Hilton announced the signing of the property on October 24, marking another step in its expansion across Africa, where the company plans to open more than 100 hotels in the coming years.
Developed by NBA Champion and philanthropist Masai Ujiri’s Zaria Group, Zaria Court Kigali represents a $25 million investment and a major addition to Rwanda’s sports and entertainment landscape.
The complex was inaugurated by President Paul Kagame on July 28, 2025, during the Giants of Africa Festival, a pan-African celebration of youth, creativity, and sport. The event drew notable figures, including Nigerian billionaire Aliko Dangote, business leaders, creatives, and young talents from across the continent.
Construction of Zaria Court Kigali began in August 2023, with President Kagame and Ujiri breaking ground on what was envisioned to be the first of several such hubs across Africa. The completed facility now features an 80-room hotel, a rooftop lounge, fitness centre, pool, sports bar, co-working spaces, podcast and broadcast studios, and a multipurpose arena designed for sports, concerts, and cultural events.
Located adjacent to BK Arena and Amahoro Stadium, Kigali’s top venues for international concerts and sporting events, the property sits within a new mixed-use development surrounded by restaurants, bars, retail stores, and sports courts, just 15 minutes from Kigali International Airport.
The hotel will be managed by Aleph Hospitality, an independent management company operating across the Middle East and Africa.
Hilton’s Tapestry Collection brand comprises more than 170 independent hotels worldwide, each offering a distinctive design and guest experience that celebrates local culture. Guests staying at Zaria Court Kigali will also enjoy benefits from the Hilton Honours programme, the company’s award-winning loyalty scheme.
With 64 hotels currently operating in Africa and 106 more in the pipeline, Hilton aims to nearly triple its presence on the continent to over 160 properties in the coming years.
Hosted at the Kigali Convention Centre from October 21-23, the event, themed Converge, Connect and Create, has drawn over 4,000 delegates from 109 countries.
In his keynote address, President Kagame highlighted Africa’s rapid shift from limited connectivity to a mobile-driven economy, citing mobile money as a global model of financial inclusion that has empowered small businesses, women entrepreneurs, and rural communities.
“Innovation does not belong to one part of the world alone,” he said. “It can emerge anywhere from anyone given the chance.”
Yet, he warned that only a fraction of Africans are connected compared to the global average, risking wider inequality if the gap persists.
President Kagame emphasised Rwanda’s vision to build a knowledge-based economy, integrating artificial intelligence (AI) into planning, research, and public service delivery to boost productivity and inclusivity.
He called for harmonized policies across governments, private sectors, and partners like the African Union and Smart Africa to create a single digital market, enabling secure data and payment systems to connect economies continent-wide.
Echoing President Kagame’s vision, ICT Minister Paula Ingabire showcased Rwanda’s digital strides, noting that active mobile users surged from 500,000 in 2023 to 5 million 4G users by June 2025, driven by public-private partnerships and reforms to lower costs and expand infrastructure.
She highlighted Rwanda’s launch of 5G services through MTN Rwanda, 60GB of secured internet capacity, and connectivity for nearly 1,000 health facilities and 4,000 schools.
Minister Ingabire underscored the training of 4.5 million citizens in digital literacy, emphasising that “the future of digital innovation in Africa will be defined by collaboration.”
She urged the creation of African-designed solutions, scalable globally, to position the continent as a home of digital excellence.
Vivek Badrinath, Director General of the GSMA, praised Rwanda’s leadership, noting that mobile operators now cover 99% of the country, enabling nearly 13 million connections.
“Rwanda reminds us that progress is not an aspiration; it is a deliberate choice,” he said, aligning the event with Africa’s Agenda 2063 for a prosperous, connected continent.
Badrinath highlighted mobile technology’s role in advancing education, healthcare, and financial services, while acknowledging the work needed to ensure universal access to mobile internet.
During the event, GSMA, which organises the conference in collaboration with the Ministry of ICT, highlighted three urgent priorities for policymakers: handset affordability, inclusive artificial intelligence (AI) language models, and energy resilience, calling for bold policy reforms and investments to advance Africa’s digital transformation.
“Africa’s mobile sector is one of the most dynamic in the world, but we must tackle persistent barriers such as high device costs, energy availability issues and the lack of inclusive AI. By working together, governments, industry and development partners can make digital inclusion affordable, sustainable and meaningful for every African,” Vivek stated.
MWC Kigali 2025’s thought leadership programme centres on four themes: building a Connected Continent through affordable connectivity and 5G expansion; exploring The AI Future to boost Africa’s economic growth; advancing Fintech to deepen financial inclusion; and highlighting Africa’s Digital Frontier, where innovations in health, education, and entertainment are redefining the continent’s progress.
A five-year report from the Gender Monitoring Office (GMO), covering up to 2022, highlights significant achievements in implementing gender equality across public and private sectors, though challenges remain.
Among the milestones are regular gender accountability reports, the establishment of Gender Accountability Day (GAD) at district level, and the creation of a gender equality certification standard, RS 560:2023 Gender Equality Seal.
To date, 25 institutions have earned the seal for implementing gender-responsive practices.
{{Institutional progress}}
Several institutions have been recognized for exemplary practices. At the National Bank of Rwanda (BNR), women in leadership roles have increased from 20% to 50%, including technical departments.
The bank also grants an additional three months of remote work for breastfeeding mothers and four days of leave for new fathers.
At Inkomoko, female employees receive six months of maternity leave while men get two weeks of paternity leave.
The Rwanda Energy Group (REG) revised leadership eligibility requirements from 15 to 10 years of experience to encourage more women to apply for top positions, raising female representation in senior management to 40%, compared to zero in 2019.
REG has also set up breastfeeding rooms, childcare spaces, and flexible work arrangements. Women in technical roles now make up 32% of its workforce.
Cement manufacturer CIMERWA has helped women entrepreneurs expand their businesses, increasing monthly cement truck sales from half a truck to about 30 trucks per individual.
Nationally, women now hold 63.75% of seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 53.8% in the Senate, well above the constitutional threshold of 30%.
To support data-driven monitoring, the Gender Management Information System (GMIS) was launched to collect and analyze gender-related data and measure accountability across institutions.
Rwanda also continues to strengthen services like Isange One Stop Centers (IOSCs) for gender-based violence survivors, ensuring consistent funding for legal aid, health services, and psychosocial support.
{{Frw 11.5 billion plan to deepen equality by 2029}}
The Gender Monitoring Office (GMO) has unveiled a five-year plan, running from 2024 to 2029, worth over Frw 11.5 billion, aimed at deepening gender equality across public, private, and civil society sectors.
The budget will be mobilized through partners including civil society organizations (CSOs), and the private sector.
Under this plan, Frw 150 million will be used to strengthen the monitoring of gender mainstreaming in national laws, plans, and employment programs, while Frw 100 million will go toward assessing gender inclusion in climate resilience initiatives.
Another Frw 100 million is set aside to evaluate compliance with gender principles in district and sector development plans.
To promote accountability and gender-responsive planning, Frw 300 million will support the advancement of Gender Responsive Budgeting and its alignment with district performance contracts.
In addition, Frw 400 million will fund advocacy and audits on gender integration within public and private institutions, while Frw 500 million will be directed toward implementing gender equity programs and nationwide awareness campaigns.
The plan also allocates Frw 200 million for monitoring the rollout of the Gender Equality Seal (RS 560:2023) certification and another Frw 500 million to mark Gender Equality Day across government institutions, the private sector, and civil society organizations.
The plan also allocates Frw 200 million for monitoring gender efforts at family level, Frw 300 million for expanding Gender-Responsive Villages across districts, and additional funds to evaluate community initiatives such as Inshuti z’Umuryango (community family volunteers) and community health workers.
{{Addressing unpaid care work and workplace harassment}}
The GMO budget includes Frw 300 million for advocacy and programs addressing unpaid care work, a challenge highlighted by IPAR Rwanda research showing that women work an average of 75.6 hours per week compared to 68.4 for men, with 35% of women’s work hours being unpaid compared to 15% for men.
To tackle sexual harassment at workplaces and gender-based violence, Frw 600 million will fund monitoring of government and private sector compliance, while Frw 1.4 billion will support nationwide efforts to prevent and respond to sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), including teenage pregnancy prevention and survivor rehabilitation.
A further Frw 490 million will monitor Rwanda’s adherence to regional and international gender equality commitments, and Frw 200 million will strengthen civil society and faith-based organizations’ capacity to address gender-based violence.
Finally, Frw 1 billion is set aside to transform GMO into a center of excellence for gender research and knowledge management in Rwanda.
The Minister of State in the Ministry of ICT and Innovation, Yves Iradukunda, revealed this while presenting to the Senate how Rwanda is integrating AI into its development agenda. He said the government’s strategy focuses on embedding AI across priority sectors, including education, health, and agriculture, which directly impact citizens’ livelihoods.
“These are areas where AI can create measurable impact,” Minister Iradukunda noted. “For instance, if community health workers can use AI-based tools to assess a patient’s condition and receive guidance on first-line medication or whether referral to a hospital is necessary, it significantly strengthens service delivery.”
{{AI policy and economic impact
}}
Rwanda adopted a five-year National AI Policy in April 2023, becoming one of the few African nations with a formal AI framework. The policy outlines a pathway to accelerate AI adoption across key sectors, supported by an estimated investment of $76.5 million.
According to the Ministry, effective implementation of the policy could add $589 million annually to Rwanda’s GDP by improving productivity, efficiency, and innovation.
In agriculture, AI is expected to revolutionise farming methods, from smart irrigation and pest control to efficient fertiliser use and improved yields. The technology could help close persistent gaps such as the 40% productivity shortfall, 30% post-harvest losses, and the 33% child stunting rate linked to food insecurity.
The State Minister referenced India’s “Saagu Baagu” project, where over 7,000 farmers used AI to cultivate chillies, resulting in a 21% yield increase before scaling to more than 500,000 farmers.
Rwanda is pursuing a similar approach under the Artificial Intelligence for Agricultural Innovation programme, which leverages AI to analyse soil health, recommend interventions, and connect farmers to markets.
If fully adopted, AI is expected to boost agricultural productivity by 25%, reduce water and fertiliser use by 20%, and increase farmers’ incomes by 50%. The government is also developing satellite-based systems to determine suitable crops by region, initially focusing on maize, beans, rice, and potatoes, to inform planning and strengthen agricultural insurance.
“If farmers can access timely weather and soil information and adapt seed varieties accordingly, it will help achieve national productivity targets,” Iradukunda explained.
Rwanda aims to increase agricultural productivity by 50% by 2029, achieving 100% food self-sufficiency, up from 79.6% in 2024.
{{Transforming education through AI
}}
AI integration in education is also expected to address systemic challenges, including the teacher-student ratio (1:65), limited technology adoption (36%), and a 30% repetition rate.
Drawing on lessons from India, Rwanda plans to deploy AI-based learning assessment tools that analyse reading accuracy, speed, and comprehension in real time. This allows teachers to provide individualised support efficiently.
Over 23,000 primary school teachers and six million learners have already benefited from similar programmes elsewhere. In Rwanda, pilot projects have reached 5,400 students and 107 teachers across 14 schools in seven districts, showing promising results.
Expected outcomes include a 30% improvement in learning outcomes, a 20% rise in teacher productivity, and a 25% reduction in study time.
Rwanda also plans to introduce an AI-powered WhatsApp tool to support secondary students in learning mathematics, along with teacher-assistance tools for lesson preparation, pedagogy improvement, and automated marking.
“This will enhance critical thinking and reduce rote memorisation,” said Iradukunda. “Students will engage more deeply with content, while teachers can focus on higher-order learning.”
{{Health sector innovation and AI investment
}}
In the health sector, Rwanda’s partnership with the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, signed in April 2025, is accelerating AI adoption under the AI Scaling Hubs initiative. The collaboration, which also includes Kenya, Nigeria, and Senegal, aims to build AI capacity, infrastructure, and research ecosystems.
Initially, Rwanda received $7.5 million, but this has now grown to $17.5 million (over Frw 25 billion) to fund seven flagship projects focused on education, health, and agriculture.
Among these is the AI-Enabled National Telemedicine Services project, which will expand access to remote healthcare, enable early diagnosis, and improve treatment outcomes.
Another initiative supports Rwanda Medical Supply Ltd (RMS) to use AI for managing medical inventories, forecasting demand, and optimising procurement. The system will help RMS, which spends around Frw 5 billion annually on medical equipment, access real-time market data and ensure the timely availability of essential drugs.
In maternal health, Rwanda is introducing AI-powered ultrasound imaging tools that enable nurses and community health workers to detect pregnancy complications early. Using AI, a worker can complete key examinations such as measuring foetal head and bone length in under 10 minutes, facilitating timely referrals and reducing maternal and neonatal mortality rates.
“The aim is to detect risks early and save lives without requiring specialised personnel,” Iradukunda noted.
In agriculture, AI-enabled advisory services will soon allow smallholder farmers to access essential guidance in Kinyarwanda, while new tools will help primary school teachers assess students in English and Mathematics.
Modelled after India’s AI-assisted education system, which delivers six million assessments to two million pupils annually and cuts assessment time from six minutes to 40 seconds per learner, Rwanda aims to achieve similar efficiency gains.
These initiatives complement Rwanda’s national plan to train one million children in coding, in partnership with Google, Huawei, Oracle, IBM, Udacity, and other technology leaders offering tailored courses.
In an exclusive interview with IGIHE, Ngannou, who also serves as Chairperson of PFL Africa, said it was “easier to bring PFL Africa to Rwanda” because the nation was already prepared and aligned with the league’s long-term vision.
“Rwanda was a country that was already ahead and ready with the infrastructure, the vision, the project, so everything was aligned,” Ngannou said. “So, looking for a hosting country for PFL Africa, Rwanda was already at the top of the line because we all can see all the work that Rwanda has been doing in order to develop and to improve the sport.”
The Kigali event marks a new chapter in the Professional Fighters League’s expansion across the continent. After successful rounds in Cape Town and Johannesburg, the league has now brought its semifinals to Rwanda, the first time a PFL event has been staged in East Africa and the country’s official debut on the global mixed martial arts (MMA) stage.
“After seeing the facilities and the arena, it was clear Rwanda was ready,” Ngannou added, referring to the BK Arena. “Besides the infrastructure and the organisation surrounding it, the excitement about the event itself is very impressive.”
He noted that Rwanda’s progress reflects its ambition to build a strong sports sector, something he believes can inspire other African countries.
“One of the things that made it easier for me as an African was not having to worry about a visa when coming here as a Cameroonian,” he said.
{{A fighter shaped by struggle
}}
Ngannou’s story is one of perseverance and self-belief, a rise from poverty to global success. Born in Batié, Cameroon, he grew up in extreme hardship, working in a sand mine as a child to afford school supplies and help his family survive.
At 26, he left home to pursue a dream of becoming a professional fighter, embarking on a dangerous journey through the Sahara and across Europe. Along the way, he endured detention and months of homelessness in Paris, but he never lost hope.
“Regardless of where or how far back you start, it’s never too late to win a race,” he said. “When your biggest competitor is yourself, we tend to be our own obstacle by doubting ourselves.”
That resilience carried him to become one of the most feared fighters in the world, first as UFC Heavyweight Champion and now as the inaugural PFL Super Fights Heavyweight Champion.
{{Building Africa’s MMA future
}}
As Chairman of PFL Africa, Ngannou said his goal is to help develop local talent and provide African fighters with the resources and platform to compete globally.
“The long-term vision for PFL Africa is to encourage those African talents, those African fighters who have a dream of fighting on the higher stage, and to grow local talent that can compete on the global stage,” he explained. “It’s not just about events, but about talent development, infrastructure, and education.”
He added that he feels a responsibility to bridge the gap for fighters who don’t have the same resources as those in other regions.
“At the end of the day, I’m still a fighter,” he said. “I always see myself as a fighter and try to do what is best for fighters.”
{{Fighting for something greater
}}
When asked what still scares him after years of facing the world’s toughest opponents, Ngannou gave a simple answer.
“The only thing that really scares me is to give up and to wake up someday and find out that I didn’t give it all,” he said. “That’s my biggest fear.”
He urged young Africans to overcome self-doubt and pursue their dreams relentlessly.
“Don’t be your own opponent,” he said. “The biggest fight you will ever have is the one against yourself.”
Ngannou believes Rwanda’s hosting of PFL Africa 3 is only the beginning of a new era for combat sports on the continent.
“We are soon to have local fighters coming out of here and from the region,” he said. “With their support, they can reach my level or even higher, so we can build the biggest community together.”
Just three days after the war began on October 1, 1990, France deployed around 300 elite troops to Rwanda under the pretext of protecting French citizens and ensuring the safety of foreign nationals. In reality, the troops had been sent to rescue Habyarimana’s regime.
This French intervention was codenamed “Operation Noroît”, and the number of soldiers was later increased to around 800, according to Michel Goya, a former French Army colonel, in his analysis “Penser les opérations. Retour sur l’opération ‘Noroît’ au Rwanda (1990-1993)”.
{{France’s long record of foreign military operations}}
The deployment of French troops to Rwanda was part of a broader pattern of foreign military interventions abroad, known in France as “Opérations Extérieures” (OPEX). These operations have stretched across continents for decades.
Before Rwanda, French troops had intervened in Kolwezi, Zaire (now DR Congo) in 1978. Other OPEX missions included Operation Atlante in 1954 in Indochina (present-day Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia); joint NATO missions in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Afghanistan during the 1990s and 2000s; and deployments in the Middle East, Iraq, and the United Arab Emirates.
Today, roughly 30,000 French soldiers serve abroad, according to France’s embassy in the United States.
{{Africa as France’s long-standing military backyard}}
Reports indicate that France has intervened militarily 31 times in Africa since 1963. France has conducted numerous military operations under OPEX, treating the continent as a traditional sphere of influence.
These include Operation Épervier in Chad (1986–2014), Operation Licorne in Côte d’Ivoire (2001), Operation Artémis in Ituri, DR Congo (2003), and Kolwezi (1978).
Later operations included Serval and Barkhane in Mali, with the latter also extending into Burkina Faso and Niger. Others, like Operation Manta in Chad, Sabre in Niger and Burkina Faso, and deployments in Mauritania, Gabon, Djibouti, Senegal, and the Central African Republic, reinforced France’s deep military footprint across Africa.
{{France’s silence on Operation Noroît }}
Despite its extensive record of military missions abroad, France does not officially list Operation Noroît among its recognized OPEX operations, nor does it like to discuss it publicly.
While addressing diplomats and representatives of international organizations working in Rwanda, together with officials from the Ministry of National Unity in 2022, the then French Ambassador to Rwanda, Antoine Anfré, noted that many people tend to focus on Operation Turquoise, which took place in June 1994 during the Genocide against teh Tutsi, while overlooking Operation Noroît of 1990.
At that time, he explained that through Operation Noroît, France had helped Habyarimana’s army repel the first offensive launched by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), an attack in which Major General Fred Rwigema was killed.
He also hinted at the possibility that French pilots might have operated the helicopters used by the Rwandan Armed Forces (FAR) during the fighting.
Referring specifically to the helicopters Habyarimana used in the battle against the RPA, Anfré remarked, “You would want to know who was actually flying them.”
France’s decision to send troops to Rwanda under the pretext of protecting civilians and facilitating humanitarian assistance, while those same soldiers went on to work directly with the FAR in combat operations, remains an embarrassment for the European nation.
The discomfort is even deeper because some of the French trainers also instructed the Interahamwe militias, who were later involved in the secution of the Genocide against the Tutsi.
{{A failed mission that ended in shame}}
Operation Noroît lasted about three years, ending in 1993 without achieving its stated goals.
The subsequent Operation Turquoise during Genocide against the Tutsi in June 1994, publicly presented as a humanitarian mission to protect civilians, also became controversial.
Instead of saving lives, French troops were accused of siding with FAR and fighting against the RPA, which was then working to stop the genocide.
Furthermore, France was implicated in aiding the escape of members of the genocidal government and shielding some from accountability, helping them flee to Zaire and even Europe.
These actions have left France with a lasting sense of shame and denial over its role in Rwanda.
As Colonel (Rtd) Michel Goya noted in his conclusion, France ultimately decided that Operation Noroît would not appear on the official list of French overseas military operations.
The list, approved by the National Counter-Terrorism Committee, was prepared under the Prime Minister’s Order No. 001/03 of 22 January 2025. It highlights figures alleged to have led or financed attacks, recruited fighters, or promoted extremist propaganda targeting Rwanda.
According to the document, those designated are linked to the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), Rwanda National Congress (RNC), and the Conseil National pour le Renouveau et la Démocratie – Forces de Libération Nationale (CNRD–FLN), among others.
Below is a list of the cited individuals and the charges against them.
{{1. Lt Gen Gaston Iyamuremye (76)}}
Known also as Victor Byiringiro, he is the president of FDLR, accused of planning and coordinating terror attacks against Rwanda, extorting civilians, and financing terrorism through illegal taxation and mineral smuggling in eastern DRC.
He is listed under UN Resolutions 1533 and 2078 and the U.S. Executive Order 13413.
{{2. Maj Gen Pacifique Ntawunguka (61)}}
Alias Omega, commander of FDLR–FOCA, accused of orchestrating cross-border terrorism, resource plundering, and illegal taxation to fund FDLR operations. He is sanctioned by the UN and U.S. authorities.
{{3. Col Sylvestre Sebahinzi (64)}}
Alias Zinga Zinga ZZ, based in Lusaka, Zambia, and a nephew of former president Juvénal Habyarimana.
He is accused of commanding FDLR terror operations (2006–2009), raising funds in Southern Africa, and overseeing executions in FDLR “kangaroo courts.”
{{4. Maj Alphonse Munyarugendo (59)}}
Alias Monaco Dollar, a long-serving FDLR member, coordinating fundraising and logistics for terror activities in the SADC region from Maputo, Mozambique. He was among the founders of ALIR, precursor to the FDLR.
{{5. Faustin Ntirikina (68)}}
Alias Zigabe Pacifique, a French national of Rwandan origin, found guilty in case No. RP0038/2018/HC/HCI for recruiting youth into terror groups including RUD-Urunana and FLN. He is also accused of masterminding the 2019 Kinigi attacks that killed several civilians.
{{6. Maj Gen Antoine Hakizimana (54)}}
Alias Jeva, military chief of CNRD–FLN, accused of planning and financing the Nyaruguru and Kitabi attacks against Rwanda from his base in Bujumbura, Burundi.
{{7. Eric Munyemana (53)}}
A Belgian national and vice president of FLN, responsible for fundraising and coordination of terrorist operations, according to FIC intelligence reports.
{{8. Dr Innocent Biruka (61)}}
Alias Mitali, secretary general of CNRD–FLN, based in Mulhouse, France.
He was found guilty in the same case as Ntirikina for recruiting youth into the P5 coalition. He also claimed responsibility for the 2018 FLN attack on Yanze model village.
{{9. Gen Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa (67)}}
A founding member of the RNC, living in Pretoria, South Africa, and cited as the architect of grenade attacks in Kigali between 2010 and 2013. He is accused of leading the RNC’s military wing and coordinating terror financing. Court documents link him to FDLR commanders and the UN Group of Experts report (2010).
{{10. Dr Emmanuel Hakizimana (62)}}
A co-founder of RNC, currently in Canada, accused of mobilizing funds and recruiting operatives for RNC and MRCD, another armed opposition group.
{{11. Abdulkarim Ali Nyarwaya (57)}}
Alias Dick Nyarwaya, a UK-based British national, accused of fundraising and supporting P5’s terror campaigns in collaboration with Kayumba Nyamwasa.
{{12. Maj Robert Higiro (55)}}
Alias Gasisi, based in Nairobi, accused of coordinating RNC activities, training recruits, and fundraising for the movement’s operations in the region.
{{13. Frank Ntwali (47)}}
RNC’s representative in Southern Africa, accused of liaising with FDLR and coordinating recruitment and fundraising for RNC’s military operations.
{{14. Ignace Rusagara (39)}}
Spokesperson for RNC in the United States, accused of promoting FDLR objectives, spreading propaganda, and inciting anti-Rwanda sentiments online.
{{15. Jean Paul Turayishimiye (53)}}
A U.S.-based court interpreter and founder of Rwanda Alliance for Change (RAC–Urunana).
He is accused of using his YouTube channel East African Daily to incite terrorism, organize fundraising, and recruit members under the P5 umbrella.
{{16. Gaspard Musabyimana (70)}}
A Belgium-based businessman and founder of Radio Inkingi and musabyimana.net, accused of funding FDLR propaganda and using his media platforms to spread hate speech and justify terror attacks.
{{17. Placide Kayumba (44)}}
Based in Namur, Belgium, accused of forming alliances between FDU–Inkingi and FDLR, and financing terrorism against Rwanda.
{{18. Augustin Munyaneza (62)}}
A Brussels-based taxi driver, alleged to be a sympathizer and fundraiser for FDLR–FOCA and P5 activities targeting Rwanda.
{{19. Michel Niyibizi (69)}}
A teacher in Tournai, Belgium, accused of coordinating fundraising and sanctioning terror plots on behalf of FDLR–FOCA and P5.
{{20. Jonathan Musonera (61)}}
A London-based RNC member, accused of inciting violence and mobilizing funds for RNC’s armed operations, as well as publicly supporting FDLR attacks.
{{21. Dr Theogene Rudasingwa (64)}}
A Washington-based RNC leader, accused of masterminding grenade attacks in Rwanda (2010–2013) and forging the RNC–FDLR collaboration. He is a former senior government official and ambassador.
{{22. Maj Jacques Kanyamibwa (68)}}
Based in Toulouse, France, accused of funding terrorism, recruiting online, and participating in the planning of the 2019 Kinigi attacks in Musanze District.
{{23. Thomas Nahimana (54)}}
Thomas Nahimana is the President of the ISHEMA Party and operator of the Isi n’Ijuru TV YouTube channel.
He is accused of inciting terrorism and coordinating activities with FDLR–FOCA leaders from his base in Le Havre, France.
{{24. Christine Coleman Uwizera (53)}}
A Denver-based pastor and supporter of FLN, accused of inciting violence against Rwanda through her X (Twitter) account, @SOS_Rwanda, and promoting FLN and P5 propaganda.
{{25. Sylvestre Nduwayezu (53)}}
Alias Jet Lee, based in Kampala, Uganda, accused of recruiting fighters, coordinating arms purchases, and planning terror attacks in connection with RUD-Urunana and P5.
Officials say the move reflects Rwanda’s intensified efforts to disrupt terrorist networks and cut off their financing channels, especially those operating abroad.
Analysts note that many of the named individuals have long been under international scrutiny for links to armed groups operating in the Democratic Republic of Congo and neighboring states.
Amid failed ceasefires and polarised narratives, a new peace plan brokered by US President Donald Trump has emerged, promising a lasting truce, hostage releases, and a phased Israeli withdrawal from Gaza. But as headlines proclaim “the war is over,” questions linger about its durability.
In an exclusive interview with IGIHE, Israel’s Ambassador to Rwanda, Einat Weiss, offered a candid perspective on the ceasefire, Israel’s stance on accountability, the emotional toll of the conflict, and the fragile hope for peace.
Speaking from Kigali, where she began her diplomatic mission just 50 days before the war erupted, Weiss reflected on the human and strategic dimensions of a conflict that has reshaped Israel and its global relationships.
{{A personal and national trauma
}}
The war’s onset was deeply personal for Weiss. “When October 7 happened, it was deeply traumatic,” she said, recalling the chaos as 1,500 Israelis were killed, hostages were taken, and missiles rained across the country. Her husband, Aviad, driven by what she describes as Israel’s “deep patriotism,” volunteered as a reservist, serving multiple tours in the Southern Command until recently.
“My parents and family were in shelters,” Weiss added. “As a human being, it was challenging to start a new diplomatic mission amidst such uncertainty.”
She highlighted the resilience shown by many Israelis, noting that around 500,000 people, over 5% of the population, gathered in Hostages Square to mark the recent peace agreement.
“If terror is abandoned and its sponsors held accountable, a positive future is possible,” she said.
{{A historic ceasefire
}}
The Trump-brokered deal, finalised in October 2025, marks a turning point. Weiss described Monday, October 13, 2025, the day the hostages were released, as “the most optimistic day we’ve experienced in the last two years,” with all 20 known hostages released from Gaza, either after crossing the border or while in Red Cross custody.
“They are on their way back to their families,” she said, though their physical and emotional conditions remain unclear.
Unlike previous ceasefires, which failed to hold, Weiss said the latest agreement is bolstered by its concise 20-point framework and “strong American safeguards.”
She credits the timing with Hamas “weakened” after two years of Israeli operations targeting its leadership, and President Trump’s personal pressure on all parties. The plan aims to demilitarize Hamas, dismantle its 600 kilometers of tunnels, and create a safe zone for Israel’s security.
“This is the first time Hamas agreed to these terms,” Weiss noted.
{{Accountability in the wake of heightened criticism
}}
The war’s toll of over 67,000 reported deaths in Gaza, half of them women and children, according to human rights organisations, has fueled accusations of genocide and the use of disproportionate force by Israel.
Weiss denied accusations of genocide and excessive force as “false,” framing the conflict as an “asymmetric war” against a terror organization. She accused Hamas of using civilians as human shields, operating from hospitals and homes, and blocking evacuations to provoke global condemnation.
“Israel has done more than most armies to minimize harm,” she stated, pointing to warnings via pamphlets and instances where soldiers’ lives were risked to avoid civilian casualties.
However, critics argue that Israel’s extensive airstrikes and ground operations in densely populated Gaza, resulting in over 67,000 reported deaths, raise serious questions about proportionality and the effectiveness of these measures, especially given Israel’s advanced intelligence capabilities.
Weiss dismissed calls for independent investigations into Israel’s actions, arguing that equating a state with a terror group like Hamas, which she says “openly disregards international law,” is misguided. She defended Israel’s judicial system as “robust” and capable of meeting international standards for self-investigation.
“We investigate thoroughly, even during the war,” she said, acknowledging mistakes but stressing efforts to learn from them.
However, critics contend that Israel’s internal probes may lack impartiality, given the scale of destruction in Gaza and allegations of war crimes, raising doubts about whether self-investigation can adequately address international concerns over accountability.
{{Rebuilding Gaza and Israel’s role
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The peace plan prioritizes Gaza’s reconstruction, redirecting funds to health, infrastructure, and economic growth. Weiss notes Israel provided aid throughout the war, though much was looted by Hamas. The agreement aims to ensure aid reaches civilians.
Before October 7, 2023, Gaza saw economic growth through Israeli work permits, she says, yet critics argue Israel’s blockade and restrictions stifled Gaza’s potential long before the war.
The plan’s transitional technocratic government, backed by the U.S. and Arab states, seeks to replace Hamas’ rule. An International Stability Force will work with the IDF to ensure demilitarization, but Weiss emphasizes Hamas must cease as a terror entity.
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On the contentious issue of Palestinian statehood, Weiss reiterated Israel’s conditions: the Palestinian Authority must stop encouraging terrorism, including compensating families of attackers and promoting anti-Israel material in schools. Only then, she said, can a U.S.-led dialogue proceed, as outlined in the agreement’s final points. Critics argue that Israel’s conditions delay negotiations, maintaining the status quo.
Global opinion, especially among African youth, remains polarised, with many viewing Israel’s actions in Gaza as disproportionate due to the high civilian toll and widespread destruction. Ambassador Weiss attributed these perceptions to misinformation on social media, often driven by anti-Israel agendas. She urged audiences to look beyond the conflict, emphasising that Israel offers significant contributions in areas like agriculture and technology.
While some African nations criticised Israel, she added, others strengthened their support, visiting Israel and its border areas.
“Criticism often reflects specific agendas,” Weiss said, “but Africa remains a key friend. Israel has increased its focus on Africa, with frequent high-level visits reflecting mutual interests and support, including at the UN.”
The ambassador also dismissed concerns that the conflict could escalate to involve Hezbollah or Iran, pointing instead to a de-escalating trend and urging critics to focus on Iran’s role in militarizing the region.
“The situation is de-escalating, not escalating. Hezbollah is weakened, and Iran’s influence is being countered. The focus now is on stabilization and rebuilding,” she said.
Even as Trump declared the war over on Monday, Weiss struck a cautious tone. “The war is officially over, with Israel withdrawing as agreed,” she noted, “but Hamas must fulfill its obligations, including surrendering weapons and addressing the tunnels.”
According to a book dubbed ‘The History of Rwanda’ co-authored by Paul Rutayisire and Deo Byanafashe, the roots of the conflict in Rwanda stretch back to September 24, 1914, when German forces, led by Captain Wintgens, attacked Ijwi Island and began consolidating their control over the strategic areas surrounding Lake Kivu.
At this time, Rwanda, under German colonial rule since 1897, was already experiencing the strain of European dominance. With a population of fewer than 50,000 German soldiers across the whole of East Africa, including Rwanda, the Germans faced a daunting challenge to maintain control.
Although Germany lacked the military numbers to secure long-term dominance, their disciplined forces had managed to hold Rwanda, employing guerilla tactics to repel Belgian and British forces.
Rwanda’s central location was critical for the Germans, especially in terms of access to vital trade routes and strategic areas around Lake Kivu. However, Belgium had its own plans for the region. As the Belgians eyed the German-occupied territories in East Africa, the country sought to use Rwanda as a stepping stone for further colonial expansion.
Belgium, having already seized German-controlled Burundi, began advancing toward Rwanda in 1915. Despite the Germans’ smaller numbers, their soldiers and local allies fought fiercely to defend their hold over the country.
King Musinga, although caught in a difficult position, supported the German forces, supplying warriors and essential resources to resist the Belgian advances.
The conflict escalated in 1916 when Belgian forces launched a decisive offensive on Rwanda. On April 28, 1916, Colonel Molitor of the Belgian military led his troops to capture key strategic locations, including Gatsibo, which marked the beginning of their march towards Kigali.
The Belgians, now bolstered by British forces from Uganda, quickly closed in on the German-held capital. German forces, realizing they could no longer defend Kigali, began their retreat.
By May 5, 1916, the last German soldiers left Kigali, making their way towards the neighboring regions of Save and Burundi. The Belgian troops, after a fierce but brief skirmish, entered Kigali on May 9, 1916, taking full control of the city and marking the end of German rule in Rwanda.
The German withdrawal was driven by the fear of being completely surrounded by advancing Belgian and British forces.
German Captain Wintgens, the commander in charge of the retreat, also led his troops through the rugged terrain of Rwanda’s hills towards Nyundo and beyond, seeking refuge in the neighboring forests and eventually making their way out of the region.
This retreat signified the final collapse of German authority in Rwanda and the beginning of Belgium’s colonial rule.
Under the Belgian mandate, Rwanda was governed more directly than under the Germans, and the local population would soon feel the effects of this shift. The Belgians established a more rigid political and social order, imposing taxes and forcing labor to support their colonial economy.
King Musinga, though initially hopeful that his relations with the Germans could be rebuilt, found himself under the scrutiny of the new Belgian colonial authorities.
Belgium’s takeover introduced policies that would permanently alter the governance structure of Rwanda. Unlike the Germans, who had worked through local leaders, the Belgians dismantled Rwanda’s traditional power structures, replacing them with direct colonial control.
The consequences of this change were not immediately felt, but the seeds of resistance were sown. The exploitation of Rwanda’s resources, particularly forced labor and the imposition of taxes, led to tensions between the Rwandan people and their new rulers.
King Musinga, who had tried to maintain a delicate balance during German rule, now found himself caught between appeasing the Belgians and retaining some semblance of power for his people.
Rwanda gained its independence from Belgium on July 1, 1962. This followed the dissolution of the monarchy and the abolition of the Kingdom of Rwanda in 1961.
However, Belgium’s approach to governance in Rwanda, had sparked ethnic divisionism that culminated to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi halted by the Rwanda Patriotic Army.
The project was unveiled on October 10, 2025, at the construction site of the new modern estate in Kacyiru Sector, Gasabo District. It will comprise 59 housing units designed to blend comfort, style, and sustainability.
Each of the Jasmine Hills homes will feature a living room, kitchen, dining area, and four spacious bedrooms, each equipped with a private bathroom, toilet, and balcony.
The estate will include three types of housing designs, ranging from two-story homes with private gardens and parking spaces to those with additional basements for extra space. The most exclusive units will be standalone villas enclosed within fenced compounds, complete with gardens and parking for two cars.
Beyond private residences, the estate will offer shared facilities that reflect a modern lifestyle, including a swimming pool, a children’s playground, landscaped gardens, and a fully equipped gym.
According to Bharat Parmar, Chief Executive Officer of Reportage Properties Rwanda, Jasmine Hills will stand out not only for its architecture but also for its natural setting.
The estate is located next to the Rugenge-Rwintare wetland, which is currently being rehabilitated into a green recreational area.
“We bought this land without knowing there was a project to rehabilitate the wetland,” Parmar said. “When we learned about it, we were thrilled. Our houses will now overlook a beautiful green area, it will be a wonderful view for residents.”
Parmar praised Rwanda’s favorable business climate, highlighting that the company’s smooth operations are a result of the country’s strong governance and investment-friendly policies.
“We plan to stay in Rwanda and embark on even bigger projects,” he said. “The support we’ve received from the government, the Rwanda Development Board, the City of Kigali, and citizens has been remarkable. Even though buying unfinished houses is not common here, Rwandans have trusted us and invested in our developments.”
Echoing the same sentiment, Alkesh Kumar Rajput, Chief Executive Officer of Reportage Properties East Africa, described Rwanda as one of the easiest and most efficient countries to do business in.
“For me and other leaders, we call this place the Dubai of Africa,” Rajput remarked. “It’s a beautiful country with strong security, good governance, and excellent organization. Everything functions smoothly, just like in Dubai. It was very easy for us to establish our operations here.”
Reportage Properties Rwanda has introduced a flexible payment plan, offering a 10 percent discount on the purchase price.
Buyers can secure a home by paying 10 percent upfront, followed by one percent of the total cost each month until construction is completed, with the remaining balance paid upon handover.
Prices range from $294,000 to $441,000 depending on the house type and location, and buyers have the freedom to select their preferred finishing materials and interior fittings.
Jasmine Hills is expected to be completed within two and a half years. The project represents Reportage Properties’ second major investment in Rwanda, following Indabyo Heights, a residential development currently under construction in Nyarutarama.
Founded in 2014, Reportage Properties operates across several countries, including the United Arab Emirates and the United States, and continues to expand its footprint across Africa.
