The Rwandan delegation, led by the Rwanda Development Board (RDB) in collaboration with the Rwandan Embassy in Germany, featured 14 tour operators and travel agents.
Their presence underscored Rwanda’s commitment to expanding its tourism sector and fostering new business opportunities.
RwandAir also played a key role in the event, promoting its expanding network of routes and services.
Speaking to IGIHE on the final day of the trade show, Hubertus Jung- Sales Manager at RwandAir, expressed satisfaction with the exhibition’s outcomes. He noted that visitors had the chance to explore Rwanda’s key destinations, including London and Brussels.
“We made a lot of new clients and friends at the RwandAir ITB counters. This was one of our most successful ITB experiences,” he said, adding that the airline is actively working on launching a new route to Frankfurt.
Similarly, Manzi Isibo, Head of Sales and Reservations at Wilderness Rwanda, emphasized the impact of Rwanda’s presence at ITB Berlin 2025.
“We’ve had many productive discussions with different stakeholders, secured deals, all in the name of growing the Rwanda brand as a top destination worldwide,” he noted.
Germany’s Federal Minister for Digitalization and Infrastructure, Dr. Volker Wissing, was among the distinguished visitors to Rwanda’s booth. He praised the country’s exceptional presentation.
“It’s a wonderful stand here at the ITB exhibition, and Rwanda is being presented at its best. I highly recommend discovering Rwanda—an amazing country with wonderful people and stunning nature,” he told IGIHE.
Having visited Rwanda multiple times, Dr. Wissing highlighted the nation’s strong infrastructure and economic growth, reinforcing its appeal as a tourist destination.
Harry Theoharis, former Minister for Tourism in the Cabinet of Kyriakos Mitsotakis and former Head of the Department of Revenue during the Greek government debt crisis, also visited Rwanda’s booth at ITB Berlin 2025.
Theoharis was received by RDB Chief Tourism Officer Irene Murerwa as he toured the Visit Rwanda stand on the last day of the trade show.
With breathtaking landscapes, unique wildlife experiences, and a vibrant culture, Rwanda continues to establish itself as a must-visit destination. The country’s growing prominence at events like ITB Berlin underscores its potential to attract more international visitors and further boost its tourism industry in the years ahead.
Currently, Lt Nkurikiyineza is deployed in the Central African Republic (CAR) as one of the security personnel assigned to protect President Faustin-Archange Touadéra.
Rwandan troops, deployed under the United Nations peacekeeping mission in CAR, are tasked with protecting the President and the First Lady, as well as securing key national infrastructure, including M’Poko International Airport.
Lt Nkurikiyineza explains that his decision to join the military was influenced by his older siblings, who encouraged him, along with his deep love for his country and desire to defend it as a soldier.
His dedication led him to be assigned to a UN peacekeeping mission. For over 20 years, Rwandan troops have actively contributed to such missions. Currently, besides CAR, they are also deployed in South Sudan.
“I take great pride in knowing that our country is at the forefront of restoring peace in foreign nations, especially here in the Central African Republic. It is an honor for me and my country to ensure that others do not suffer what we once endured when the world abandoned us,” he said.
In Bangui, at the Palais de la Renaissance, the Presidential Palace, Rwandan soldiers are highly visible. From the entrance to the innermost security perimeters, they work alongside Central African forces to ensure the President’s safety.
Lt Nkurikiyineza is positioned close to President Touadéra, ensuring that no threat comes near him.
“We operate based on the President’s schedule. Nearly 24 hours a day, we are with him—whether at his office, during his visits, or at his residence,” he explained.
This job is demanding, but those who undertake it do so with dedication. Their rigorous training prepares them to handle any challenges that arise.
“I am always positioned directly behind him as his second security officer. There is another Rwandan soldier I work closely with. When I was first assigned this duty, I thought it would be extremely difficult, but thanks to the training we received, we were well-prepared,” he added.
Lt Yvonne Mutesi has had a similar journey. She joined the military in 2016, completed her basic training, and later graduated from the Cadet Officer Course in 2023.
As part of the Rwandan contingent in the UN mission, her primary role is to protect the First Lady of the Central African Republic, Tina Marguerite Touadéra.
She begins her day at 5 a.m., preparing for work. Her daily schedule depends on the First Lady’s agenda, which she must anticipate and be ready for in advance.
Protecting a Head of State is a high-security responsibility that demands constant vigilance, commitment, and absolute readiness to prevent any threats.
“My work schedule is never the same. It depends on the First Lady’s activities, but regardless, I must always be at work before she wakes up or prepares for her day. I ensure everything is in place even before she informs me of her schedule,” Lt Mutesi said.
She has never encountered any challenges in her role due to being a woman. Instead, she believes her military training and confidence in her capabilities enable her to perform at the same level as her male counterparts.
“I have faced no challenges. We adapt to the culture of the people we work with, respecting their traditions while remaining professional. Thanks to the training we receive, there are no obstacles,” she said.
She encourages young women to serve their country, emphasizing that military service is not as difficult as some may think and that it brings immense pride.
“My advice to young women is to step up and serve their country. There is nothing too difficult, and it is a source of great honor,” she added.
Lt Marie Ingabire, also assigned to protect the First Lady, echoed this sentiment, urging more young women to consider military service.
“We are proof that women can do this job. I encourage other young women to join and contribute to our country,” she said.
Rwandan troops have been protecting CAR’s leaders since 2014, having initially been assigned to safeguard former President Catherine Samba-Panza and continuing with President Faustin-Archange Touadéra, who took office in March 2016.
With the fall of Goma and Bukavu, along with increasing territorial losses, Kinshasa is seeking to leverage its vast mineral wealth to secure military and diplomatic backing from global powers.
In a bid to pressure Rwanda, which Tshisekedi accuses of backing the M23 rebels, Congolese envoys were recently dispatched to Washington to negotiate deals granting U.S. companies privileged access to the DRC’s rich mineral reserves.
High-level delegations, including officials from Gécamines and other state mining enterprises, have engaged with American authorities, with Jacques Tshisekedi, the president’s brother, personally involved in security discussions.
Kinshasa’s strategy, drawing parallels with Ukraine’s reliance on Western support, is aimed at ensuring that Washington prioritizes DRC’s security interests. However, the reception has been lukewarm, with skepticism in some U.S. circles about Kinshasa’s reliability and governance.
Amid uncertainty over U.S. commitment, Tshisekedi has also turned to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) for emergency military assistance. Recent discussions between Kinshasa and Emirati officials included offers of mining concessions in Lualaba province, which is rich in cobalt and copper, in exchange for military equipment. Reports indicate that the DRC sought an upfront payment of at least $250 million as part of the deal.
Similarly, Kinshasa explored potential support from Russia, despite Tshisekedi’s historically pro-Western stance.
A presidential envoy traveled to Moscow, but with Russia preoccupied with its war in Ukraine, there was little interest in direct intervention. The DRC also attempted to gain military backing from Mali’s ruling junta and Chad, though the latter ultimately rejected the deployment of troops.
On the African front, Burundi remains the only country with a significant troop presence in eastern DRC, with around 10,000 soldiers engaged in operations against M23. However, Kinshasa is increasingly wary of Burundi’s long-term commitment, especially following recent security talks between Rwandan and Burundian officials in Kigali.
Fears are mounting that President Évariste Ndayishimiye might shift his stance, possibly striking a non-aggression pact with Rwanda, which could alter the balance of power in the region.
{{The high-stakes gamble
}}
Tshisekedi’s push to exchange mining assets for military and diplomatic support shows just how desperate the Kinshasa regime and the dire state of the conflict.
The DRC is home to some of the world’s most valuable minerals, including cobalt, copper, diamonds, and gold. These resources are crucial to global supply chains, making them a powerful bargaining chip. However, past experiences have shown that mining deals often fail to translate into lasting security gains, with local populations seeing little benefit from their country’s immense wealth.
Rwanda has repeatedly denied accusations of supporting M23, while the rebel group maintains that its fight is rooted in political grievances, particularly the treatment of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities in eastern Congo. M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka has insisted that the group’s objectives are not tied to mineral resources but rather to securing rights for marginalized populations.
Originally from the United States, Nyiramacibiri played a significant role in preventing the extinction of gorillas in Volcanoes National Park. When she arrived, gorilla populations were dwindling due to poaching.
Nyiramacibiri arrived at the park in 1967 after spending time studying gorilla behavior. Over the 18 years she spent living among them, she gathered extensive knowledge on their feeding habits, social structures, emotional expressions, and more.
On the morning of December 27, 1985, the tragic news of her death spread throughout Rwanda, particularly in the former Ruhengeri Prefecture. She was found murdered in her cabin with six head and facial wounds, indicating she had been hacked to death with a machete.
Robbery was ruled out as a motive since the substantial cash she kept in her home was untouched. Additionally, her passport and a handgun remained undisturbed. Investigators found footprints of two individuals outside her cabin, and a hole had been cut into the wall.
Following her death, Rwandan authorities swiftly arrested her staff, including Emmanuel Rwelekana, who had previously guided Fossey during her fieldwork. While most were released the next day, Rwelekana remained in custody due to prior conflicts with Fossey that had resulted in his dismissal.
Nine months later, on September 29, 1986, the day before U.S. Embassy officials were scheduled to question Rwelekana, the Rwandan government announced that he had died in his cell, allegedly by hanging. This conclusion raised suspicions, especially among his family.
{{We have no proof that my father died- Rwelekana’s daughter}}
To this day, the circumstances of Rwelekana’s death remain unclear. His family never received his body nor any concrete evidence confirming his death.
Donata Mukarwego, born in 1980 in Rwambogo village, is Rwelekana’s daughter. In an interview with IGIHE, she recounted the day her father learned of Fossey’s death.
“My father was at home when he received the news. He immediately left the house after telling my mother that something terrible had happened,” she recalls. A few days later, gendarmes arrived to arrest her father and other staff members. Eventually, the family heard the news of his alleged death in prison.
“A man came to tell us that our father had died. Rumors spread that he either committed suicide or was killed. Among all the staff, only my father died, which left us devastated,” Mukarwego said.
Following Rwelekana’s death, his wife also passed away, leaving their children to face severe hardship.
Fossey died without ever conceiving a child
Jonas Nubaha, born in Kinigi in 1965, started working for Fossey at Karisoke Research Center in 1979. His duties included monitoring wildlife and setting traps for poachers.
“She hired people who knew the work well. We would report to her every morning with our findings,” Nubaha recalled. He remembered Fossey as a kind employer who treated her staff and local residents generously.
“On holidays, we would bring our families to celebrate with her. She provided food, drinks, and clothes for our children. She was a good person who treated us well,” he said. Despite working closely with the gorillas, Fossey’s staff remained cautious around them.
“She loved the gorillas deeply. We would stay back while she approached them. She played a major role in ensuring their protection,” Nubaha said.
Fossey’s work extended beyond wildlife conservation to supporting local communities, which earned her lasting admiration. “The problem is that she died without ever having a child. But even today, people continue to hold memorials in her honor,” Nubaha noted.
Fidèle Uwimana, another former staff member born in 1967 in Kinigi, described how he first encountered Fossey in 1984 during a community celebration. As a young volunteer, he would help with household tasks during staff holidays, receiving clothes in return.
Uwimana explained that the name “Nyiramacibiri” originally belonged to another researcher who was shorter than Fossey. When that researcher returned home, Fossey inherited the nickname.
{{Was Rwelekana wrongfully accused?}}
When asked whether Rwelekana was responsible for Fossey’s death, Nubaha remained skeptical. “Although some people suspected him, there was never clear evidence,” he said.
Rumors suggested that Fossey’s conflicts with local and foreign authorities might have played a role in her murder. Some believed that disagreements over whether the gorillas should be used for tourism rather than research created enemies for her.
Others speculated that she clashed with the Rwandan government, especially with local officials in Ruhengeri. Uwimana, who also knew Rwelekana and his brother, acknowledged that while Fossey and Rwelekana had a contentious relationship, the truth remains elusive.
“There were meetings at his home with foreign collaborators before Fossey died. It is hard to dismiss the possibility that he was involved,” he said.
Fossey was buried at Karisoke among the gorillas she had cared for, fulfilling her wish to rest alongside the animals she loved so dear.
“The government granted us permission to bury her there. To this day, her grave remains a place of remembrance,” Uwimana said.
In a candid and reflective interview on Sanny Ntayombya’s “The Long Form” podcast, the chairperson of the Zimbabwe Anti-Sanctions Movement (ZASM) and founder of Zimbabweans Unite Against US War Sanctions (ZUAUWS) revealed a dramatic shift in perspective after visiting Rwanda for the first time, confronting his own ignorance and seeking reconciliation with a leader he once vilified.
“I’d apologize for my misguided words, born of ignorance, jealousy, and tribalism,” Matinyarare said when asked what he would say if he met Kagame. “I’m here to learn from his leadership, admired yet envied across Africa.”
The activist, known for his outspoken Pan-African advocacy, admitted to previously pushing narratives—such as claims that the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) caused the 1994 genocide against Tutsis—that he now acknowledges were rooted in “helicopter journalism” and misinformation from books, exiled friends, and unverified reports.
“I was no different from the Western media I hated so much,” he confessed, citing a personal awakening spurred by Rwandans who approached him “without anger” to share their side.
Matinyarare’s apology comes amid a broader exploration of Rwanda’s role in the region. His visit, part of a documentary project on the Congo conflict, led him to reassess long-held beliefs about Rwanda, its president, and the ongoing crisis in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
{{M23 rebel group and the Congo crisis }}
Matinyarare offered a striking take on the conflict in eastern DRC, particularly regarding the M23 rebel group, which he met in Goma.
Far from seeing them as terrorists or Rwandan proxies—a narrative often perpetuated by the DRC government and other critics—he referred to them as “freedom fighters.”
“These are people separated from their land,” he said, tracing the conflict’s roots to colonial borders drawn at the Berlin Conference that split the Rwandan kingdom and fostered tribal divisions.
“They’re fighting for political, social, cultural, and human rights because colonial constructs persist under Black leadership.”
He recounted meeting M23 President Bertrand Bisimwa, first in Addis Ababa and later in Goma, debunking claims of their Rwandan origin.
“They’re Congolese people,” he insisted, noting their diverse tribal makeup and retreat to Uganda, not Rwanda, under persecution.
In Goma, he said he observed a vibrant city, not a war zone, with M23 patrolling the streets professionally, cleaning up, managing traffic, and earning public acceptance.
“The public didn’t seem intimidated,” he said, challenging the idea of coercion.
Visiting Nyakabande refugee camp in southwest Rwanda, Matinyarare said he was moved to tears by Congolese Kinyarwanda-speaking refugees, like a widow with eight children who claimed deep ancestral ties to Congo, not Rwanda.
“People are playing chess with people’s lives,” he lamented, rejecting narratives that these refugees are Rwandan imposters. He argued Rwanda, a small nation with limited resources, cannot sustainably absorb them, urging resolution over displacement.
{{Rwanda’s leadership and standards}}
Matinyarare revealed that his first impressions of Kigali, which he described as “a mind-blowing experience”, shattered his belief that its orderliness was a facade.
“I thought President Kagame was a magician pulling a rabbit out of a hat,” he admitted. “Only when I got here did I realize the meticulousness is real.”
Comparing Kigali’s manicured streets to Harare’s “shabby” decline, he attributed Rwanda’s success to disciplined leadership, contrasting it with Southern Africa’s “corrosion of corruption.”
He also debunked claims that Rwanda lacks resources, citing visits to mines like Trinity Metals’ tungsten operation—Africa’s largest—and Gatsibo’s cassiterite mine.
“I saw it with my own eyes,” he said, describing 15km underground shafts and rigorous regulation, refuting accusations that Rwanda steals Congo’s wealth through M23.
Defending his change of heart, the activist denied receiving payment from Rwanda to change his stance, saying, “My taxes would flag that immediately.”
He framed his journey as atonement and a push for African unity.
“I cannot fight to be right if my rightness means destruction,” he said, urging peace in Congo through negotiations that M23 claims to welcome.
{{Zimbabwe’s struggles and resilience}}
Addressing Zimbabwe’s current state, Matinyarare blamed 24 years of “illegal economic sanctions” since 1998 for its decline, freezing IMF loans and blocking trade, leading to brain drain and corruption.
Yet, he highlighted recovery: “We’re wheat self-sufficient, with the best tobacco, cotton, sugar cane, and Africa’s biggest steel plant.”
He criticized the West for targeting nations like Zimbabwe—and now Rwanda—with sanctions to suppress African potential, drawing parallels to his own past disinformation.
The demand comes amid growing tensions between the two countries over British sanctions against Rwanda due to allegations of involvement in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) conflict.
The Rwandan government has issued an invoice to the UK, stating its legal right to the payment after Britain failed to formally terminate the agreement that would have allowed the UK to send illegal migrants arriving on small boats across the English Channel to Rwanda for processing.
Rwanda Government Spokesperson Yolande Makolo said the funds were initially expected to be waived in good faith after Prime Minister Keir Starmer cancelled the deal last year. However, she described the recent measures, including the suspension of direct bilateral aid to Rwanda, as a “breach of trust.”
“The UK had asked Rwanda to quietly forgo the payment based on the trust and good faith existing between our two nations. However, the UK has breached this trust through unjustified punitive measures.”
According to Makolo, the UK government’s recent actions against Rwanda are unjustified and are intended to “coerce Rwanda into compromising our national security.”
She also criticised recent comments by UK Minister for Africa, Lord Collins of Highbury, which linked Rwanda to the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), a Ugandan terrorist group operating in the DRC, calling them “inflammatory and irresponsible.”
“For these reasons, we are following up on these funds, to which the UK is legally bound,” she added.
Rwanda has repeatedly denied claims of backing M23 rebels operating in eastern DRC, insisting that the fighters are Congolese citizens fighting against decades of persecution and marginalisation of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities. Rwanda has also accused the international community of ignoring the root causes of the conflict, thereby hampering efforts to fully resolve it.
Under the original Migration and Economic Development Partnership, the UK had already transferred £220 million to Rwanda by February 2024. Three additional payments of £50 million were scheduled for April 2024, 2025, and 2026. It is believed that the £50 million now requested relates to the April 2025 payment.
Prime Minister Keir Starmer officially ended the scheme in July 2024, arguing that it would not effectively deter illegal migration.
The envoy made the remarks in a statement released after completing his diplomatic visit to Rwanda, where he held high-level discussions with government officials and international partners regarding the crisis in eastern DRC.
During his visit to Rwanda, Borgstam met with President Paul Kagame, Minister of Defence Juvenal Marizamunda, and Gen. (Rtd.) Kabarebe, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs in Charge of Regional Cooperation.
Borgstam expressed concern over the escalation of conflict in eastern Congo, particularly the war involving M23 and Congolese coalition forces, including the FDLR militia, which consists of remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
Addressing Rwanda’s concerns about the genocidal group that continues to threaten its security, Borgstam stressed that the apprehensions must be respected. He also noted that the ethnic persecution of communities, particularly the Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese in the east—which constitutes a central grievance of M23—must be addressed.
“We reiterate the responsibility of the DRC government to dismantle the FDLR militia. Additionally, we strongly condemn the rise of ethnic hate speech, which must be addressed by all governments in the region,” he stated.
At the same time, the EU reaffirmed its support for African-led peace initiatives, stressing that there is no military solution to the crisis.
“We welcome the outcome of the EAC-SADC summit of February 8 and encourage all parties to engage in constructive dialogue,” Borgstam stated.
Borgstam’s remarks on the FDLR come even as the M23 rebel group, which recently captured Goma and Bukavu, handed over Brigadier General Gakwerere Ezechiel, a senior member of the DRC-based FDLR genocidal militia, along with 13 other fighters, to Rwandan authorities on Saturday, March 1.
Among those transferred were senior FDLR officer Major Ndayambaje Gilbert and several junior fighters.
Brig. Gen. Gakwerere, who was dressed in a newly issued uniform of the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC), is known by multiple aliases, including Sibomana Stany, Julius Mokoko, and Sibo Stany. His capture, along with other FDLR members, has raised fresh concerns about the DRC’s alleged support for the militia, which Kigali has long accused of seeking to destabilize Rwanda.
Speaking at the border, Colonel Joseph Mwesigye, Commander of the Rwanda Defence Force’s 509th Brigade, dismissed claims that the FDLR is an aging, ineffective group with no operational capacity.
“You can see there are young people among them. Some claim the FDLR consists only of old men who are no longer a threat, but this shows otherwise. The ideology of genocide does not fade with age,” he asserted.
He further stated that the capture of these fighters provides concrete evidence that the FDLR remains active, despite Congolese authorities’ claims that the group is no longer a major force.
The FDLR fighters handed over were among those captured during clashes with the M23 in Goma and surrounding areas. While some fighters have fled to areas such as Walikale and Virunga National Park, reports indicate that others are taking refuge in UN military facilities in North Kivu Province.
Brig. Gen. Gakwerere has a long and notorious history. Born in 1964 in Rukara Commune, Kibungo Prefecture—now part of Rwanda’s Kayonza District—he played a key role in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
As a Lieutenant at the time, Gakwerere was stationed at the Non-Commissioned Officers School (ESO) in Butare, where he worked closely with Captain Ildephonse Nizeyimana, a key architect of the Butare massacres.
Reports indicate that he led a notorious group known as the “New Formula”, responsible for mass killings at roadblocks and various locations in Butare. He is also accused of involvement in the murder of Queen Rosalie Gicanda on April 20, 1994, as well as the killing of Jean Baptiste Habyarimana, the former Governor of Butare Prefecture.
Hakuziyaremye had served as Deputy Governor of the National Bank since 2021. Her predecessor, John Rwangombwa, completed two six-year terms, having held the position since 2013.
Expressing gratitude for the appointment, Hakuziyaremye acknowledged the trust President Kagame continues to place in her.
In an exclusive interview with IGIHE, she shared her reaction to the new role, her priorities, and how the National Bank of Rwanda plans to address potential economic challenges.
{{QN}}: {{How did you receive the news of your appointment as the Governor of the National Bank of Rwanda?}}
{{ANS}}: It’s not something you expect because the President of the Republic holds the authority to appoint the leadership of the National Bank. I received the news with joy and gratitude for the continued trust that the President has confined in me across different roles in serving Rwanda.
I have been the Deputy Governor for four years, so I am familiar with the institution. This new role is a continuation of our work, and I am committed to collaborating with my colleagues to fulfill our responsibilities.
{{QN}}: {{What does it mean to you to be the first woman to lead the National Bank of Rwanda?}}
{{ANS}}: This milestone is not about me; it reflects the country’s commitment to gender equality. Our leadership has ensured that both men and women are given equal opportunities to contribute to national development.
Although I am the first woman to hold this position, two other women have previously served as Deputy Governors. Their contributions helped pave the way and demonstrated that women are capable of excelling in these roles.
{{QN}}: {{How are you preparing to take on this new responsibility?}}
{{ANS}}: These are significant responsibilities that no one can handle alone. Fortunately, I work alongside a capable leadership team and dedicated staff at BNR. Together, we will continue to deliver on our mandate.
Our work involves collaborating with other institutions to maintain economic stability. This is not new to us; we will continue to build on the solid foundation already in place.
The government’s NST2 program urges us to accelerate economic development. We also have Vision 2050, which sets the ambition for Rwanda to become an upper-middle-income country. These goals guide our work, and we are determined to achieve them.
{{QN}}: {{What will be your main focus moving forward?}}
{{ANS}}: Our primary focus is maintaining financial stability and ensuring that market prices remain under control. Additionally, we aim to protect consumers of financial services and promote financial sector development.
With the rapid growth of digital financial services in Rwanda, we want to ensure these services remain accessible and affordable for everyone.
We also plan to advance the Kigali International Financial Centre (KIFC) initiative. Working with the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, we will continue attracting investors to strengthen Rwanda’s financial sector.
Another priority is expanding the capital market. As the national bank, we facilitate the issuance of government bonds, and we want to encourage more public participation while ensuring the market provides the necessary financing for the country’s development.
{{QN}}:{{ How will you ensure Rwanda builds a resilient economy?}}
{{ANS}}: Rwanda’s economy remains strong. Although inflation reached 14% in 2023, it has since dropped to an average of 4.7%.
The financial sector is stable and continues to grow, whether in banking, insurance, or microfinance. Capital adequacy and profitability remain solid indicators of a healthy financial system.
{{QN}}: {{Are there concerns that market prices will continue to rise?}}
{{ANS}}: No, the rate of price increases has significantly slowed and remains within the 5% target range. This level supports economic growth without major disruptions.
{{QN}}: {{What measures are in place to promote digital financial services?}}
{{ANS}}: We recently hosted the Inclusive Fintech Forum to explore ways to advance digital financial services. The government has adopted a new Fintech policy to strengthen the sector.
Our main goal is to enhance technological literacy in financial services, particularly in payments, banking, and insurance. We are also working on regulations to safeguard the financial system from risks such as cybercrime.
We want to empower Rwandan Fintech startups, particularly young innovators, by connecting them with major financial institutions. This will help them grow and achieve the global standards we aim for.
{{QN: What can be improved to promote money transfers?}}
{{ANS}}: We should take pride in the progress Rwanda has made, especially when considering the volume of money transferred through digital platforms like Mobile Money, banks, and microfinance institutions.
These transactions now account for 300% of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Fifteen years ago, this figure stood at just 0.3%, but it has increased significantly, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, as more people turned to digital services.
This marked a turning point for the adoption of cashless payments, and we aim to ensure that those who have not yet adopted these methods are included.
Additionally, there is an ongoing e-cash project aimed at integrating banks and mobile money services. For example, a user with an MTN SIM card can now send money to an Airtel user without issues, and it is also possible to transfer money from a bank account to a mobile money wallet.
Our goal is to connect all these institutions, which will facilitate faster transactions and, we hope, reduce the costs associated with money transfers.
{{QN: How far along is the digital currency initiative?}}
{{ANS}}: It is a long-term initiative that we are approaching with caution. If and when digital currency is officially introduced, it must be a secure and beneficial tool for Rwandans.
The first phase of research has been completed, and we have engaged with various stakeholders and collected public feedback on the findings. This will inform a small-scale pilot test of the digital currency, which is our current focus.
We anticipate that in five or six months, we will present the results of this pilot. If the test confirms the potential we foresee, we will initiate a broader pilot involving a select group of Rwandan citizens.
The outcomes of this extended pilot will determine whether Rwanda fully adopts a digital currency. Research suggests that one of the most immediate benefits would be lower transaction costs for both domestic and international transfers.
Other countries that have introduced digital currencies have reported easier and more affordable cross-border trade. Additionally, digital currency could increase competition among payment service providers, driving innovation and better services.
{{QN: Why are there still significant concerns about digital currency?}}
{{ANS}}: The primary concern is that digital currency is a new concept. While research reports provide valuable insights, only through real-world trials we can identify and address potential risks.
This is why we are proceeding cautiously. Currently, 86 countries are conducting experiments and research on digital currency, and we continue to share knowledge and experiences with them.
For Rwanda, participating in this global effort is exciting but requires careful consideration. We want to avoid any unintended consequences that could arise from adopting digital currency.
{{QN: How is the BNR responding to global economic uncertainties?}}
{{ANS}}: Global changes are not new and will continue to occur. As the national bank, our approach is to employ highly skilled economists capable of conducting advanced financial analysis.
For example, when the COVID-19 pandemic emerged five years ago, no one had anticipated it. However, Rwanda successfully navigated the economic challenges and emerged stronger.
Similarly, we have adapted to the extreme price fluctuations caused by the Russia-Ukraine war and climate change, which continue to affect global markets. We understand that climate change, in particular, poses a significant threat to the agricultural sector, which in turn influences market prices.
Our ability to analyze economic data allows us to predict potential impacts of natural disasters and other shocks.
We collaborate with other institutions to mitigate risks early. Our current financial indicators suggest that we are maintaining economic stability. In the first three quarters of 2024, Rwanda’s economy grew by 9%, placing us among the top 10 fastest-growing economies globally.
This growth gives us confidence that we can weather future changes. While we cannot predict everything, we have strategies in place to ensure the continued stability of our economy.
We remain optimistic that our economy will continue to grow steadily. Our projections indicate that inflation will be 6.5% this year and 4.2% next year, reinforcing our position of economic strength and stability.
Despite calls for peace and regional cooperation, Burundi escalated its involvement in the DRC conflict on February 23, 2025, by deploying additional troops to strategic areas in South Kivu Province.
The Ruzizi Plain, a strategic valley forming a natural border between the DRC, Burundi, and Rwanda, is one of the areas receiving additional military presence. The DRC anticipates that the presence of Burundian forces in this region will help push back the M23 rebels, who continue to control large parts of the Kivus.
Additionally, Burundi sent reinforcements to Sange town in Uvira Territory, with the installation of five 107mm guns to strengthen the defenses of the region.
Vugizo, a border area on the Burundi side, also saw an influx of Burundian artillery soldiers, equipped with surveillance drones and 120mm and 122mm guns.
While Burundi’s troop deployment continued, President Evariste Ndayishimiye secretly visited Kinshasa to meet with DRC President Felix Tshisekedi. The meeting, held the same day as the reinforcements, focused on the worsening security situation and troop compensation.
Sources close to Tshisekedi’s inner circle disclosed that Ndayishimiye’s major concern was securing higher payments for the 15,000 Burundian soldiers deployed in the DRC.
The troops have been engaged in combat under a military agreement between the two nations, formalized in August 2023. According to the deal’s terms, Tshisekedi pays Ndayishimiye $5,000 per soldier per month, though the soldiers themselves receive far less—$70 for junior ranks and $100 for officers.
President Tshisekedi, however, rejected Ndayishimiye’s request to raise the monthly payments, pointing to the ongoing challenges faced by the DRC’s coalition forces in countering the M23 rebels.
Meanwhile, Tshisekedi has offered financial incentives ranging from $400 to $1,000 to members of the FDLR, a militia made up of individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, and other armed factions operating in the DRC. He has also promised over USD 120 per combatant in Walikale and Masisi territories to motivate them to intensify their involvement in the conflict.
Burundi’s involvement in the DRC conflict has been a subject of controversy since its inception.
The decision to deploy troops was made unilaterally by Ndayishimiye, with critics arguing that it is motivated by personal and ideological interests. Ndayishimiye shares a deep anti-Tutsi sentiment with Tshisekedi and the FDLR.
This ideological alignment has raised concerns among international observers, as both leaders continue to back the FDLR, a group widely criticized for its role in the region’s instability.
In contrast to the military support from Burundi, the DRC has struggled to gain assistance from other African nations. Recently, Tshisekedi sought military aid from Mali, Senegal, and Chad, but the nations declined to get involved in the ongoing conflict.
The situation has placed a significant strain on regional peace efforts. At the February 8 summit of the East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC), heads of state called for an immediate ceasefire and the resumption of dialogue between warring factions.
However, Burundi’s continued military presence undermines these efforts, complicating the pursuit of a peaceful resolution to the crisis.
In a statement shared on X, Nyombayire accused global actors of ignoring Rwanda’s long-standing calls for a political solution while enabling DRC’s leadership to evade accountability.
“Unlike what the international community will have you believe, the idea that a political solution is necessary to solve the conflict in Eastern DRC is far from new. It is what Rwanda has been calling for, for YEARS. It is exactly what President Tshisekedi has openly and REPEATEDLY refused to do. And we will not join you in pretending otherwise,” she wrote.
Nyombayire argued that the selective international outcry is not driven by genuine concern for the DRC but by a decades-old geopolitical calculation that disregards Rwandan lives.
“The underlying message of the selective outcry is not that there is a sudden genuine concern for the plight of a country that everyone knows is a failed state. The message is clear: the decision made 30 years ago—that the lives of Rwandans are expendable in the face of geopolitical interests—still stands today,” she stated.
Nyombayire accused the Congolese leadership of taking advantage of this dynamic, benefiting from international backing while continuing to recruit armed groups, including the FDLR, a militia responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
“That is why the leadership of DRC is enjoying the perks of sharing the same interests as their masters: talk crazy, recruit genocidaires and European mercenaries to fight your wars, sit back, relax, and let the international community bury the real issue,” she wrote.
According to Nyombayire, those pushing for de-escalation are in fact advocating for a return to a system that allows DRC’s elite to profit while Rwanda faces ongoing security threats.
“What every resolution and statement is calling for is an immediate return to business as usual: a nation that must remain a lawless playground where leaders get their cut to go buy castles in Brussels, the international community thrives off the business of peacekeeping and poverty alleviation programs, and their companies protect their profits,” she asserted.
Highlighting the glaring double standards, she noted that the same countries backing DRC would never tolerate the kind of threats Rwanda has endured for decades.
The continued misrepresentation of the conflict, she argued, serves powerful interests rather than the people of either country.
“Every country throwing its weight behind DRC knows they would never tolerate a fraction of the kind of security threats Rwanda has been facing for 30 years,” she noted, adding, “The gaslighting is deliberate because the truth is bad for business. It turns out that in this equation, the citizens of either country don’t actually matter, and in the end, their goal is NOT in fact a path to peace.”
The situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has deteriorated since 2021, when the M23 rebel group resumed fighting to defend the rights of marginalized Rwandophones and Tutsi communities.
Instead of addressing the root causes of the crisis, the DRC government has consistently shifted blame onto Rwanda, accusing it of backing the rebels.
These claims have been amplified by the international community, despite Rwanda strongly rejecting them as false.
Kigali continues to advocate for a political solution to the conflict, as recommended through regional initiatives, including the joint East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit.
Tensions escalated further as M23 forces advanced, capturing key cities such as Sake and Goma in North and South Kivu provinces.
Amid growing insecurity, Rwanda has reinforced its border security in response to clear indications that a coalition of forces, including the DRC army and the terrorist group FDLR, is planning an attack. This follows years of repeated attempts to destabilize Rwanda.
In 2022 alone, the FDLR, armed with weapons supplied by the DRC government, launched attacks on Musanze District in March, May, and June. Two years earlier, RUD-Urunana, an offshoot of the FDLR, had killed 14 Rwandans in the same area.
As pressure mounts, Rwanda has criticized those calling for sanctions against it, arguing that such measures unfairly target a country taking necessary steps to protect its borders and citizens.
The Rwandan government maintains that sanctions have never resolved the long-standing security crisis in eastern DRC and will not do so now.
