunity and dishonesty should be protected. One is left wondering: Is the AU now an altar where facts are sacrificed to protect incompetence?

    What should have triggered immediate reprimand from the Security Council Chair or a statement of correction from the UN Secretary-General was met with nothing. No clarification. No rebuke. No concern. When the DRC is the actor, it seems that the world gives mediocrity a free pass.

    Trying to understand the absurd

    What we’re witnessing here may be a textbook case of dissociative delusion compounded with ideological psychosis.

    According to Robert J. Lifton and Eric Markusen’s studies on genocidal mentality, such delusion is often accompanied by ‘psychic numbing,’ where the perpetrator or sympathiser becomes desensitised to facts, replaces trauma with myth, and substitutes real history with fantasy in order to justify hatred. The minister’s assertion suggests she’s operating not in a fact-based reality, but in a parallel Congo-verse.

    From what I have observed for a while, we must recognise DRC’s foreign policy as a masterclass in the weaponisation of nonsense. Under President Félix Tshisekedi, the foreign ministry has evolved into a linguistic war machine, designed to distract from national failures by assaulting basic truths.

    If roads are impassable, if the economy is burning, and the east of the country is held hostage by militias, then blame Rwanda. And if Rwanda’s response is too grounded in reality, then invent a historical genocide in Burundi to balance the moral scorecard. Because nothing screams ‘regional credibility’ like historical fabrication.

    A friend of mine who is an International Lawyer observed, “Genocide denial is a crime under international law. So is genocide trivialization. What Madame Wagner did was attempt the diplomatic equivalent of arson — tossing a Molotov cocktail into a region already plagued by ethnic wounds. She didn’t merely misspeak. She violated the 1948 Genocide Convention’s very spirit by equalising the perpetrator and victim in the Genocide Against the Tutsi. This should alarm every UN official who still thinks Kinshasa is just quirky and not dangerously unhinged.”

    Let me be as clear as history allows. In 1994, there was a genocide in Rwanda. The victims were Tutsis. It was planned, executed, and documented. In Burundi, there was no genocide against the Hutus in 1994.

    The President of Burundi at the time was Sylvestre Ntibantunganya — a Hutu. To claim otherwise is not merely mistaken. It’s historical vandalism. If someone stood up at the UN and said there was a genocide against Germans in World War II, they’d be escorted out and referred to a psychiatrist. Why is it different in Africa?

    What Minister Kayikwamba said is what happens when foreign policy is outsourced to Twitter populism and genocidaire sympathisers. It’s not about Burundi. It’s not even about Hutus. It’s about demonising Tutsis — particularly Rwandan Tutsis — and constructing a moral equivalence between Rwanda’s liberation and genocidal violence.

    Some DR Congo’s elite have bought into the delusion that if you yell ‘Rwanda!’ enough times, the world will forget about the FDLR, the corruption, the mass rape, and the stolen billions. It worked for a while. Now they’ve turned to historical hallucination.

    Indeed, even an amateur Googler would find that the Genocide Against the Tutsi is well-documented by the United Nations, human rights organisations, academic institutions, and post-genocide courts. It has memorials. Survivors. Convicted perpetrators. It is not a contested event — unless you happen to be Charles Onana or the DRC Foreign Ministry.

    But Therese Kayikwamba Wagner is not an average Facebook troll. She is a Harvard graduate and the chief diplomat of a country with over 100 million people. And she had the gall—no, the strategic gall—to invent a genocide in the name of diplomacy.

    So, we must ask the question: what possessed her?

    Was it a psychotic break? Did the spirit of conspiracy rise up through the presidential palace like a bad stench and infect every cabinet member with an anti-Rwandan hysteria? No! This is a coordinated campaign to normalise the denial of the Genocide Against the Tutsi by equating it with fictitious crimes.

    In any other country, this kind of statement would spark resignations, corrections, even parliamentary inquiries. But in Congo, the silence that followed was deafening. Not a single correction from her president. No official statement to blame Russian or Chinese hackers or a malfunctioning AI. Not even the usual scapegoat performance about Rwanda hijacking the microphone via WiFi.

    No. What followed was a slow, suffocating silence. As if the whole Congolese state had taken a collective oath: when we lie, we lie as one.

    Ngugi’s lessons

    What’s worse is Nyamitwe’s intervention, which gave credence to Kayikwamba’s fabrications. He didn’t simply ask for institutional neutrality — he endorsed the kind of silence that emboldens falsehood.

    In his post, one can almost hear the echoes of complicity whispering from the pages of Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s book Devil on the Cross, where he warned:

    “The Devil, who would lead us into the blindness of the heart and into the deafness of the mind, should be crucified, and care should be taken that his acolytes do not lift him down from the Cross to pursue the task of building Hell for the people on Earth.”

    That is precisely what these diplomats are doing: unfastening the Devil from the Cross, dressing him up in diplomatic suits, and letting him loose to turn international institutions into carnival grounds of hellish deceit. This isn’t neutrality. It’s not diplomacy. It’s not sovereignty. It’s the abdication of moral responsibility in favour of tribal solidarity and political cowardice.

    It also raises a troubling question: if such blatant revisionism is tolerated in global institutions like the UN and the AU, what hope is there for justice or peace in the Great Lakes region? How can reconciliation take root in soil poisoned by lies?

    Kayikwamba’s statement isn’t just a historical insult — it is a dog whistle to genocidaires and hate-mongers everywhere. It is an invitation to those who want to weaponise ethnicity for political ends. And Nyamitwe’s response shows how little appetite there is among some African diplomats to defend the truth when it challenges fellow political elites.

    The Congolese government, with its bloated roster of ineffective ministers and war-mongering rhetoric, has repeatedly used ethnic scapegoating to mask its own failures. Instead of solving domestic issues — insecurity, corruption, economic stagnation — its officials fabricate international crises, accuse neighbours, and deny established facts. It’s a dangerous political strategy wrapped in the language of victimhood and sovereignty.

    Burundi, for its part, has long suffered under the weight of internal contradictions and political impunity. But when its diplomats choose to shield mediocrity and criminality, they betray not just their people, but the entire region. They become enablers of Hell, builders of infernos where truth and justice are consumed.

    In the end, the sad spectacle at the Security Council and the performance that followed online was not just about one woman’s gaffe. It was about a continent still struggling with the demons of its past and the cowards of its present. It was about the Devil on the Cross being lifted down again, not by the hands of imperialism or foreign greed, but by African hands too eager to defend each other’s lies.

    A regional farce in full bloom

    What more can be said about Congolese and Burundian politicians, those masterful architects of embarrassment, who continue to treat statecraft like an improvised comedy show performed on the world stage? When one makes a fool of themselves in New York, another trips over decency in Addis Ababa.

    It’s almost as though mediocrity were a regional competition, DRC and Burundi reaching the final, and the grand prize is awarded to whoever can defend idiocy with the straightest face.

    Kayikwamba strolled into the UN Security Council like an amateur playwright crashing a Broadway show, rebranding genocide as a punchline for Pan-African sovereignty. Not to be outdone, Nyamitwe came swinging to protect her honour — not with facts or reason, but with a sermon on neutrality that could make Pontius Pilate blush.

    And all the while, the institutions meant to safeguard truth — the UN, the AU — politely looked away, as if hoping this absurd play would end before intermission.

    What are we to make of this double-act? Is this the quality of leadership that DRC and Burundi believe the region deserves? Leaders who revise history, dodge accountability, and applaud each other for doing so? Ngugi’s Devil must be laughing from the Cross as he watches his acolytes undo the nails with government seals and diplomatic immunity.

    Perhaps the real tragedy isn’t that Kayikwamba said something outrageous, or that Nyamitwe defended her. It’s that nobody is surprised. The bar is now so low that truth-telling seems revolutionary. In this political farce, it’s not the liar who is called to order — it’s the honest man. Welcome to the Great Lakes political circus: come for the falsehoods, stay for the applause. Hell isn’t coming — it’s already on the guest list.

    Fairly speaking, when it comes to irresponsible speech, ideological confusion, and the shameless abuse of international platforms, there are countries whose politicians are often in a league of their own.

    For example, on one side, we have DRC’s Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner, Foreign Minister by title, propagandist by practice, who marched into the UN Security Council and casually threw historical truth under the bus as if it were some minor diplomatic prop.

    On the other, we have Burundi’s Ambassador Willy Nyamitwe, who, instead of congratulating a compatriot for daring to stand up for truth and regional sanity, chose to scold him for daring to correct a white lie.

    Together, they form a diplomatic vaudeville act, where reality is expendable and nonsense is protected under the sacred cloak of “sovereignty.”

    Here are diplomats who cannot tell genocidal fiction from documented fact, smartly dressed ambassadors who attack decency while defending denial, and a UN that nods along politely as history is rewritten by loud and proud incompetents.

    Maybe, we should start handing out awards. Kayikwamba can get the “Golden Gaffe for Historical Revisionism,” and Nyamitwe, the “Diplomatic Tap-Dance Trophy for Defending the Indefensible.”

    It’d be amusing if it weren’t so dangerous. Because what they do isn’t just shameful—it is harmful. It fuels hate, distorts memory, and undermines every honest effort at peace in the Great Lakes region.

    When your politics is so perverted that genocide denial becomes a policy position, and when your diplomacy is so broken that veracity itself is treated as a threat, you are not leading nations. You are curating chaos. And it is high time someone called it out for what it is: not statesmanship, but state-sponsored stupidity.

    A closing word

    If African leaders and international institutions do not have the spine to call out genocide trivialization when it happens in their own halls, they should not be surprised when those lies turn into future violence.

    To the DRC: stop playing games with genocide. Your people deserve better than a government that peddles fiction to hide its failures and crimes.

    To Minister Kayikwamba: History will remember your words as a disgraceful betrayal of the facts and an affront to the victims of one of the most horrific crimes of the 20th century.

    To Fred Ngoga: Thank you for standing tall when others remained seated.

    To Willy Nyamitwe: Diplomacy without principle is just cowardice in a suit.

    And to the UN and AU: if you won’t defend truth in your own house, don’t be surprised when lies burn it down.

    DRC Foreign Affairs Minister, Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner, addresses the UN Security Council during a past session.