The minister’s remarks followed a statement issued during the G7 Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Charlevoix, Canada, held from March 12 to 14, 2025.
The G7, in its statement, accused Rwanda of supporting M23 and stated that the group’s military offensive was a violation of DRC’s territorial integrity. Rwanda has repeatedly denied these claims.
The bloc further urged all parties to commit to a peaceful resolution of the conflict, supporting the mediation efforts led by the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC).
Additionally, it called for accountability for human rights abuses by all armed actors, including M23 and the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a militia composed of individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Reacting to the G7 statement, Nduhungirehe took to social media to dismiss it as a “recycled formula” that ignores Rwanda’s legitimate security concerns and the key root causes of the conflict in eastern Congo, including decades of persecution of Congolese Tutsi.
“These recycled formulas, forwarded from a western capital to another, 1) which minimise the support of the DRC government to the FDLR genocidal militia, 2) which overlook the security concerns of Rwanda, 3) which condoned the deployment of European mercenaries at our border, 4) which disregard the continued persecution of the Congolese Tutsi in eastern DRC, and 5) which pay lip service to the Africa-led peace process, are really tiresome,” he wrote in a post on X.
He further emphasised that Rwanda remains committed to supporting the ongoing EAC-SADC peace process to find a lasting solution to the crisis in eastern DRC, despite what he termed as “politically and/or economically motivated statements from overseas.”
The G7 forum brings together the leaders of seven of the world’s advanced economies: Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America.
Rwanda recently termed sanctions from some of the members as counterproductive to efforts to restore peace in eastern Congo.
{{FDLR threat
}}
Rwanda has consistently accused the DRC of harbouring and supporting the FDLR, which it considers a direct security threat.
Kigali argues that the FDLR, which collaborates with the Congolese army, seeks to destabilise Rwanda and push for regime change.
Despite these concerns, international actors, including the G7, have primarily focused on Rwanda’s alleged support for M23 while giving less attention to the presence and activities of the FDLR.
The conflict in eastern DRC has seen renewed violence, with the M23, which insists it is fighting for the rights of marginalised communities in eastern Congo, capturing key territories.
The group is scheduled for peace talks with the Congolese government in Angola on March 18, with the aim of resolving the conflict through a peace deal, after the military solution by Congo failed.
Gashugi replaces Major General Ruki Karusisi who has been recalled to Ministry of Defence headquarters.
Gashugi has held several key positions within the RDF. In May 2021, he was promoted from Lieutenant Colonel to Colonel and appointed as the Defence Attaché to Tanzania.
On the other hand, Maj. Gen. Karusisi is a seasoned officer whose career has spanned key roles in Rwanda’s elite units.
He previously served as Head of Operations in the Republican Guard (RG), the specialized brigade charged with protecting the Head of State.
In 2018, as a lieutenant colonel, Karusisi was promoted to the rank of colonel and appointed Deputy Commander of the SOF.
By 2020, he had been elevated to brigadier general and eventually to major general, taking full command of the Special Operations Force.
General Sultani Makenga, M23’s military leader, recently sat down for an exclusive interview with Belgian researcher and former senator Alain Destexhe, discussing the group’s motivations, the controversy surrounding minerals, accusations of foreign backing, and their vision for Congo’s future.
This conversation comes as international pressure mounts for M23 to withdraw from captured territories, including Goma and Bukavu, while sanctions have been imposed on both the group and Rwanda.
Meanwhile, the DRC government accuses Rwanda of fueling the insurgency, a claim Rwanda refutes, instead pointing to Kinshasa’s internal governance failures and its alleged collaboration with the FDLR, a group responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
In this candid Q&A, Makenga addresses these accusations head-on, questions the role of MONUSCO, and shares his perspective on what the international community is missing about the crisis in eastern Congo.
{{AD: Are you calling for MONUSCO’s departure because it participated in combat against you? }}
{{SM: }} No, but MONUSCO has deviated from its peacekeeping mission and should remain neutral. Even though MONUSCO fired at us, we are not driven by a spirit of revenge. Once the fight is over, we hold no hatred for former adversaries.
{{AD: What is your stance on the European Union’s request for the reopening of Goma Airport to deliver humanitarian aid?}}
{{SM:}} I support this, but the FARDC (Congolese Armed Forces) destroyed and looted the control tower, and they left fortifications and numerous vehicles on the runways, which we fear might be mined. The (grassy) terrain around the airport might also be mined. Go see for yourself! (AD: I went there, and it will be the subject of a future post on X.)
{{AD: What is your view on accusations of being Rwanda’s puppets?}}
{{SM: }} The Kinshasa regime is looking for a scapegoat for the problems it created or failed to resolve. The Rwandans understand us and try to explain our situation to the world.
They are our neighbors and our brothers, and like us, they have long faced the threat of the FDLR. We also still have hundreds of thousands of refugees in camps in Rwanda who want to return home.
{{AD: Do you believe Tshisekedi intended to attack Rwanda?}}
{{SM:}} He said it himself. Moreover, given the forces and weapons he had concentrated in Goma and the alliances he formed in the region, particularly with Burundi and the FDLR, it seems obvious to me.
{{AD: Is FDLR still a threat?}}
{{SM:}} The FDLR members are everywhere in the FARDC, including in the presidential guard. They have been re-equipped and rearmed.
They cannot win a war against us, but they can still attack civilians in our vast area, where villages are spread out.
Three days ago, they killed 40 people in the village of Kirumbu. Furthermore, along with the FARDC, the FDLR are destroying Virunga National Park, which we want to protect.
{{AD: Some say that minerals are your main objective. What’s your response?}}
{{SM: }} Listen! First of all, we spent years in areas where there were no mines at all. When we take control of a place with a mine, like in Rubaya, we do not interfere in any way with the local population’s artisanal mining activities, which are organized through cooperatives.
The minerals are then purchased by intermediaries who sell them to companies that export them.
{{AD: You do not intervene in the trade?}}
{{SM: }} Not at all! (Firm tone). But since we have controlled the border in Goma and Bukavu, we collect customs duties on goods—at lower rates and without the arbitrariness and corruption that characterize the Kinshasa regime.
{{AD: What about the sanctions against you and Rwanda?}}
{{SM: }} They are unfair. The truth will eventually come out. When our people are killed, no one cares, and there are no sanctions. But when we react, we are sanctioned.
AD: What is the relationship between the political and military branches of M23?
{{SM: }} Bertrand Bisimwa is the president of M23, I am the vice president, and I handle the military branch. We are part of a broader platform, the Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC), coordinated by Corneille Nangaa.
{{AD: Life in Goma seems normal, but the banks are closed. Why?}}
{{SM: }} Kinshasa closed the banks. The money deposited in banks does not belong to Tshisekedi but to the clients! He is punishing the population and continuing his plundering from afar.
{{AD: Is M23 multiethnic?}}
SM: Our president is Shi, our spokesperson is Luba like Tshisekedi, the deputy spokesperson is Mukongo from Bas-Congo [Lower Congo River] (he lists several names along with their ethnic backgrounds), but we want to build a nation and a state that go beyond these ethnic divisions, which handicap our great country.
{{AD: What message do you want to send to the international community?}}
SM: Our struggle is existential. We are fighting for our survival. We want a united, decentralized, and federal Congo that urgently addresses development and governance issues. Have you seen how Congolese people live under Tshisekedi? What has he done for them?
{{AD: You are a fighter. You spent five years in extremely difficult conditions on the heights of Mount Sabyinyo at the borders of three countries—Congo, Rwanda, and Uganda. How did you live? In a house?}}
{{Sultani Makenga:}} (Laughs). I will invite you to go see for yourself!
{This interview was conducted by Alain DESTEXHE in Goma, DRC, on March 12, 2025. Born on June 19, 1958, Alain Destexhe is a Belgian politician who served as a senator from 1995 to 2011 and as a member of the Brussels Regional Parliament until 2019.
A former member of the liberal Mouvement Réformateur (MR), he also represented Belgium at the World Economic Forum.
In 2006, he was awarded the Prize for Liberty by Nova Civitas. Destexhe held key leadership roles, serving as Secretary-General of Médecins Sans Frontières from 1991 to 1995 and as President of the International Crisis Group from 1997 to October 1999.}
2. Général Makenga (M23) : "Nous ne sommes pas dans le business des minerais, nous défendons une cause" L'aéroport de Goma peut rouvrir mais … Sultani Makenga, le chef militaire du M23 contrôle un territoire plus grand que deux fois la Belgique. Condamné à mort par Kinshasa, sa… pic.twitter.com/cfGDcObuQq
Speculation about Gen Omega’s death surfaced in January 2025 after clashes between the M23 armed group and a coalition of Congolese army forces and FDLR fighters in areas including Kanyamahoro, Sake, and the outskirts of Goma.
On March 1, 2025, when M23 handed over captured FDLR fighters to Rwanda—including Brig Gen Jean Baptiste Gakwerere—M23’s deputy spokesperson, Dr Oscar Balinda, told IGIHE that Gen Omega’s body had not been found.
“Gen Omega’s whereabouts will be revealed soon. We are still searching for him. I personally entered his bunker in Kanyamahoro, beneath Nyiragongo Volcano. No one was inside, and we did not find his body either,” Dr Balinda stated.
In an interview with Jeune Afrique, Brig Gen Rwivanga confirmed that the RDF is still seeking information about Gen Omega. He noted that the RDF is yet to determine whether he is dead or alive.
“We have not received Pacifique Ntawunguka. We are waiting to confirm whether he was captured, killed, or is still alive,” Brig Gen Rwivanga said.
{{Who is Gen Omega?}}
Gen Omega, born in 1964 in what is now Ngororero District, Western Province, Rwanda, studied at Collège Christ-Roi in Nyanza before attending Rwanda’s Military Academy (ESM) in Kigali. He later trained as a pilot in Egypt, Greece, and France.
Between 1990 and 1994, he held the rank of Lieutenant in the former Rwandan army (Ex-FAR). During the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, he led Battalion 94 in Mutara but was defeated by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA). Wounded in the leg, he fled to Kigali before eventually escaping Rwanda.
Despite efforts by the Rwandan government to persuade him to return home—like some former FDLR members—Gen Omega refused. He infamously told Gen (Rtd) James Kabarebe, a former RDF Chief of Defence Staff, that he would only return to Rwanda if no Tutsi remained in the country.
After the death of Gen Sylvestre Mudacumura in September 2019, Gen Omega took over as the FDLR’s military leader.
In September 2024, the DRC army launched operations described as a manhunt, but it was later revealed that these operations were merely a facade.
However, a UN expert report later revealed that Gen Maj Peter Cirimwami, then Governor of North Kivu, had tipped him off, allowing him to relocate before the operation began.
The FDLR, a terrorist group composed of perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, has long sought to destabilise Rwanda through armed conflict.
The DRC government has been accused of collaborating with the FDLR, allowing it to operate freely within its borders.
The fate of Gen Omega remains unknown, but ongoing investigations may soon reveal whether he is still alive or has been eliminated.
“Rwanda and Burundi are on a promising path to ending hostilities and reaching an understanding, as discussions between the leaders of both countries continue,” he stated.
The ongoing discussions referenced by Minister Nduhungirehe include a meeting held in Rwanda two weeks ago between intelligence officials from both countries and another meeting in Kirundo Province on March 10, 2025.
Relations between Rwanda and Burundi deteriorated in late 2023 when Burundian President Evariste Ndayishimiye accused Rwanda of supporting the RED Tabara rebel group, which had launched an attack on Gatumba Zone near Bujumbura.
Rwanda strongly denied these allegations, explaining that it had never collaborated with any group opposing the Bujumbura government. However, Burundi dismissed these explanations and, in January 2024, closed all land borders with Rwanda, citing security concerns.
The East African Community (EAC), led by South Sudan’s President Salva Mayardit Kiir, attempted to mediate between the two nations, emphasizing the bloc’s goal of fostering regional trade and cooperation.
In July 2024, during an EAC foreign ministers’ retreat in Zanzibar, Minister Nduhungirehe and his Burundian counterpart, Albert Shingiro, agreed that the two countries would resolve their disputes without external mediation.
It was decided that envoys from both nations would meet by October 2024 to discuss the issues. However, the meeting did not take place as planned, signaling a setback in the reconciliation process.
By September 2024, Minister Nduhungirehe expressed optimism, stating that the people of Rwanda and Burundi were “brothers and sisters” and that both governments had the willingness to resolve their differences.
“Rwandans and Burundians are brothers, and there is a shared commitment to solving the issues between our two countries,” he remarked.
The beginning of 2025 marked a low point in Rwanda-Burundi relations. In late January, President Ndayishimiye made strong statements against Rwanda, indicating readiness to confront the country.
His rhetoric echoed comments he made in Kinshasa in January 2024, where he suggested that Burundian youth would help Rwandans change their government, which he claimed was oppressing the region.
On February 11, during a visit to Kirundo Province near the Rwandan border, President Ndayishimiye told the local population that Burundians were prepared to defeat Rwandans, emphasizing historical victories dating back to the monarchical era.
“Prepare yourselves, do not be afraid. We know them well. From Bugesera to here, since the monarchy, they have never defeated us. Do you think they can beat us now? Remind them, ‘Do you know where this all started in Kirundo?’” he declared.
However, during a meeting with foreign diplomats in Burundi on February 27, President Ndayishimiye struck a more conciliatory tone, expressing his government’s readiness to engage in dialogue with Rwanda to resolve their disputes peacefully.
“To prevent war between our two countries, we are willing to resolve our differences through peaceful means. We initiated talks with Rwanda in 2020, and to this day, Burundi remains open to dialogue to address the issues between our nations,” he stated.
This is not the first time Rwanda and Burundi have experienced and resolved tensions. Between 2015 and 2020, the two countries faced a diplomatic crisis, but negotiations eventually led to the reopening of their previously closed borders.
According to RBC, youth are among the most affected, with sex workers and men who have sex with men (MSM) being at particularly high risk of infection.
HIV was first detected in Rwanda in 1983 and spread rapidly from 1986 onwards, with the peak of infections occurring between 1988 and 1996. Currently, there is no cure or vaccine for the virus, although antiretroviral therapy (ART) helps to suppress its progression.
Dr. Ikuzo Basile, head of the HIV Prevention Department at RBC, revealed that 230,000 people in Rwanda are living with HIV, with 3,200 new infections recorded annually.
“When we examine HIV-related deaths, we estimate that 2,600 people die from AIDS-related complications every year. Among Rwandans aged 15 to 49, 2.7% are living with HIV,” Dr Basile revealed.
Regarding children aged 0 to 14 with HIV, 80% are receiving treatment.
RBC highlights that sex workers and men who have sex with men remain among the most vulnerable groups. The organization is increasing efforts to provide targeted interventions for these populations.
According to Dr. Ikuzo, 35% of sex workers in Rwanda are living with HIV, while 5.8% of MSM are infected. Only 43% of MSM know their HIV status.
“When you compare these figures to the general population, they remain alarmingly high, which is why we prioritize these groups in our prevention efforts,” he said.
On a positive note, 99% of HIV-positive mothers in Rwanda can now give birth without transmitting the virus to their children, thanks to effective medical interventions.
{{Youth face rising HIV infections
}}
Dr. Ikuzo emphasized that youth remain particularly vulnerable, especially in Kigali City and the Eastern Province, which consistently report the highest rates of new infections.
“Young people aged 15 to 29 account for most new infections, with young women being the most affected,” he said. “Among older adults, men are more likely to be HIV-positive than women, indicating that men are transmitting the virus to younger women.”
In Eastern Province, 1.7% of young people aged 10 to 24 tested positive for HIV, and 27% of those tested also had sexually transmitted infections (STIs).
Dr. Ikuzo stressed the importance of condom use not only to prevent HIV but also to protect against other STIs and unplanned pregnancies.
{{Testing and treatment gaps among youth
}}
Despite awareness efforts, youth remain less likely to get tested. For instance, in the Northern Province, only 30% of young people know their HIV status.
HIV transmission methods have changed over time. Cases from blood transfusions or mother-to-child transmission during childbirth or breastfeeding have significantly declined due to improved health interventions. Today, unprotected sexual intercourse remains the leading cause of HIV infection.
Dr. Ikuzo highlighted that people who inject drugs are also at risk of contracting HIV through shared needles.
{{Access to medication
}}
Among the 230,000 people living with HIV in Rwanda, 97% are currently on antiretroviral therapy (ART)—a major achievement exceeding the government’s initial goal of 95% coverage.
There are 600 health centers across Rwanda offering free HIV treatment, including public hospitals and select private clinics.
{{Male circumcision and HIV prevention
}}
A recent study by the Ministry of Health found that 56% of men aged 15 to 64 in Rwanda are circumcised, with the highest rates reported in Kigali City.
Dr. Ikuzo urged uncircumcised men to undergo voluntary medical male circumcision, as it reduces the risk of contracting HIV by 60%.
In 2019, 87% of people diagnosed with HIV were receiving treatment. This figure has now increased to 97%, reflecting significant progress in controlling the epidemic.
However, young people still face challenges in adhering to treatment. Data show that 63% of HIV patients on medication are women, while 37% are men.
In an exclusive interview with CNBC Africa, Tesi Rusagara, the Minister of State for Public Investments and Resource Mobilization, outlined Rwanda’s strategic plan.
Among the key targets are doubling exports to $7.3 billion and increasing private investments to 21.5 per cent of GDP. These efforts are part of a broader vision to transform Rwanda into a lower-middle-income country by 2035 and an upper-middle-income country by 2050.
“Taxation plays a crucial role in financing investments and attracting private sector participation,” Minister Rusagara stated. Thus, the government aims to raise the tax-to-GDP ratio from 14 per cent to 18 per cent over the next five years through comprehensive tax reforms.
These reforms are designed to widen the tax base and increase domestic resource mobilization. For example, previously exempt sectors, such as financial services and ICT, are now included in the tax framework to align with Rwanda’s growing economy.
The government is also mindful of the potential impact on consumers and businesses, particularly in sectors sensitive to inflation like fuel and food. Special measures are being implemented to monitor and mitigate these effects.
The tax reforms also aim to encourage positive behavior. For instance, the government is offering tax waivers on electric vehicles to promote the adoption of green mobility. These incentives are part of a broader strategy to ensure sustainable growth while addressing environmental concerns.
Public-private partnerships (PPPs) play a crucial role in Rwanda’s development agenda. Minister Rusagara emphasized that despite a global decline in grants, Rwanda continues to attract both local and foreign investments.
This reflects strong investor confidence in the country’s manufacturing, agriculture, and ICT sectors. “PPPs are essential in leveraging capital, expertise, and innovation to drive infrastructure development,” Rusagara said.
Investments in critical infrastructure, including roads, ICT, and hospitality, are central to the government’s vision. These projects not only improve connectivity but also stimulate job creation and ancillary industries.
Looking ahead, Rwanda remains focused on enhancing its international financial sector to attract investors and solidify its position as a stable and lucrative market in Africa. The government is optimistic that its strategic initiatives will drive long-term economic prosperity.
With a clear roadmap and a commitment to sustainable growth, Rwanda is poised to achieve its ambitious development goals and emerge as a leading economy in the region.
Since late 2021, the M23 rebel group resumed armed struggle, claiming to fight for the rights of Tutsis, Banyamulenge, Hema, and other Kinyarwanda-speaking communities who face persecution, killings, and other abuses due to their ethnicity. However, DRC President Félix Tshisekedi has repeatedly sworn not to engage in talks with M23, describing the group as an “empty shell” and alleging that its fighters are soldiers from a foreign country.
But in a shift of stance, signaling a change of heart, the Angolan Presidency announced on Tuesday, March 10, 2025, that President João Lourenço would mediate negotiations between the DRC government and M23 representatives in the coming days.
The announcement followed President Tshisekedi’s visit to Angola, aimed at seeking a peaceful resolution to the ongoing conflict in eastern DRC.
Speaking in an interview with Rwanda Broadcasting Agency (RBA), Mukuralinda emphasized that despite DRC’s initial refusal to negotiate with M23, peace talks remain the only viable path to ending the war in eastern Congo, as regional leaders have consistently highlighted.
Mukuralinda noted that Tshisekedi’s agreement to engage in talks is an acknowledgment that African-led solutions are the best approach to resolving African conflicts, with external assistance serving only as a complement.
“He is now following the path that regional leaders have long advocated, saying, ‘We know this issue, and this is how it should be resolved,’” Mukuralinda said.
He added: “Another important point is that he has accepted dialogue as the only way to resolve this issue, as regional leaders—including the President of Rwanda—have affirmed that this conflict can only be solved through negotiations, not military action.”
Mukuralinda recalled that previous talks failed to yield the desired results due to a lack of commitment from the DRC government.
“It is time to ensure that these talks are not just for show. And once agreements are reached, there must be mechanisms to monitor their implementation. This is not the first, second, or third time such negotiations are taking place,” he said.
He stressed that the primary objective of the DRC-M23 negotiations should be to end the ongoing conflict in eastern Congo.
A joint session of heads of state from the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in February declared dialogue as the only path to silencing the guns in eastern Congo. It remains to be seen if the talks will achieve their objective.
Speaking during a candid and revealing interview with new media journalist Mario Nawfal, President Kagame stated that the “good country” doesn’t deserve a leader like Tshisekedi.
“I would tell him I wish he wasn’t president of that good country,” he responded when asked what he would tell the DRC Head of State if they met.
He added, “Next time I meet him, I will tell him that.”
Kagame’s comments come amid ongoing tensions between Rwanda and the DRC, particularly in eastern Congo, where Rwanda has repeatedly accused Congolese authorities of hosting and collaborating with the FDLR militia group—linked to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi—to destabilize Rwanda.
The Head of State criticized Tshisekedi’s handling of the crisis in eastern Congo, accusing him of mismanaging the country and lacking commitment to resolving the conflict, where M23 rebels continue to battle the Congolese army and its coalition of forces.
He also questioned Tshisekedi’s background and leadership capabilities, referencing his time in Belgium where he worked as a taxi driver and pizza deliveryman.
Kagame cited a revealing account from Francisco Piscopo, the owner of Pizzeria Godo in Brussels, where Tshisekedi was once employed before rising to the presidency.
In a previous interview, Piscopo described how he hired Tshisekedi despite his lack of formal education or qualifications.
According to Piscopo, Tshisekedi displayed poor work ethic and disorganization, which made his eventual rise to the presidency surprising.
“He was always late, disorganized, and with funds disappearing without explanation,” Piscopo revealed.
The businessman also expressed disappointment over how Tshisekedi has mismanaged the DRC, citing media reports of continued dysfunction.
In the interview, President Kagame criticized Tshisekedi’s approach to the conflict in eastern Congo, particularly his refusal to engage in dialogue with the M23 rebels. He also cast doubt on Tshisekedi’s political legitimacy, insisting that he was never fairly elected.
“By the way, I don’t mind how he became president. He was not elected either time. The first time, Joseph [Kabila] handed power over to him—there’s no question about that. The second time, he simply declared himself the winner, and everyone was told to keep quiet. But that’s not my problem,” Kagame remarked.
To resolve the conflict in the east, Kagame outlined three steps that could help bring an end to the prolonged crisis in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). These steps include agreeing to halt hostilities, engaging in dialogue with the M23 rebel group, and recognizing that Rwanda’s security concerns are non-negotiable.
While acknowledging that the crisis may not be fully resolved immediately, Kagame emphasized that these measures could pave the way for lasting peace following the capture of Goma and Bukavu, key cities in the North and South Kivu provinces.
“That will require the leaders of Congo to take the bull by the horns and accept reality, and say, ‘I must talk to these Congolese who oppose me, I must listen to them and their grievances. Even if they address six out of ten concerns, that is progress,’” Kagame noted.
The President shared these insights during a recent interview with American journalist Mario Nawfall.
While acknowledging that the crisis may not be fully resolved immediately, Kagame stressed that certain measures could pave the way for lasting peace.
“Let me start with what it is now. What is needed now is for parties involved and others who want support to stop the fighting and have a ceasefire,” he noted.
The second step, according to Kagame, involves establishing a political process that addresses M23’s concerns through peaceful means.
He emphasized that the Congolese government must recognize the reality of the situation and engage in constructive dialogue.
“That will require the leaders of Congo to take the bull by its horns and accept the reality, and say I must talk to these Congolese opposed to me, I must listen to them and their grievances. Even if they picked up six out of ten, that is progress,” Kagame noted.
The third and most critical issue Kagame highlighted is the need for the Congolese government and other stakeholders to acknowledge Rwanda’s security concerns, given that groups destabilizing Rwanda are operating with support from within the DRC.
Kagame also stressed that foreign nations with interests in eastern DRC should recognize that their objectives can still be achieved through peaceful and cooperative approaches.
His remarks come at a time when the M23 rebel group continues to expand its control over key areas in eastern DRC, including strategic cities like Goma and Bukavu.
The group maintains that its fight is not about seizing power but about securing the rights of Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese citizens who have long faced discrimination.
Although President Tshisekedi previously ruled out negotiations with M23, recent developments suggest a shift in stance. Following his visit to Luanda, Angola’s presidency announced that the country will mediate talks between the Congolese government and M23 representatives.
The negotiations, set to take place in Luanda in the coming days, aim to establish a pathway toward lasting peace in the region.
