The SADC force, comprising soldiers from South Africa, Tanzania, and Malawi, underwent the initial process with a formal verification of documents at La Corniche, the main border crossing between Rwanda and the DRC.
While the exact number of troops involved remains undisclosed at SADC’s request for discretion, approximately seven trucks carrying military equipment, accompanied by smaller vehicles with overseeing officials, were observed.
This initial phase focused on repatriating equipment and accompanying small contingent of soldiers, with larger groups expected to follow.
The troops are traveling along the Rubavu–Kigali–Rusumo route toward Chato District in northwestern Tanzania.
Deployed in December 2023 to support the Congolese military against the AFC/M23 coalition, SADC forces faced setbacks by January 2025, losing strategic areas like Sake and Goma.
An extraordinary summit of SADC and East African Community leaders in Tanzania on February 8, 2025, concluded that political dialogue offered the best path to resolve the DRC conflict, prompting SADC leaders on March 13 to end the military mission and order a phased withdrawal.
Plans to use Goma International Airport for repatriation were thwarted when AFC/M23 rejected the request, citing damage by Congolese forces during the battle for Goma.
After failed negotiations, SADC secured Rwanda’s assistance for land-based withdrawal.
Last week, Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe, confirmed to IGIHE that Rwanda granted passage following an official request.
The legislation establishes a 15% levy on gasoline and diesel, calculated based on the cost of the fuel, insurance, and transportation.
For vehicles, the tax varies by type, with annual fees ranging from 50,000 Rwandan Francs for sedans and jeeps to 150,000 Francs for large trailers.
Other vehicles, such as pick-up trucks, microbuses, minibuses, and buses, face a 100,000 Franc levy, while trucks and small trailers are charged 120,000 Francs annually.
These levies, both on fuel and vehicles, must be declared and paid to the tax authority by December 31 each year, with fuel levies collected at customs in accordance with existing customs laws.
Certain vehicles, including those owned by the government, embassies, and international organizations with agreements in Rwanda, are exempt from these levies.
This provision sparked debate, with Deputy Christine Mukabunani questioning the fairness of exemptions, arguing that all vehicles using public roads should contribute to their upkeep.
“What is the justification for exempting these vehicles?” she asked. “Anyone who uses the roads should pay this levy, whether it’s a government vehicle or any other. The roads are used by everyone.”
In response, Deputy Théogène Munyangeyo, the Chairperson of the parliamentary Committee on Economy and Trade, defended the exemptions, citing international laws and agreements.
He clarified that additional exemptions, such as for people with disabilities, could be considered on a case-by-case basis.
Godfrey Kabera, the Minister of State in Charge of National Treasury in the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, added that non-profit organizations could also seek exemptions by submitting requests to the Minister of Finance, ensuring a structured process for special cases.
This ambitious initiative, approved by the Chamber of Deputies on April 28, 2025, includes a new bill introducing a fuel levy to finance the construction of advanced storage facilities, addressing the country’s infrastructure limitations.
The approved law increases the levy on gasoline and diesel from 32.73 Rwandan Francs to 50 Francs per liter, a measure expected to raise an additional 5.2 billion Francs annually.
These funds, collected at customs and managed through a sub-account linked to the government’s single treasury account, will support the development of new storage facilities. The levy replaces an outdated regulation deemed insufficient to meet Rwanda’s growing energy demands.
The levy is expected to raise fuel prices by approximately 18 Francs per liter but with anticipated minimal consumer impact, particularly if global oil prices continue to decline. The expanded storage capacity aims to ensure a three-month fuel reserve, safeguarding Rwanda against supply disruptions.
Rwanda’s limited petroleum storage has posed challenges, with the country relying heavily on imports, primarily from Arab nations, transported through Tanzania and, to a lesser extent, Kenya.
The government’s strategy includes incentivizing private investment by raising the return for storage facility builders from 8 Francs per liter to between 12 and 14 Francs per liter, encouraging further private-sector participation.
Rwanda’s fuel storage infrastructure comprises both government and privately owned facilities, including OilCom’s site in Jabana, SP’s storage in Rusororo, government facilities in Gatsata, Rwabuye, and Bigogwe, and ERP’s facility in Kabuye.
Aviation fuel is stored at Kanombe International Airport and Rusororo. The expansion plan is expected to bolster these assets, enhancing the country’s ability to manage fuel reserves efficiently.
The commemoration event was attended by Twagira Mutabazi Eugène, president of Ibuka-Mémoire et Justice-Belgique, Gakuba Ernest, president of the Rwandan Diaspora in Belgium, and Karugarama Lionel, head of the Rwandan Diaspora in the City of Namur.
Also present were other leaders of various Rwandan organizations and their friends from different Belgian cities, along with Benoît Malisoux, one of the city officials of Namur.
Difference from other cities
The commemoration event in Namur followed other ceremonies held across Belgium. However, in other places, no Belgian officials participated, mainly due to political tensions between Belgium and Rwanda — such as what happened in Liège on April 12, 2024.
At that time, Anne Marie Ikirizaboro, one of the organizers, criticized the behavior of Belgian authorities.
She said the leadership of Liège refused to participate, citing the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), which has strained diplomatic relations between Rwanda and Belgium.
She questioned whether the phrase “Never Again,” often repeated, still held meaning, or whether it was being forgotten, warning that such neglect could have tragic consequences.
Namur took a different path
The commemoration ceremony in Namur began at the Genocide Memorial located at MusAfrica, a center for African historical memory.
Benoît Malisoux, representing the city, sincerely thanked those who organized the event. He emphasized that the Genocide against the Tutsi in 1994 is a concern for all humanity.
Malisoux explained that in Namur, they reject any attempts to politicize the remembrance of the Genocide against the Tutsi, insisting it should remain a tribute to the victims, free from political manipulation.
“What we are doing here is not merely a reaction to current events, nor a diplomatic statement: it is an act of historical remembrance, of documentation, of condemnation—a demand for respect for the victims,” he stated.
“I want to emphasize strongly: the duty of remembrance is unconditional. It is greater than the circumstances of the moment; it requires us to be steadfast and courageous,” Malisoux added.
Twagira Mutabazi Eugène, head of Ibuka-Mémoire et Justice-Belgique, said that the Genocide against the Tutsi was rooted in divisions introduced during colonialism.
“We are here to remember our loved ones who were killed during the Genocide against the Tutsi. Over one million people, including infants, children, and the elderly, were murdered.
“This was driven by the division introduced by colonialists and missionaries who introduced ethnic divisionism to make control easier,” he stated.
Mutabazi also called for the return of King Yuhi Musinga’s remains, which have been kept for 81 years in a Belgian museum, to his ancestral land.
Tessa Bwandinga appreciated the participation of Namur’s leadership and stressed that remembrance is important to teach younger generations about history so that it is never repeated.
“We are here to show the youth a better path, different from the painful history Rwanda experienced. We also remember the ten Belgian peacekeepers killed in Kigali on April 7, 1994. To remember is to refuse silence and denounce those who try to distort the truth,” she stated.
Kevin Rubayiza, who shared a testimony, spoke about the challenges faced by children born to Genocide survivors — growing up without extended family but finding strength from their parents.
Additionally, the event included mental health talks delivered by Umutoni Rwampungu Annick and Rwayitare Jacqueline, discussing life after the Genocide and the psychological journey of survivors.
Belgium had initially attempted to block remembrance ceremonies in Liège and Bruges as Rwanda prepared for the 31st commemoration. However, the events ultimately went forward.
This came after Jean-Damascène Bizimana, Rwanda’s Minister of National Unity and Civic Engagement, warned that Belgium would be violating international obligations if it officially prevented the remembrance of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Signed by Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe, and the DRC’s Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner, the agreement witnessed by US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, is a pivotal step toward addressing decades of insecurity in the Great Lakes Region of Africa.
In an official statement, Qatar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs described the accord as “a positive and important step toward fostering stability and peace in the region.” The Ministry emphasized that the agreement “emphasizes mutual respect for the sovereignty of both nations and a firm commitment to resolving disputes through peaceful and negotiated means.”
Qatar further commended “the constructive engagement and the commitment to dialogue and diplomacy, which reflect a genuine desire to de-escalate tensions and advance the interests of the peoples of both countries and the wider region.”
The Declaration of Principles comes against the backdrop of over 30 years of conflict in eastern DRC, fueled by hundreds of armed groups.
Previous peace efforts, such as a near-agreement in December 2024 mediated by Angola, collapsed when DRC representatives refused to engage with the AFC/M23.
Qatar’s diplomatic intervention proved critical in breaking this impasse. On March 18, 2025, the Emir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani, hosted a trilateral meeting in Doha with Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame and DRC’s President Félix Tshisekedi.
The leaders agreed to prioritize political dialogue, aligning with guidelines set by the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) at their joint summit in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, on February 8, 2025.
Qatar’s mediation extended to facilitating dialogue between the DRC and the AFC/M23, culminating in a ceasefire agreement on April 23, 2025.
This ceasefire created a conducive environment for the signing of the Declaration, which establishes a framework for regional governance, security, and economic development.
Qatar expressed appreciation for “the diplomatic efforts undertaken by the United States, which are part of the broader international community’s initiatives aimed at resolving the conflict and promoting security and stability in the Great Lakes region.”
These efforts build on regional progress, including the EAC-SADC summit and the Doha trilateral meeting, which Qatar highlighted as key milestones.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs reaffirmed Qatar’s unwavering support for “all joint efforts and initiatives aimed at promoting peace.”
It reiterated “the State’s consistent position advocating for the resolution of conflicts through dialogue and peaceful means, and its commitment to upholding the principles of international law—foundations that are essential to strengthening stability and reinforcing international peace and security.”
The Eastern Province reported the highest number of deaths at 9,358, followed by the Southern Province (8,289) and the Western Province (7,543). The Northern Province recorded 6,404 deaths, while Kigali City had the fewest at 4,048.
Men accounted for a larger share of deaths (19,843) than women (16,178), with a sex ratio at death of 122.7.
Over half of the deaths (54.1%) occurred in communities, with Gicumbi District leading at 915 cases. In contrast, 45.9% took place in health facilities, with Gasabo District recording the highest hospital-based deaths at 1,139.
Non-communicable diseases (NCDs)—including cancer, diabetes, stroke, and heart conditions—were the leading cause of death, comprising 47.7% of defined cases.
Communicable diseases, such as HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis, followed closely at 42.9%, while injuries and external causes, like road accidents and domestic violence, accounted for 9.4%.
In community settings, unspecified cardiac diseases caused 1,822 deaths, with acute cardiac conditions and digestive cancers also significant.
Meanwhile, Rwanda registered 417,972 live births in 2024, up from 373,260 in 2023. Gasabo District led with 24,641 births, followed by Nyagatare (18,521), Rubavu (15,976), and Bugesera (15,799). Nyabihu, Ngororero, and Nyamagabe recorded the fewest births.
Birth registration saw remarkable improvement, with 99.1% of births registered on time and a completeness rate of 90.3%, nearing the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) target of 100%. These gains reflect Rwanda’s commitment to strengthening its civil registration systems.
Speaking on the Long Form podcast hosted by Sanny Ntayombya, Murenzi defended the recent findings from the 7th Integrated Household and Living Conditions Survey (EICV7), highlighting a remarkable 12.4% reduction in poverty, while also rubbishing past accusations of data manipulation against Rwanda.
The EICV7 survey, released on Wednesday, April 16, revealed that Rwanda’s poverty rate dropped from 39.8% in 2017 to 27.4% in 2024, lifting approximately 1.5 million people out of poverty over seven years.
“That’s equivalent to 1.5 million people coming out of poverty within a period of seven years,” Murenzi said, describing the reduction as a “surprise” given the stagnation in poverty levels between 2014 and 2017, when the rate only fell from 39.1% to 38.2%.
He attributed the progress to cumulative government efforts and methodological updates, including capturing food consumed outside homes, such as through school feeding programs, and adjusting the calorie threshold for extreme poverty from 2,500 to 2,400 calories per day.
Murenzi strongly defended NISR’s data integrity, addressing a 2019 Financial Times article that accused Rwanda of misrepresenting poverty statistics.
“We don’t give weight to such criticism because of who they are,” he stated, arguing that critics like the Financial Times lack the statistical expertise of authoritative institutions like the World Bank, Iinternatinal Monetary Fund (IMF), and United Nations (UN) Statistics Division, all of which validate NISR’s methodologies.
He stressed Rwanda’s adherence to international standards, noting, “What we do across various statistics… are things done following international standards practices.”
Murenzi also refuted claims of World Bank dissent, highlighting ongoing collaboration, with a senior World Bank economist present at the EICV7 launch to endorse the findings.
The NISR chief underscored the institute’s independence, denying any political pressure to manipulate data.
“There’s no pressure for me because I’m not the one implementing,” he said, explaining that NISR’s role is to measure, not implement, policies.
He pointed to NISR’s transparency in reporting unfavourable trends, such as unemployment rising to 21% during COVID, negative GDP growth, and inflation peaking at 20% in 2022.
Murenzi also cited NISR’s rigorous approach to evaluating local government performance (Imihigo), using evidence-based checks like household sampling and site visits to counter inflated claims.
Beyond poverty, the EICV7 highlighted Rwanda’s inequality challenges, with a national Gini coefficient of 0.37 indicating moderate inequality, while Kigali’s 0.44 reflects a higher wealth gap.
“In Kigali… you have a concentration of those in the country who are well off,” Murenzi explained, noting that provinces show lower inequality (0.27–0.3) due to smaller disparities.
He clarified that this does not mean provinces are uniformly poor, but rather that wealth gaps are less pronounced outside the capital.
Murenzi also addressed Rwanda’s Vision 2035 goal of achieving upper-middle-income status, requiring a GDP per capita of approximately $4,000 by 2035. Acknowledging the ambition, he noted that it demands annual growth of around 12%, far exceeding recent trends.
“There’s no ambiguity that this ambition requires another change in the way things are done,” he said, citing government-wide efforts to enhance efficiency and evidence-based policymaking.
He envisioned an expanded role for NISR, with analysts working directly with ministries like Agriculture to optimise interventions.
“We are saying our role is going to include sending our analysts to work with ministries… to say in your interventions how is evidence,” he added.
On poverty metrics, Murenzi clarified why Rwanda’s poverty line ( 560,000 RWF/year, or $400 at 1,400 RWF/USD) differs from the World Bank’s $2.15/day global benchmark.
“Every country has its poverty line because it is reflecting the context the cost of living,” he said, noting that Rwanda’s line accounts for local costs, unlike the World Bank’s standardized measure for cross-country comparisons.
The extreme poverty threshold, set at 2,400 calories per day, aligns with World Food Programme standards, reflecting Rwanda’s evolving economic activities from subsistence farming to mixed sectors.
Murenzi emphasised data accessibility, confirming that the EICV7 report and anonymised raw data are available on NISR’s website.
“The report is already on our website. We are already tweeting it and sharing a link,” he said, adding that the data’s transparency allows independent verification.
Marie Ntakirutimana is one of witnesses. During the Genocide, she was raped multiple times by Interahamwe militiamen—so many times that she lost count—all in a desperate attempt to protect her children from being killed.
Although the rapes left her infected with HIV, her children survived. Her husband, however, and many members of his family were murdered.
Ntakirutimana was born Hutu, but she had married a Tutsi man—a decision she never regretted, affirming that love follows its own path.
Tragically, that love was cut short when her husband was killed by a group that included his own brothers.
When IGIHE visited the 62-year-old woman at her home in the “Village of Unity” in Cyimana Cell, Tumba Sector, Huye District, she recounted how she offered her body to save her five children from death.
On April 21, 1994, open killings began in Tumba and across other parts of what was then Butare prefecture. At the time, the family lived in Gateme, and tried to flee. Her husband first went to check on his sister nearby, but couldn’t return home.
Ntakirutimana sent her two older children to hide at her sister’s house in Muyira, Kibirizi Sector, Gisagara District. She stayed behind in Cyarwa, but remained out of contact with her husband.
Four days later, she returned to find their house in Gateme had been destroyed. As the Genocide escalated, the family managed to reach her home village, where she herself was not targeted. Her father began bribing Interahamwe to protect her husband and children, but her brothers refused to cooperate.
“My brothers, Ngamijimana Edouard and Nsabumukiza Alexis, were particularly cruel,” she recalled. “One of them once took the newborn from my arms, held him up in public and mocked me, saying, ‘Look at how a snake looks like.’”
As the situation worsened, she decided to hide in sorghum fields with her children. It was during this time that Rutagengwa Emmanuel—then a senior figure at LABOPHAR and someone who had tried to court her when they were younger—tracked her down. He told her that she could no longer escape him, and that if she let him rape her, he would spare her children.
He was not the only one. Ntakirutimana also recalled being raped by another man named Murwanashyaka, a former schoolmate. He knowingly infected her with HIV. Although she knew of his status, her love and desperation to save her children drove her to endure the abuse.
Fighting through emotion, she said, “I didn’t want this. Murwanashyaka came and raped me. Rutagengwa too. They both promised not to kill my children. That’s why I let it happen—I wanted to protect them.”
What pained her most was that some of the men raped her near the very place where her husband was hiding, humiliating him and breaking his heart in his final days.
Ntakirutimana never got tested until much later, but always suspected she had contracted HIV. Her fears were confirmed during testing, and she has been living with HIV for 31 years.
She later learned that Murwanashyaka died of AIDS, along with his wife. “He raped me many times. I can’t even count.”
Ntakirutimana continued to hide her children until the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) arrived in Butare. Unfortunately, by the time they got there, her husband had already been killed just one day prior by a large militia group that included his own brothers.
Despite the trauma she endured, Ntakirutimana finds pride in having saved her five children. She says seeing them alive today gives her peace and purpose.
“I’m proud of my children. They all went to school and graduated. I told them they survived because I gave up my body. Even though I live with HIV, I’m grateful to still see them standing.”
Ntakirutimana later testified against all those who harmed her, including the rapists and the brothers who killed her husband.
She also thanked the Government of Rwanda for its health initiatives, especially supporting those living with HIV, which have helped her survive.
