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  • The devil you feed: How the West fuels genocide ideology in DR Congo

    But instead, the world — through UN bodies like MONUSCO and regional actors like SAMIDRC — continues to flirt with these ideological arsonists in the name of geopolitical convenience and “stability.”

    The result is an outlandish miscarriage of justice and a transgenerational fertilization of hatred that threatens peace in the Great Lakes Region of Africa and the moral integrity of the international system.

    This is not just a failure of policy. It is the appeasement of evil. The legitimization of murderers. The burial of truth under the rubble of Realpolitik.

    And at the center of this moral decay stands the FDLR — a movement that is not simply a ragtag band of rebels, but the reincarnation of the genocidal machine that annihilated over a million Tutsi in their country of origin in 1994.

    The world’s inability — or unwillingness — to see and name this evil for what it is has allowed the ideology of genocide not only to survive but to metastasize.

    A movement of genocidal persistence

    The name FDLR is a lie. This group is not about liberation or democracy. It is a coalition of génocidaires, genocide deniers, and ideological foot soldiers committed to finishing what they started in 1994.

    To call the FDLR “rebels” is to grant them the language of legitimacy. They are not rebels and more than a militia. They are ideological descendants of Hitlerian logic — exterminationists wrapped in the rhetoric of victimhood.

    What began in the Zairean refugee camps after the genocide was not a humanitarian crisis alone — it was a carefully orchestrated regrouping of the machinery of death.

    The same commanders, propagandists, and killers who organized the slaughter of the Tutsi reorganized under new names: first the RDR, then PALIR, then ALIR, and finally the FDLR.

    At each stage, they retained their ideological DNA: denial of the Genocide Against the Tutsi, racial supremacism, and the ambition to return to power by force and blood.

    MONUSCO and others: The international enablers of hate

    There is no way to sugarcoat it: MONUSCO has, at various times, worked alongside units of the Congolese army (FARDC) that are allied with or composed of FDLR elements.

    This is not a theoretical accusation; it is a documented fact found in multiple UN reports. And now, with SAMIDRC (the Southern African Development Community Mission in DRC) deployed under the pretext of fighting M23, the same pattern is repeating — grotesquely and predictably.

    The AFC/M23, regardless of what one thinks of its origins or composition, is not advocating genocide. It is not denying history. It is not calling for the extermination of an ethnic group.

    Yet, MONUSCO and SAMIDRC align themselves with FARDC-FDLR coalitions — not because they are morally blind, but because it is politically expedient.

    Rwanda is demonized because it refuses to remain silent in the face of a threat that nearly wiped out an entire people. Meanwhile, the genocidaires are treated by President Tshisekedi as “Congolese patriots” or “freedom fighters.”

    It is as though the world has learned nothing from the last century — as though the Holocaust and the Genocide Against the Tutsi never happened.

    In what other universe would descendants of SS officers be armed and supported to help quell unrest in Europe?

    Yet here we are, in 2025, watching UN-sanctioned missions collaborate with men who still sing the praises of Juvénal Habyarimana and refer to genocide as a “misunderstood political event.” It is a shame!

    The devil’s long memory

    Genocide has now become a family legacy. The FDLR has outlived its founders not because it is militarily strong, but because it is ideologically supported.

    This is a movement where genocide is not merely history — it is doctrine. It is taught in the bush, transmitted in exile communities, preserved in denialist literature, and sanctified in the toxic echo chambers of diaspora politics.

    Young men and women born after 1994 are indoctrinated to believe that Tutsis are their eternal enemies, that Rwanda was “stolen” from them, and that killing in the name of Hutu Power is a sanctified duty.

    The FDLR camps in the DRC are not military training grounds; they are ideological seminaries of hate.

    And every time the international community chooses to “dialogue” with them, every time their political wings in Europe are granted visas, airtime, or op-ed space, the message is clear: genocidal ideology is not a red line — it is negotiable and acceptable.

    This is not about “understanding both sides.” It is about refusing to tolerate one side — the side of exterminationism. There are no two sides to genocide. There are no legitimate grievances that justify it. And there are no excuses for letting its disciples grow their ranks under international protection.

    When genocidaires become ‘opposition leaders’

    One of the likes of FDLR’s most insidious victories has been the corruption of language. Through decades of propaganda, they and their allies have rebranded themselves as political dissidents, exiled intellectuals, and human rights advocates.

    The case of Victoire Ingabire is instructive. Upon her return to Rwanda in 2010, she immediately cast doubt on the singularity of the Genocide Against the Tutsi — a hallmark of denialism.

    Her party, FDU-Inkingi, was not a grassroots democratic movement. It was built on the scaffolding of genocide ideology and denial. Its founding members include known collaborators of the RDR and FDLR.

    Yet Ingabire is praised in many Western circles as a “brave voice for democracy.” Brave? No. Dangerous. Not because she dared to oppose Rwanda’s government, but because she echoed the ideological talking points of those who still dream of finishing what they started in 1994.

    When the world embraces people like Ingabire as freedom fighters and platforms like Jambo Asbl as civil society organizations—and human rights activists, it becomes complicit in the laundering of genocide ideology.

    These are not harmless opinions. They are weapons of rhetorical warfare, designed to obscure, reframe, and ultimately justify the extermination of a people.

    The price of appeasement

    The FDLR has raped, killed, and plundered its way through eastern Congo for over two decades. Their mission is violence without end. It has massacred Tutsi civilians, forcibly recruited child soldiers, and entrenched itself in mining operations to fund its ideology.

    And, using terror— has turned many Congolese into slaves in their own country. But, despite all this, the international response has been tepid. Arrests of leaders like Ignace Murwanashyaka came far too late.

    Other genocidaires or their sympathisers — like Charles Ndereyehe, Gaspar Musabyimana, Justin Bahunga and Colonel Aloys Ntiwiragabo— have lived comfortably in Europe for years, organizing, fundraising, and spreading their gospel of hate.

    Meanwhile, the people of eastern Congo suffer. Not just the Tutsi, but Hutu communities too — those who refuse to support the FDLR’s cause.

    And every time peace talks are held without the explicit exclusion of genocidal actors, every time FARDC units are permitted to operate alongside FDLR elements, another generation learns that the world has no spine, that it rewards evil with recognition, and that mass murder has no lasting consequences.

    This isn’t just bad policy — it’s suicidal. Because the ideology that underpins the FDLR is not content to stay in the bush. It has cousins in Europe, protégés in the DRC’s political class, and apologists in global media.

    Left unchecked, it will infect future generations — and when the next genocide happens, the world will act surprised, once again.

    The truth must be told

    The international community must stop hiding behind euphemisms and failed diplomacy. It must name the FDLR for what it is—even when it hurts: a genocidal organization that should be dismantled, delegitimized, and criminalized in every jurisdiction.

    Those who fund it, speak for it, or carry its ideology should be treated with the same contempt we reserve for neo-Nazis, Khmer Rouge loyalists, and ISIS or Al-Qaeda recruiters.

    It is time for international arrest warrants to mean something. Time for European countries to close the offices of these genocidaires’ affiliates masquerading as political organizations. Time for MONUSCO and SAMIDRC to be held accountable for aiding and abetting ideology-driven terror. And time for international aid to be contingent on zero tolerance for genocide ideology.

    There is one choice: Justice or repetition

    History will judge us — not by how we speak about peace, but by whom we choose to sit with at the table. Peace built on lies, on the silence of survivors, and on the empowerment of genocidaires is no peace at all. It is merely an intermission before the next horror.

    To honor the victims of 1994, to protect the vulnerable today, and to safeguard our collective future, the world must stop appeasing the devil. The FDLR is not a rebel group. It is the reincarnation of genocidal intent.

    Its ideology is not old — it is reborn daily in classrooms, WhatsApp groups, and pseudo-academic conferences. And as long as we refuse to confront it with the moral clarity it demands, we remain co-authors of the next atrocity.

    Attack the FDLR as an ideological hydra

    The FDLR is not a movement aging into irrelevance — it is a transgenerational machine of hate. Its leaders may grow old, but their ideology is taught, refined, and exported to younger recruits and to diaspora communities abroad.

    It is an ideological hydra: for every military head severed, another one grows in the minds of indoctrinated youth and digital propagandists scattered across Europe, America, and the Great Lakes.

    As long as the international community continues to tolerate genocide denial, overprotect its propagandists, and mislabel the FDLR as mere rebels, the risk of future atrocities remains perilously high.

    Appeasing the devil has never produced peace; it only grants evil the time it needs to sharpen its knives.

    If Holocaust denial is rightly met with moral outrage and legal redress, then Genocide Against Tutsi denialism deserves no less.

    True peace demands the de-legitimization of ideology that glorifies genocide. The line must be drawn — not in sand, but in principle. No compromise with the malevolent.

    The blood of the past cries out. The danger of the present is real. And the duty of the future is ours to embrace — or to betray.

    The FDLR has raped, killed, and plundered its way through eastern Congo for over two decades. The terrorist group was formed by remnant perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

  • Pope Francis, the pontiff who reconciled Rwanda and the Catholic church

    From 1994 to 2017, a dark cloud hung over the relationship between the Church and Rwanda. Clergy were accused of inciting hatred that led to the genocide, and some even actively participated, killing people they were entrusted to guide with the Gospel.

    Churches, once seen as sanctuaries for the weary, became killing grounds. Many who sought refuge within them in 1994 were slaughtered, often in the presence of priests and nuns who did nothing to stop the bloodshed.

    During the 2016 National dialogue council (Umushyikirano), President Paul Kagame openly questioned why the Catholic Church had apologized for its failings in other countries, such as the U.S., Ireland, and Australia, but failed to do the same in Rwanda.

    “If apologies have been issued in America, Ireland, and Australia by the Pope himself, leader of the Catholic Church, why is it that doing the same in Rwanda is perceived as admitting the Church used people to commit genocide? Why shouldn’t he do it as he did elsewhere, even for lesser crimes?”

    This statement followed a controversial apology made by Rwanda’s Catholic bishops on behalf of individual Catholics who had taken part in the genocide. Many criticized it for not coming from the Church as an institution.

    A turning point in 2017

    On May 20, 2017, President Kagame and First Lady Jeannette Kagame visited the Vatican, where they met Pope Francis. The encounter marked a diplomatic breakthrough.

    During their meeting, Pope Francis requested for “God’s forgiveness for the sins and failings of the Church and its members, including clergy, who were overcome by hatred and violence, and abandoned their evangelical mission” in what had happened in Rwanda.

    He expressed “deep personal sorrow, sorrow from the Holy See, and from the entire Church,” and emphasized his “solidarity with those who were devastated and those still affected by the tragedy.”

    “He humbly acknowledged the Church’s moral failings during that time, failings that stained its image,” it was noted. This long-awaited apology came at a critical time. Tensions were high, and some Church members said there were those in Rwanda who wanted to bring the Church to its knees.
    On May 20, 2017, President Kagame and First Lady Jeannette Kagame visited the Vatican.

    Was the Church forced to its knees?

    Bishop Emeritus Smaragde Mbonyintege of the Kabgayi Diocese told IGIHE that there were individuals in Rwanda who wanted to forcibly subdue the Church into apologizing.

    “I thank God that this issue was resolved by Pope Francis and President Kagame. There was a lot of misunderstanding and bad faith. Some wanted to humiliate the Church instead of fostering reconciliation.

    You can’t demand, ‘Kneel and apologize so I can show you the truth.’ That’s not how healing works,” he said.
    He explained that while apologies had been made multiple times, some remained unsatisfied, “because they wanted submission, not reconciliation.”

    According to him, Pope Francis’s decision to apologize stemmed from his shared understanding with President Kagame on certain key points.

    “First, the Pope emphasized, and President Kagame acknowledged, that the Church is 100% against genocide. Pope John Paul II had already said it on May 11, 1994. ‘What is happening in Rwanda is genocide, and some Christians are involved. They will be held accountable by history.’”

    President Kagame welcomed the apology and praised Pope Francis’s courage. “For the Pope to take responsibility shows bravery.” During their meeting, Pope Francis and President Kagame exchanged symbolic gifts. The President gave the Pope a staff adorned with pearls, and the Pope gave him a hand-drawn image.

    “It was a meaningful gift. It depicted a journey from darkness and desert to flourishing fields, a metaphor for the path our country is on,” Kagame said.
    At the time of his death, there was growing hope that he would visit Rwanda, potentially becoming the second pope ever to visit the “land of a thousand hills.”

    The legacy of Pope Francis

    Those who met Pope Francis described him as humble, wise, and in touch with the times. His reforms included increasing women’s participation in Church leadership.

    Bishop Philippe Rukamba once said, “He was a simple man, uninterested in extravagance […] He even questioned the necessity of papal residences. He wanted a Church that walks with the people, hears their struggles, and draws near to them. He was approachable, you’d tell him you’re from Rwanda, and he’d ask, ‘How are things back home?’ Living and working with him was easy.”

    Pope Francis died having elevated Rwanda’s first-ever Cardinal, Antoine Kambanda, who now holds the right to vote in the papal conclave. It was a historic moment for the Rwandan Church.

    The Catholic Church plays a vital role in Rwanda, not only spiritually but also socially and economically, with over 2,700 schools, numerous health centers, and investments in sectors like finance and hospitality.

    At the time of his death, there was growing hope that he would visit Rwanda, potentially becoming the second pope ever to visit the “land of a thousand hills.”

    He passed away shortly after a new cause was launched to canonize Rwandan Christians who sacrificed their lives to save others during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

    Over his 12-year papacy, Pope Francis visited 68 countries in 47 trips. One long-awaited visit that never materialized was to his home country, Argentina.

    He died peacefully at his residence, Casa Santa Marta, in Vatican City. The last leader he met was U.S. Vice President JD Vince.
    During their meeting, Pope Francis requested for “God’s forgiveness for the sins and failings of the Church and its members, including clergy, who were overcome by hatred and violence, and abandoned their evangelical mission” in what had happened in Rwanda.

  • Rwanda and Pakistan sign MoU, eye trade expansion and tech collaboration

    The signing of the MoU took place during the first official visit to Pakistan by the Rwandan Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe.

    The agreement was announced on Monday, April 21, during a joint press conference in Islamabad with Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Mohammad Ishaq Dar. Both sides hailed the visit as a significant milestone in the steadily growing relationship between the two nations.

    “This is a historic occasion — the first ever visit by a Rwandan Foreign Minister to Pakistan,” said Dar.

    “We held in-depth discussions today, focusing on strengthening our existing ties and exploring new avenues of cooperation. The signing of the MoU in diplomatic training is just the beginning.”

    The visit comes on the heels of increased high-level exchanges between the two countries. Pakistan established its High Commission in Kigali in 2021, while Rwanda inaugurated its diplomatic mission in Islamabad in 2024. Both sides view these steps as foundational pillars for deepening collaboration across multiple sectors.

    “Our relationship is based on mutual respect and a common drive to work together,” said Minister Nduhungirehe.

    “This visit, accompanied by a delegation from the Rwanda Development Board and the Ministry of Trade and Industry, underscores our commitment to doing business with Pakistan.”

    The Rwandan minister emphasised that the two countries are actively reviewing additional MoUs in sectors such as education, defence, and trade.

    Trade featured prominently in the discussions, with both ministers highlighting opportunities to expand commercial ties. Pakistan currently imports $26 million worth of Rwandan goods annually — primarily tea — and is exploring imports of coffee, avocados, pulses, and horticultural products.

    In return, Pakistan, which exports approximately $100 million in goods to Rwanda, sees potential for its pharmaceuticals, textiles, rice, surgical instruments, and sports equipment in the Rwandan market.

    “Our economies are complementary,” said Dar. “This provides a strong foundation for a mutually beneficial partnership.”

    Rwandan businesses have recently increased their engagement with Pakistan, including active participation in the health, engineering, and minerals exhibition held in Lahore. More engagement is expected at the upcoming Pakistan-Africa Trade Development Conference and Single Country Exhibition in Addis Ababa next month.

    Technology and innovation cooperation

    Both countries are eyeing strategic cooperation in technology and innovation. Pakistan, with its growing ICT sector, is keen to support Rwanda’s ambition to become a regional tech hub. Areas under consideration include digital transformation, fintech, e-governance, and innovation platforms for youth.

    “Pakistan is ready to collaborate with Rwanda in building digital ecosystems,” said Dar, pointing to potential joint ventures and knowledge exchanges.

    On the multilateral front, both countries reaffirmed their commitment to global peace and security. Pakistan and Rwanda are among the top contributors to United Nations peacekeeping missions.

    Minister Nduhungirehe praised Pakistan’s role on the UN Security Council and its efforts to address conflicts affecting Africa, particularly in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.

    “We appreciate Pakistan’s contributions to peacekeeping and conflict resolution,” Nduhungirehe said.

    “Rwanda is committed to regional peace, and we will continue to engage in multilateral efforts for lasting solutions.”

    The visit concluded with both ministers expressing optimism about the future of Rwanda-Pakistan relations. High-level visits and diplomatic engagements are expected to continue, with both sides prioritising economic development, regional integration, and mutual support at international forums.

    “We see in Pakistan not just a partner, but a friend,” said Minister Nduhungirehe. “This visit has laid the groundwork for deeper cooperation that benefits both our peoples.”

    Rwanda and Pakistan have signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) aimed at strengthening cooperation in diplomatic training, signalling a broader ambition to deepen bilateral ties in trade, technology, and investment.The signing of the MoU took place during the first official visit to Pakistan by the Rwandan Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe.Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Mohammad Ishaq Dar, stated that Pakistan is ready to collaborate with Rwanda in building digital ecosystems, highlighting the potential for joint ventures and knowledge exchange.

  • Pope Francis’s legacy in Rwanda: Key moments and lasting impact

    His death comes after years of fragile health. The pontiff had long battled respiratory complications stemming from a serious illness in his youth, which led to the removal of part of his lung at the age of 21.

    In recent months, his condition had deteriorated significantly, with multiple hospitalisations due to bronchitis and other complications.

    Despite his failing health, Pope Francis remained deeply engaged in his pastoral mission, often addressing issues of injustice and human suffering around the world, including the legacy of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.

    As the first Jesuit pope and the first non-European pope in over 1,200 years, Pope Francis — born Jorge Mario Bergoglio in Buenos Aires, Argentina — brought with him a distinctly global perspective.

    In 2017, Pope Francis made a historic and unprecedented gesture when he publicly acknowledged and apologised for the role of the Catholic Church in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

    Speaking during a meeting with President Paul Kagame at the Vatican on March 20, 2017, the Pope expressed deep sorrow:

    “I feel the pain, the sorrow, and the shame of the fact that some of the Church’s sons, ministers, priests, have been involved in the genocide, in that unspeakable crime. I ask forgiveness for the scandal that this has caused to the Church and to all humanity.”

    It was a moment that shifted the tone of relations between the Vatican and Rwanda. For years, survivors and the Rwandan government had called for an acknowledgement of the Church’s complicity.

    Some members of the clergy were directly involved in atrocities, while others failed to protect victims or speak out. Pope Francis’s direct and heartfelt apology broke with the Church’s prior reluctance to confront its failings.

    President Kagame welcomed the gesture, calling it “an important step in the journey of reconciliation.” Many Rwandans viewed the apology as a powerful act of humility and truth-telling—qualities Pope Francis consistently championed.

    A Cardinal for Rwanda

    Another major milestone in Rwanda’s relationship with the Catholic Church under Pope Francis came in 2021, when he appointed Archbishop Antoine Kambanda as the country’s first cardinal. A genocide survivor himself, Cardinal Kambanda’s elevation was both a personal recognition and a national symbol of Rwanda’s journey from tragedy to hope.

    “This is not just a personal honour,” Cardinal Kambanda said after his appointment. “It is an acknowledgement of the progress Rwanda has made in healing and in building a future based on justice, peace, and unity.”

    Another major milestone in Rwanda’s relationship with the Catholic Church under Pope Francis came in 2021, when he appointed Archbishop Antoine Kambanda as the country’s first cardinal.

    By naming Kambanda a cardinal, Pope Francis affirmed Rwanda’s place in the global Catholic community and highlighted the Church’s role in the country’s healing process. The decision was also widely seen as reinforcing the Vatican’s commitment to local leadership and its desire to support African voices in shaping the future of the Church.

    A Papacy of reconciliation and courage

    Throughout his twelve-year papacy, Pope Francis emphasised a Church that is humble, compassionate, and willing to confront uncomfortable truths. His philosophy of leadership was deeply influenced by his own experiences in Argentina during the Dirty War, where he quietly helped victims of state violence. That background helped shape his emphasis on social justice and his refusal to let the Church remain silent in the face of moral crises.

    His approach to Rwanda reflected this ethos. He did not shy away from the uncomfortable legacy left by the Church during the Genocide against the Tutsi. Instead, he took ownership, offering not just words but gestures that signalled a readiness to accompany Rwandans on their path to healing.

    As he once said in his meeting with Kagame, “Reconciliation is a gift that God gives, but it requires an active commitment from everyone. Only through dialogue, mutual respect, and a willingness to heal the wounds of the past can we build a future of peace.”

    Pope Francis’s legacy extends far beyond Rwanda. He is remembered globally for his progressive views, humility, and concern for the marginalised. From advocating for climate justice to addressing income inequality, from engaging in interfaith dialogue to supporting migrants and refugees, he continually reoriented the Catholic Church toward service.

    But in Rwanda, his legacy is particularly profound. It is the legacy of a man who looked into the face of a nation’s pain and responded not with defensiveness, but with repentance and solidarity. In doing so, he helped to begin mending a broken relationship and set an example for moral leadership.

    As Rwanda continues its journey of remembrance and reconstruction, Pope Francis will be remembered as the pope who listened, who apologised, and who walked alongside a grieving nation with grace and courage.

    In 2017, during a meeting with President Paul Kagame at the Vatican, Pope Francis made a historic and unprecedented gesture when he publicly acknowledged and apologized for the role of the Catholic Church in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

  • Pope Francis dies at 88

    “At 7:35 this morning, the Bishop of Rome, Francis, returned to the home of the Father,” Farrell said in a statement.

    “His entire life was dedicated to the service of the Lord and of his Church,” he added.

    Pope Francis’ passing on Easter Monday is a blow to the global Catholic community, casting a shadow over one of the most sacred days in the Christian calendar. It leaves millions mourning during a time traditionally reserved for hope and renewal.

    The Pope had been hospitalised several times in recent months due to health concerns, the most critical of which occurred in late February. On February 28, Pope Francis suffered a severe breathing crisis and was rushed to Rome’s Gemelli Hospital.

    Dr. Sergio Alfieri, the Pope’s lead physician, revealed that at one point, the medical team seriously considered halting treatment due to the pontiff’s deteriorating condition.

    Pope Francis experienced a violent bronchospasm and aspirated vomit, which endangered multiple organ systems. The medical team faced a critical decision: whether to stop treatment and allow him to pass peacefully, or continue with aggressive interventions despite the risk of further damage to his organs.

    After a tense discussion, they chose to proceed with treatment, and Pope Francis remained alert during the crisis, although at one point, doctors feared he might not survive the night.

    Thanks to quick intervention and the efforts of his medical team, which included a non-invasive aspiration procedure and intensive medication, Pope Francis’ condition was stabilised. However, just days later, he suffered a second acute respiratory episode, which required the insertion of a specialised tube to clear his lungs.

    The Vatican’s transparency during the Pope’s hospitalisation was notable, with daily updates on his condition. According to Dr. Alfieri, Pope Francis insisted on honesty about his health status, stating, “He wanted the truth about his condition to be shared. Nothing was hidden or omitted.”

    After 38 days in the hospital, the Pope was discharged on March 23, appearing frail but determined. He thanked well-wishers from a hospital balcony, expressing gratitude for their prayers. Following his discharge, the Vatican confirmed that Pope Francis would undergo a strict two-month recovery period at his Vatican residence, Casa Santa Marta, with continuous medical supervision and oxygen support.

    Despite his recovery, Pope Francis continued to face health challenges.

    Pope Francis, born Jorge Mario Bergoglio in Argentina, became the 266th Pope of the Catholic Church in 2013, following the resignation of Pope Benedict XVI on February 28, 2013.

    Known for his humility, compassion, and commitment to social justice, he broke new ground in the papacy, emphasizing the importance of caring for the poor, the environment, and promoting interfaith dialogue.

    Pope Francis passed away on Monday, April 21, 2025, at the age of 88.

  • Minister Bizimana joins family to honour Queen Rosalie Gicanda’s memory (Photos)

    The solemn event took place in Mwima, Nyanza District, where Queen Gicanda is buried.

    The event was preceded by a memorial Mass held in remembrance of Rwanda’s last queen, bringing together her family, friends, and officials from various institutions. The group, led by Minister Bizimana, later proceeded to Mwima Hill, where they laid wreaths at her final resting place and offered prayers in her honour.

    Queen Rosalie Gicanda, the widow of King Mutara III Rudahigwa, was tragically killed on April 20, 1994, just weeks into the Genocide. Revered for her humility and quiet dignity, she remains a powerful symbol of resilience and national identity. Her killing marked one of the many painful losses Rwanda endured during the Genocide.

    This year’s commemoration is part of the broader 100-day national mourning period honouring more than one million lives lost in 1994.

    Jean Damascene Bizimana, Rwanda’s Minister of National Unity and Civic Engagement, on Sunday, April 20, joined members of the family and other officials to commemorate the life of Queen Rosalie Gicanda, 31 years after she was killed during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.The solemn event took place in Mwima, Nyanza District, where Queen Gicanda is buried. Minister Bizimana and attendees laid wreaths at her final resting place and observed a moment of silence in her honour.
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  • Nine countries that made major investments in Rwanda in 2024

    In total, RDB registered 612 new investment projects during the year. The report shows that three main sectors including manufacturing, financial services and insurance, and real estate, accounted for 77.9% of the total investment value.

    Manufacturing alone attracted $1.35 billion, while the financial services and insurance sector brought in $811.2 million. Real estate-related activities received $377.7 million in new investments.

    The report indicates that Asia was the leading source of foreign investments in Rwanda in 2024, contributing $907 million across 100 projects, representing 37.4% of all investments.

    Africa followed with $579.3 million in 188 projects, while the Americas contributed $485.6 million through 39 projects. Europe invested $404.1 million in 52 projects.

    The Middle East contributed $41.5 million across 11 projects, and Oceania invested $8.3 million in three projects. Domestic investment amounted to $782.8 million across 191 projects, accounting for 24.4% of the total investments made in 2024.

    Among foreign countries, China led the way, investing $460 million in 58 projects. It was followed closely by India, which invested $445.1 million in 35 projects, and the United States, which committed $441.3 million across 31 projects.

    Nigeria was Africa’s top investor, contributing $313 million through 22 projects. The United Kingdom followed with $144.6 million in 14 projects, the Netherlands with $103.9 million, and Ireland with more than $93.6 million, though invested in just three projects.

    Eritrea also made a notable contribution of $93.6 million across 65 projects, followed by Ethiopia, which invested over $57.6 million in 16 projects.

    Several major projects were registered in 2024. These included Bio Usawa Biotechnology Ltd, which will construct a plant to manufacture treatments for serious eye diseases.

    Nation Cement Holding Ltd acquired 99.94% of shares in CIMERWA. Ramba Investment Africa Holdings Ltd and Parklane Group Ltd made significant entries in the construction and real estate sectors.

    Other notable investments included TTEC CX Solutions Rwanda Ltd, which supports digital skills development across industries, Basigo Rwanda Ltd in public transportation, Rio Tinto Exploration Rwanda Ltd, which is helping drive Rwanda’s mineral exploration efforts, and Bestred Technology Development Rwanda Co., Ltd in the technology sector.

    Rwanda’s industrial parks continue to grow due to major investments underway.

  • Rwanda grants transit access to SADC troops withdrawing from Goma

    Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Olivier Nduhungirehe, confirmed the decision to IGIHE, saying, “Yes, we granted them permission to pass through Rwanda.”

    While the exact date of the SADC troops’ departure from the Democratic Republic of Congo has not been confirmed, a task force has already been established to work on the process. This team recently began its work in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.

    Once the withdrawal begins, the troops are expected to enter Rwanda through the Rubavu border and continue on to Tanzania, one of the countries contributing forces to the SADC mission. Other contributing nations include South Africa, whose contingent is the largest, and Malawi.

    During earlier discussions between the SADC mission and the M23 group, it had been agreed that SADC troops would be allowed to take their military equipment with them upon departure, but they would not remove equipment left behind by the Congolese national army (FARDC).

    FARDC troops currently stationed in Goma are also expected to leave, though the manner of their withdrawal remains unclear.

    The repatriation of SADC troops has gained urgency in recent days following a spike in tensions after the M23 accused the regional forces of involvement in the April 11 clashes.

    South Africa’s Chief of Defence, General Rudzani Maphwanya, has publicly stated that the withdrawal of the troops must be expedited.

    Rwanda had previously allowed UN personnel based in Goma to exit through its territory when fighting intensified between M23 and Congolese government forces. It had also granted passage to wounded SADC troops and the remains of soldiers killed in combat.
    Rwanda has approved a request to allow SADC troops stationed in the eastern Congolese city of Goma to transit through its territory as they return to their home countries.

  • Addressing FDLR threat ‘integral’ to restoring peace in eastern Congo, says Trump advisor

    Speaking during a virtual press briefing following his regional tour, which included Rwanda, DR Congo, Kenya, and Uganda, Boulos said the FDLR, a group founded by the masterminds of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, featured prominently in his conversation with Rwandan President Paul Kagame.

    “We definitely discussed the FDLR and the risk in question,” Boulos said on April 17, during the briefing on the outcomes of his African mission, which ended three days earlier.

    “This is a major element of any peace accord. If you look at all the peace initiatives, this is the key element from the Rwandan side and it’s an integral part of any upcoming peace accord, initiative or agreement.”

    The FDLR is designated a terrorist organisation by both the United Nations and the United States. Despite its history and ongoing human rights abuses, it remains a key part of the Congolese government’s military coalition against the AFC/M23 rebels, who currently control significant territory in the eastern provinces.

    The rebels accuse the Congolese authorities of marginalisation and of promoting ethnic cleansing through their alliance with the FDLR and other militias.

    For years, Kigali has raised alarm over Kinshasa’s collaboration with the FDLR, whose fighters have been implicated in numerous attacks on Rwandan territory, including nearly 20 incidents since 2018. In response, Rwanda has tightened security along its borders to prevent further incursions.

    Tensions between the two neighbours escalated further following statements by Congolese President Félix Tshisekedi in late 2023, in which he threatened to support regime change in Rwanda and said he would seek parliamentary approval to declare war.

    Boulos confirmed that the Trump administration is engaging both sides and supports regional efforts to resolve the crisis peacefully.

    “We’ve been engaging with both parties and this is one of the main elements of those discussions,” he said. “There are solutions – we are not reinventing the wheel here. There are terms that have previously been drafted and agreed upon by both parties, and we will continue working with them towards that.”

    He reiterated Washington’s support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states involved.

    “Our role and commitment is to ensure sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries in question—not just one country or two, but all that are involved,” Boulos said.

    “Everybody has to be at ease and feel comfortable with the terms and safe from any such threats, whether they are actual or perceived or any future threats.”

    While in Kigali on April 8, Boulos held talks with President Kagame at Urugwiro Village, where they discussed strengthening U.S.–Rwanda ties and advancing regional peace.

    “We are ready to work with Rwanda to achieve this goal, which is why finding a resolution to the conflict in eastern DRC is so essential—it will unlock the region’s untapped potential,” he said.

    During his Rwanda visit, Boulos toured the Mutobo Demobilisation Centre, which reintegrates former armed group members.

    He spoke with ex-FDLR fighters recently repatriated from eastern Congo, including Maj. Ndayambaje Gilbert, who returned on March 1. Ndayambaje confirmed the FDLR’s strong collaboration with Congolese forces in the ongoing war with the AFC/M23 coalition.

    Boulos’s tour included stops in Uganda and Kenya, where he met with Presidents Yoweri Museveni and William Ruto respectively, as well as a meeting with President Tshisekedi in Kinshasa.
    Massad Boulos, US President Donald Trump’s Senior Advisor for Africa, speaks at a news briefing in Kigali on April 8.

  • BK Group and RSSB announce plans to form new insurance group

    The proposed transaction is expected to strengthen Rwanda’s insurance sector by creating a well-capitalised, diversified, and customer-focused insurance group. By uniting the operational strengths and product offerings of BKGI, SGI, and SLA, the new entity aims to offer greater value to policyholders, enhance innovation in the sector, and support long-term sustainability.

    According to the joint announcement, BKGI and SGI will merge to form the general insurance arm of the group, while SLA will serve as the life insurance subsidiary. Together, the companies will form a forward-looking institution capable of serving both individual and corporate clients in Rwanda and beyond.

    The initiative reflects a broader ambition to boost financial inclusion, improve service delivery, and contribute to the growth of Rwanda’s insurance industry.

    The new group is expected to benefit from an expanded distribution network, digital platforms, and a broader suite of products that respond to evolving customer needs and deliver higher value for shareholders.

    “This partnership brings together trusted names with shared values and complementary strengths—and sets the stage for a transformative insurance group that will drive innovation, expand access, and deliver meaningful value to Rwandans and our shareholders,” said Dr. Uzziel Ndagijimana, Group CEO of BK Group PLC.

    Regis Rugemanshuro, Chief Executive Officer of the Rwanda Social Security Board, described the initiative as part of RSSB’s long-term vision to support inclusive economic growth.

    “By joining forces to form this new insurance group, we are laying the groundwork for a strong, competitive player that is built for the future and committed to serving the needs of Rwandan people,” he said.

    The formation of the new insurance group is subject to shareholder and regulatory approvals, along with the successful completion of legal and procedural requirements.

    BK Group Plc is the holding company of the Bank of Kigali.Regis Rugemanshuro, Chief Executive Officer of the Rwanda Social Security Board, described the initiative as part of RSSB’s long-term vision to support inclusive economic growth.