This remarkable growth was driven by strong performances across various sectors of the economy, signaling resilience and growth amidst global challenges.
The figures released by NISR on Wednesday also show that the services sector was the largest contributor to the GDP, accounting for 48% of the total. Agriculture followed with 25%, while industry contributed 21% while net direct taxes accounted for 7%.
The growth was seen throughout the year, with the first quarter growing by 9.7%, the second by 9.8%, the third by 8.1%, and the final quarter showing a growth of 8%.
Looking at the individual sectors, agriculture experienced a 5% increase. This was largely attributed to a good harvest in both agricultural seasons, with food crop production rising by 5%. Season A saw an 8% increase, while Season B recorded a 2% increase.
However, the production of export crops decreased by 1%, with modest increases in coffee and tea offset by declines in other cash crops such as pyrethrum and sugarcane.
The industry sector experienced a notable boost, growing by 10%. Mining and quarrying activities increased by 12%, construction activities also saw a 12% increase, and manufacturing activities grew by 7%.
The growth in manufacturing was particularly driven by significant increases in the production of metal products, machinery and equipment (up 20%), non-metallic mineral products (up 15%), and chemicals, rubber, and plastic products (up 15%). Other areas like textiles, clothing, and leather also saw a 10% increase in manufacturing, while food processing grew by 2%.
The services sector also showed remarkable growth, with a 10% increase overall. Wholesale and retail trade surged by 18%, while transport activities rose by 9%, including an 18% growth in air transport and a 10% increase in land transport.
Other service areas performed well, with hotels and restaurants seeing an 11% growth, information and communication services up by 25%, and financial services growing by 7%. Public administration services increased by 10%, while health services grew by 15%, and education services saw a 5% rise.
Following Rwanda’s announcement to suspend diplomatic relations with Belgium, concerns arose about possible repercussions for citizens, including students, residents, and businesspersons in Belgium.
Many also questioned the impact of this move on Rwanda’s Kwibuka 31 commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, especially as the Rwandan Embassy in Belgium played a key role in organizing memorial events.
In an interview with IGIHE, Nduhungirehe dismissed fears, emphasizing that ordinary citizens will not be affected by the diplomatic fallout.
“Cutting ties with Belgium will have no impact on ordinary citizens. The Genocide commemoration activities will continue, organized by Rwandan communities and survivors’ associations,” he stated.
He also assured Rwandans abroad that the government will continue to provide necessary information and support whenever possible.
On March 17, 2025, the Rwandan government formally notified Belgium of its decision to cut diplomatic relations and ordered Belgian diplomats to leave the country within 48 hours.
The decision followed Belgium’s continued disregard for Rwanda’s sovereignty, both historically and in the ongoing conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
Rwanda accused Belgium of taking sides in the conflict, spreading misinformation, and advocating for decisions that undermine Rwanda’s security and interests.
This move comes a month after Rwanda terminated a €95 million ($102 million) development cooperation agreement with Belgium for projects planned between 2024 and 2029, leaving about €80 million ($86 million) in unused funds.
According to a joint stament released by Qatar Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the meeting which took place in Qatar on March 18, 2025, welcomed the progress made in the Luanda and Nairobi processes, and the joint the East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit in Dar es Salaam on February 8, 2025.
A photo released by Qatar showed Sheikh Tamim seated between the two presidents, with President Kagame on the left and President Tshisekedi on the right.
The statement emphasized the commitment of the countries involved to cease hostilities without further delay, as previously agreed at the said summit.
“The Heads of State then agreed on the need to continue the discussions initiated in Doha in order to establish solid foundations for lasting peace as envisioned in the Luanda/Nairobi process, now merged and/or aligned,” reads part of the statement.
According to the statement, President Kagame and Tshisekedi Tshilombo, thanked the State of Qatar and Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, Emir of the State of Qatar, for their hospitality and for organizing this fruitful meeting, ‘which helped build confidence in a shared commitment to a secure and stable future for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the region’.
Qatar has gained recognition as a mediator in several global conflicts, most recently collaborating with Egypt and the United States to address the ongoing war between Hamas and Gaza.
The meeting between the two leaders was previously undisclosed and surprised many.
Although talks between both parties had been planned for Qatar in January 2023, they were initially canceled when the DRC side refused to participate, citing other commitments. At that time, President Tshisekedi had also declined a meeting with President Kagame, despite a request from French President Macron.
President Kagame had recently stated that if he were to meet with President Tshisekedi again, he would tell him that he was not fit to lead the DRC.
Kagame also expressed his frustration with Tshisekedi’s approach to discussions, saying that agreements made during talks are often reversed or forgotten soon after.
On March 16, 2025, while addressing a congregation at Vision de Jésus-Christ Church, Ndayishimiye reignited tensions by blaming Rwanda for ethnic divisions in Burundi since 1959 and in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) since 1996.
“Burundi faced problems in 1959 due to events in Rwanda. The Congolese also experienced turmoil after 1996 because of what happened in Rwanda. Should our countries keep suffering from problems originating in Rwanda?” he questioned.
“Let them resolve their own issues and stay out of ours. Here in Burundi, we have no Hutu or Tutsi, we are simply Burundians. If they choose to govern based on ethnicity, that is their concern,” he added.
While Ndayishimiye claimed Burundi does not differentiate between Hutu and Tutsi, he has been accused of collaborating with the Congolese army, Wazalendo and terrorist group FDLR (remnants of those responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda) to target Congolese Tutsis.
The Burundian leader asserted that his country is in a strong position, stating that “the world has woken up” and no longer believes mere rumors, but instead observes the realities on the ground in the DRC.
He told the congregation that the ongoing crisis might be resolved by the end of the 40-day fasting period.
Reiterating his claims of a Rwandan invasion plot, he dismissed the possibility, boasting that Burundi has both visible and invisible military forces. Using biblical references, he emphasized divine protection over his country.
“The idea that Rwanda could invade Burundi is sheer madness. I hear people say, ‘Rwanda has a strong army.’ Uuuh! If only they knew the forces, I have. How would they even know, unless they sought guidance from God to reveal them? Burundi has an army, both seen and unseen. It is well protected,” he said.
Ndayishimiye also claimed that in June and July 2024, God defended Burundi from a major threat, and according to “the enemy’s plans,” his government was not expected to survive beyond October of that year.
In January and February 2025, he launched strong accusations against Rwanda, alleging that it was planning to invade Burundi. However, his rhetoric softened after engaging in discussions with “Rwanda’s friendly nations.”
By February 27, during a meeting with diplomats in Burundi, Ndayishimiye expressed willingness to engage in dialogue with Rwanda, similar to efforts made in 2020 to resolve the ongoing disputes.
“To prevent war between our two countries, we are committed to resolving conflicts through peaceful means. This is what we have been doing since 2020 when Burundi initiated discussions with Rwanda. To this day, Burundi remains open to dialogue with Rwanda to settle our differences,” he said.
Last week, Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe confirmed that leaders from both countries are engaged in negotiations to ease tensions.
“Rwanda and Burundi are making significant progress towards ending hostilities and reaching an agreement, as discussions between their leaders continue,” said Minister Nduhungirehe.
His statement suggested that if an agreement is reached, Burundi could reopen its borders with Rwanda, which it had closed in January 2024, accusing Rwanda of supporting the armed group RED Tabara, claims Rwanda has consistently denied.
In a post shared on X, Destexhe expressed regret over the diplomatic rupture, which on Monday, March 17, 2025, saw Rwanda sever ties with Belgium in protest against the former colonial power’s acts of aggression, particularly regarding the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
He accused Belgian Foreign Minister Maxime Prévot of leading an “aggressive campaign” to influence the European Union and international organizations against Rwanda. According to Destexhe, Belgium has not adopted such an “offensive stance” on any issue since 1994.
“I regret the breakdown of diplomatic relations between Rwanda and Belgium, while fully understanding the Rwandan position,” Destexhe stated.
The former lawmaker argued that Belgium should have maintained neutrality in regional conflicts, warning that the current government’s actions risk reopening historical wounds in Rwanda.
The politician, who also doubles up as a researcher, highlighted Belgium’s extremist colonial history in Rwanda, including the introduction of ethnic classifications that fueled divisions and the 1959 ethnic violence that forced thousands of Tutsis into exile.
Furthermore, he criticized Belgium’s role during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, including the country’s push for the withdrawal of UN peacekeepers.
“That the current government ignores or pretends to ignore these facts is not only incomprehensible but profoundly irresponsible,” Destexhe added.
He also condemned the Belgian Parliament’s recent resolution calling for the suspension of economic agreements with Rwanda over alleged support for M23 rebel group in eastern Congo, describing it as “factually incorrect” and a reflection of a “glaring lack of understanding” of the regional situation.
In the conflict in eastern Congo, Rwanda has repeatedly denied supporting the M23 rebels. The Rwandan government insists that its main concern in the region is the FDLR militia group. According to Rwanda, the group—linked to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi—is collaborating with the Congolese government and poses a security threat to Rwanda.
{{Rwanda kicks out Belgian diplomats
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The diplomatic tension between Rwanda and Belgium escalated on Monday when Rwanda severed ties with Belgium and ordered all Belgian diplomats to leave the country within 48 hours.
Rwanda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs accused Belgium of undermining its interests and taking a biased stance on the conflict in the DRC. The Rwandan government said that Belgium has been “mobilizing against Rwanda” and allowing its territory to be used by groups propagating genocide denial.
In response, Belgian Foreign Minister Maxime Prévot described Rwanda’s decision as “disproportionate” and announced that Belgium would take reciprocal measures.
A day before Rwanda took the new measures, President Paul Kagame had condemned Belgium’s actions, accusing the former colonial power of ongoing interference and attempts to destabilize Rwanda. He dismissed Belgium’s push for sanctions as futile, emphasizing Rwanda’s resilience.
Despite the escalating tensions, Destexhe expressed hope that the diplomatic crisis would not harm the longstanding bonds between the people of Rwanda and Belgium, particularly those with dual citizenship.
Despite the severed ties, many are questioning the future of Belgian-led initiatives in Rwanda, including schools, businesses, and transportation services.
Speaking to RBA, Alain Mukurarinda, Rwanda’s Deputy Government Spokesperson, reassured the public that certain activities would continue to operate to avoid disruptions for beneficiaries.
“For instance, regarding the École Belge de Kigali, the academic year is already in progress and will conclude in June 2025. There should be no issue for students finishing this school year. The diplomatic break applies to embassies, not students or Belgian teachers, who make up about 90% of the school’s staff. Regular school employees were not expelled, so students will be able to complete the academic year.”
Mukurarinda added that while Belgium previously provided financial support to the school, the existing budget is expected to sustain operations for the remainder of the academic year. A long-term solution will be explored if diplomatic ties remain severed.
Regarding travel and trade, Mukurarinda noted that RwandAir flights to Belgium and Brussels Airlines flights to Rwanda may continue, though some aspects of operations could be affected.
“Belgium’s economic interests in Rwanda do not vanish overnight. Even with our historical ties, it is impossible to completely sever all relations,” he explained.
Mukuralinda further elucidated that many businesses operate independently of diplomatic agreements, where Belgian companies and investors will likely continue their activities in Rwanda
Before the diplomatic rift, Rwanda’s ambassador to Belgium also represented the country at the European Union, given that the EU headquarters is in Brussels. With the shift, Rwanda has reassigned these responsibilities to its ambassador in Germany.
Mukurarinda emphasized that the decision to cut ties with Belgium was not made lightly but was preceded by multiple warnings. He pointed to Belgium’s one-sided stance on regional tensions between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) as a key factor in the decision.
“The DRC has its narrative, and Rwanda has its own. Belgium, having colonized both countries, is well aware of their histories, including how borders were drawn and ethnic identities recorded. Given this knowledge, Belgium should not take one side while dismissing Rwanda’s concerns,” he stated.
Rwanda views Belgium’s approach as unacceptable, especially as Belgium has continued to impose economic and diplomatic pressure on Rwanda while disregarding Kigali’s perspective.
Tensions escalated when Belgium refused to accept Rwanda’s newly appointed ambassador due to his past assignments in the DRC and South Africa, despite the fact that he had no criminal record or legal charges against him. In response, Rwanda rejected Belgium’s designated ambassador.
In February 2025, Rwanda officially terminated its cooperation agreements with Belgium, canceling development projects worth €95 million (approximately RWF 140 billion) that had been planned for 2024-2029. The remaining €80 million (RWF 118 billion) in project funds will no longer be implemented.
Mukurarinda criticized Belgium’s persistent efforts to isolate Rwanda by urging international organizations and financial institutions to impose sanctions.
“While Belgium aggressively lobbies for Rwanda’s isolation, pushing for development sanctions and penalties, where do they place Rwanda’s concerns?” he questioned.
He stressed that Rwanda had made repeated diplomatic efforts to resolve these issues with Belgium, but Brussels remained uncooperative. Consequently, Rwanda saw no reason to maintain what it viewed as a deceptive and hypocritical relationship.
Mukurarinda urged Rwandans to support the government’s decision, emphasizing that the move was necessary to safeguard Rwanda’s sovereignty.
Beneath its rolling hills lies a wealth of minerals that have become critical to the country’s economic ambitions.
The nation is endowed with high-value minerals, including Wolfram, Cassiterite, and Coltan—essential components in the production of aerospace equipment, military technology, and consumer electronics.
These minerals are in high demand globally, positioning Rwanda as a key player in the supply chain of strategic raw materials.
Mining has long been a cornerstone of Rwanda’s economic development, and today, the sector is expanding rapidly.
Annual mineral production ranges between 8,000 and 10,000 tons, and with the government’s push for modernization and investment, the industry continues to attract both local and international stakeholders.
A visit to several mining sites across the country provides a glimpse into the scale of these operations, where mining companies are extracting and refining minerals to meet both local and international demand.
Among the many licensed mining operations, several sites stand out in terms of production and employment.
The Nyakabingo mine in Rulindo, the Rukaragata mine in Ngororero, the Mwurire-Nzige-Rubona mines in Rwamagana, and the Bashyamba mine in Nyarugenge collectively produce around 2,000 tons of minerals annually.
These operations employ nearly 5,000 workers, supporting thousands of families and making mining one of the most impactful industries in the country.
{{A sector driven by investment and innovation}}
Mining in Rwanda is capital-intensive, with investors injecting millions of dollars into exploration, machinery, and infrastructure to improve efficiency.
Trinity Metals, which operates the Nyakabingo mine, has invested over $40 million in its operations, while Power M, which runs the Rukaragata site, has allocated significant resources to mechanizing its processes.
With a combination of surface and underground mining techniques, these companies are ensuring that Rwanda’s mineral reserves remain productive for decades to come.
Studies indicate that, if managed efficiently, these deposits could sustain mining activities for at least 50 years.
The growth of the sector is not only benefiting investors but also transforming the lives of workers.
For many miners, the industry has provided financial stability and opportunities to improve their standard of living.
Twizerimana Jean Claude, a miner at the Bashyamba site, shared how his work has enabled him to build a future.
“When I started working here, I earned Frw 94,000 in my first week. The following week, I was paid Frw 114,000. In two weeks, my lowest pay was Frw 190,000. When mining conditions are good, I can earn up to Frw 800,000 in 15 days,” he said.
Similarly, Yankurije Betty, who has worked at the Rukaragata mine for seven years, described how mining has helped her achieve financial independence.
“In these seven years, I have achieved so much. Before, I had no money, but now I pay for my children’s education, built a house, bought two cows, and acquired land worth Frw 600,000,” she explained.
{{Economic contribution}}
The impact of mining extends beyond individual workers to the national economy. According to the Rwanda Mining Board, mineral exports generated over $1.1 billion in 2023, marking a 43% increase from the previous year.
The National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda further reported that as of January 2025, mineral output had risen by 4.3% compared to the same period in 2024.
Despite Rwanda’s established mineral wealth, external claims have occasionally questioned the country’s reserves, suggesting that significant mineral deposits lie just beyond its borders.
However, geological research strongly disputes this. Ray Power, a British investor and owner of Power M in Ngororero, as well as Power Resources International, a coltan refinery in Bugesera, dismissed these claims.
According to him, minerals do not have borders given that the region shares the same geological characteristics.
He further revealed that a 600-meter section of his mining site contains deposits that could be extracted for the next 16 years using modern techniques.
The Kibaran-Angolan Belt, a mineral-rich geological formation, runs through Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Angola, Zambia, and the Central African Republic, further confirming the country’s resource potential.
Donat Nsengumuremyi, the Division Manager of the Mining Extraction and Inspection Division at the Rwanda Mining Board, reinforced this point.
“Rwanda has abundant mineral resources because it is situated within the Kibaran Belt, right at its core. If we are at the center, that means we have significant deposits. There is still a long way to go in terms of exploration,” he said.
He also noted that while Rwanda has made remarkable progress in mining, the sector is still in its early stages of deep exploration.
“Unlike other countries that have drilled up to two kilometers deep, Rwanda has yet to reach even one kilometer in depth,” he added.
{{Investing in research and mineral processing}}
To ensure sustainable growth, Rwanda has invested in mining education and research. Since 2015, the University of Rwanda has expanded its mining program, increasing the number of trained geologists and mining engineers.
These efforts have been critical in ensuring compliance with environmental and safety regulations while optimizing production processes.
Beyond tin, tungsten, and tantalum, Rwanda is also home to gold, lithium, gemstones, and sapphire, particularly in the Western Province.
Ongoing studies continue to map and quantify these resources, further solidifying Rwanda’s standing in the global mining industry.
A major focus for Rwanda is increasing local mineral processing capacity. The government aims to refine 80% of extracted minerals domestically by 2029, up from the current 40%.
This shift is expected to reduce reliance on raw mineral exports while strengthening the country’s industrial sector.
Investments in key refineries such as Gasabo Gold Refinery, LuNa Smelter, and Power Resources International Ltd are already improving Rwanda’s ability to process gold, tin, and coltan.
In addition, a three-year geological survey is underway to assess high-potential mining areas, with a focus on lithium, gold, cassiterite, and coltan—minerals that are highly sought after in global markets.
With continued investment and strategic policy improvements, Rwanda aims to increase the mining sector’s contribution to the economy to $2.2 billion by 2029.
Speaking candidly on The Long Form podcast about the ethnic violence that shaped his youth and the resilience that propelled him forward, Dr. Biruta offered a rare glimpse into the experiences that forged his commitment to a unified and stable Rwanda.
Born in 1958 in Rulindo District, Dr. Biruta was just a year old when the 1959 violence against the Tutsi ethnic community erupted, setting the stage for decades of sectarian strife.
Reflecting on his childhood, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs recalled, “As a young child, I heard my parents and visitors talk about violent events: destroyed properties, relatives in exile. It made me aware that I was growing up in an unstable, unsafe environment. You understood you were a target for violence.”
This early awareness planted the seeds of a political consciousness that would later define his career.
The turning point came in 1973 when, at age 15, Dr. Biruta was expelled from Kabgayi Seminary, where he was attending secondary school, during the ethnic purges.
“We were expelled on April 15, I believe,” he recounted. “I went home, planning to go into exile in Zaire on July 6. But on July 5, the borders closed due to a curfew, so I couldn’t leave.”
The thwarted escape—narrowly averted by chance—kept him in Rwanda, where he later returned to school despite the odds.
“I was fortunate to be accepted back, though I had to repeat a year. Not everyone was so lucky,” he added, underscoring the precariousness of those times.
His pursuit of education faced steep hurdles due to Rwanda’s discriminatory policies against Tutsis. “Discrimination limited Tutsi access to public schools,” he explained.
At Kabgayi Seminary, the Catholic Church provided an alternative.
“I didn’t necessarily want to be a priest—it was my only chance at secondary education. I took exams for both public schools and seminaries to maximize my chances.”
The Church sought bright students, and Dr. Biruta qualified: “If you met academic and Christian criteria, you could get in. I was fortunate to be accepted.”
After surviving the 1973 expulsion, he graduated from secondary school in 1978 and applied to the National University of Rwanda’s Faculty of Medicine.
“Medical school wasn’t the most popular choice—it was tough, six years with four terms annually, unlike law or economics, which were shorter and led to better-paying jobs,” he said.
“But they selected the best science students from secondary schools. I was lucky to be accepted.”
His motivation was both practical and idealistic: “I’d wanted to be a doctor since I was young… by a desire to serve the community and work independently, not reliant on government goodwill. The 1973 events also lingered; I thought medicine would help me integrate if I went into exile.”
Dr. Biruta graduated in September 1984, but even then, discrimination persisted. “The best graduates were typically selected as assistants at the university hospital, with opportunities for specialization. Despite qualifying, I and other Tutsi colleagues were sidelined and sent elsewhere,” he recounted.
Assigned to Byumba Hospital, he began his career as a doctor, later rising to director of Ruhengeri District Hospital in 1988.
The 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi once again put his survival instincts to the test. Living in Kigali’s Kimihurura neighbourhood near the parliament, Dr. Biruta narrowly escaped death and was ultimately rescued by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), which ended the genocide and liberated the country from the genocidal government.
“I was rescued on April 8 by RPF soldiers,” he said. “They came to our houses—I recognized them and opened the gate.” The rescue came amid chaos, just days after the genocide began.
“They weren’t looking only for me; they were saving people in that area,” he clarified.
“We stayed at parliament, later moving to Byumba at the war’s end.”
Reflecting on his survival, he remarked, “I was not arrested in 1990, I managed to relocate from Ruhengeri on February 6, 1993, two days before an RPF attack, and I was at home when the plane of President Habyarimana went down. It’s just fortune.”
His family, too, was spared, though he kept his fears private: “You don’t show your children you’re anxious… but I’d tell my wife, ‘X, Y, Z have been arrested. If I’m taken, know where the money and food are, and move.’”
After the liberation of the country, he played a pivotal role in rebuilding Rwanda’s health system and the PSD, eventually rising to its presidency in 2001.
“We identified surviving members uninvolved in the genocide, formed a political bureau, and rebuilt,” he noted, highlighting the painstaking effort to restore both party and nation.
Today, as a cabinet minister and party leader, Dr. Biruta balances immense responsibilities with a quiet pragmatism.
“You have to find time for all these aspects, prioritizing what the country has entrusted you with,” he said of his dual roles.
Defending Rwanda’s consensus-driven governance model against critics who call it a one-party state, he argued, “Our constitution… reflects our history and culture—not the U.S. or Norway. Results—like development—prove it works.”
Looking ahead, Dr. Biruta remains optimistic yet vigilant. “I’m excited by Rwanda’s development path—achieving more, faster,” he said, though he cautioned, “I worry about our region—conflicts and leadership challenges could slow us.”
His story, from a child marked by violence to a leader shaping Rwanda’s future, embodies resilience and purpose—a narrative he hopes will inspire the nation’s youth.
Watch the full interview on The Long Form Podcast below:
According to a statement the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Rwanda’s decision has been communicated to Belgium and taken after careful consideration of several factors, all linked with Belgium’s pitiful attempts to sustain its neocolonial delusions.
The statement, which marks a significant diplomatic rupture, further states that Belgium has “consistently undermined Rwanda, both well before and during the ongoing conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC),” accusing the former colonial power of taking a biased stance in regional affairs.
Rwanda’s government also accused Belgium of actively working against its interests on multiple fronts, particularly regarding the situation in the DRC.
“Belgium has clearly taken sides in a regional conflict and continues to systematically mobilize against Rwanda in different forums, using lies and manipulation to secure an unjustified hostile opinion of Rwanda, in an attempt to destabilize both Rwanda and the region,” the statement read.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs also highlighted Belgium’s historical role in fueling ethnic divisions in Rwanda, stating: “Beyond Belgium’s destructive historical role in fueling the ethnic extremism that resulted in entrenched discrimination and persecution, and ultimately the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, it has also allowed Belgian territory to be used by groups that propagate genocide denial and sustain genocidal ideology.”
Following this decision, all Belgian diplomats in Rwanda have been given 48 hours to leave the country. The Rwandan government affirmed that, in accordance with the Vienna Convention, it will ensure the protection of the Belgian embassy’s premises, property, and archives in Kigali.
“This decision reflects Rwanda’s commitment to safeguarding our national interests and the dignity of Rwandans, as well as upholding the principles of sovereignty, peace, and mutual respect,” the ministry stated.
Shortly after Rwanda’s decision, Belgium’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Maxime Prevot took to X to announce that Belgium will reciprocate with similar measures.
Rwanda has been accused of supporting the M23 rebel group, a claim it has consistently denied. Instead, the Rwandan government maintains that its primary concern is the ongoing collaboration between the Congolese government and the FDLR militia, an armed group composed of remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, who remain intent on destabilizing Rwanda.
Belgium has reportedly been at the forefront of lobbying for sanctions against Rwanda.
Speaking to thousands of Kigali residents at BK Arena on Sunday as part of his citizen outreach program, President Paul Kagame [strongly condemned Belgium’s attempts to push for sanctions against Rwanda->https://en.igihe.com/news/article/we-don-t-want-to-be-belgians-kagame-slams-external-pressure-reassures-national]. He accused the former colonial power of maintaining a long-standing pattern of interference and undermining Rwanda’s sovereignty.
Dismissing these pressures as futile, Kagame emphasized that Rwanda has faced far greater challenges in the past and will continue to emerge stronger.
Kagame reflected on the ongoing conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) between government forces and the M23 rebel group, which is composed of Congolese fighters advocating for their rights.
He also spoke about how Rwanda is being unfairly blamed for the crisis. He noted that Belgium, which colonized Rwanda, Burundi, and the DRC, continues to push for Rwanda to be punished and sanctioned by the international community.
According to him, Belgium has encouraged the DRC and Burundi to turn against Rwanda, but he suggested that relations between Rwanda and Burundi are set to improve.
“They [the former colonizers] initially grouped Rwanda, Burundi, and the DRC together and encouraged these other two nations to oppose Rwanda. However, things are gradually becoming clearer,” he said.
He added, “I don’t want to dwell too much on this, but we are working towards better relations with one of these two countries.”
Although President Kagame did not explicitly name Burundi, political analysts quickly inferred that he was referring to it especially since Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe, recently stated that Rwanda and Burundi are on the right path toward ending tensions.
“The relationship between Rwanda and Burundi is improving as both countries continue discussions to resolve their differences,” the minister earlier stated.
Relations between Rwanda and Burundi deteriorated in late 2023 when Burundian President Evariste Ndayishimiye accused Rwanda of supporting the armed rebel group RED Tabara, which launched an attack in the Gatumba Zone near Bujumbura.
Rwanda denied these allegations, clarifying that it had no involvement with any group opposing the Burundian government. However, Burundi dismissed Rwanda’s explanations and, in January 2024, decided to close all land borders between the two nations, citing security concerns.
The East African Community (EAC), under the leadership of South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir Mayardit, attempted to mediate between the two countries to restore cooperation in line with the regional bloc’s mission of facilitating trade and movement among member states.
The start of 2025 was particularly tense as President Ndayishimiye made strong statements against Rwanda in late January, signaling readiness for confrontation.
His remarks echoed those he had made a year earlier in Kinshasa, where he claimed he would support Rwandan youth in overthrowing their government, asserting that they were being oppressed in the region.
President Kagame also pointed out that Belgium has taken sides in regional conflicts despite being the root cause of many of these issues, unfairly blaming Rwanda for the region’s instability.
“Belgium colonized these three countries [Rwanda, Burundi, and the DRC], yet they now go to Kinshasa and point fingers at Rwanda, calling for sanctions against us and urging the world to act against Rwanda. How shameless can you be? Calling on the entire world to gang up against Rwanda, just like that?” Kagame wondered.
This is not the first time Rwanda and Burundi have experienced tensions and later resolved them. Between 2015 and 2020, the two countries had a strained relationship, but through dialogue, they reconciled and reopened their borders.
