The appointment was made during a cabinet meeting chaired by President Paul Kagame on Wednesday, March 26, 2025.
As head of RIB, Col. Kabanda will oversee the overall direction and operations of the bureau, including leading investigations, ensuring accountability, and upholding the rule of law.
In addition to Col. Kabanda’s appointment, the cabinet also confirmed several other key positions across different institutions, including the reappointment of Oda Gasinzigwa as chairperson of the National Electoral Commission (NEC). She will be deputized by Kizito Habimana.
Other members of the commission include Fortunée Nyiramadirida, Nicole Mutimukeye, Carine Umwali, Jean Bosco Mutijima, Faustin Semanywa, Françoise Kabanda Uwera, and Judith Mbabazi.
During Wednesday’s meeting, the Cabinet also appointed Jeanne Umuhire as the new Deputy Director General at the Rwanda Biomedical Centre (RBC).
Nassi Agaba Bisengo was appointed Deputy Director General at the Rwanda Technical and Vocational Education Training Board (RTB).
In the Ministry of Education, John Bosco Nkuranga was named Strategic Projects Implementation Unit Coordinator.
Dorian Cyubahiro joins the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning as Chief Technical Advisor.
At the Rwanda Atomic Energy Board, Dr. Joram Ndayishimye will head the Nuclear Technologies and Research Development Department, while Capt. Agnes Mutoni will lead the Nuclear Safety and Security Department. Eng. Alexis Ruhinda steps into the role of Manager of the Research Reactor Division, and Eng. Yves Butera becomes Manager of the Nuclear Power Production Development Division.
In the Office of the Prime Minister, Chantal Tuyishimire takes on the role of Senior Policy Analyst, with Françoise Niyigena, Oscar Uwayo, and Ornella Rwaniza all appointed as Policy Analysts.
“These comments are surprising because Rwandan and Burundian defence and security institutions have actually been meeting to discuss how to secure our common borders in light of developments in Eastern DRC,” Makolo.
The President of Burundi made these remarks during an interview with the BBC, where he accused Rwanda of attempting to destabilize his country by backing RED Tabara—an armed group based in South Kivu, DRC, known for its opposition to the Burundian government.
He alleged that Rwanda plans to use this rebel group in the same way it has been accused of supporting M23 rebels in eastern DRC.
“We know that Rwanda is trying to attack us through RED Tabara operating from Congo. But if they want to come to Bujumbura that way, we can also get to Kigali through Kirundo,” Ndayishimiye warned.
This is not the first time Ndayishimiye has accused Rwanda of supporting RED Tabara. In December 2023, following an attack by the group in Gatumba zone, Bujumbura, he repeated similar accusations.
These allegations, refuted by Kigali as baseless, saw Burundi closing borders in January 2024.
Despite these tensions, recent months had seen signs of diplomatic progress. Military and intelligence officials from both countries held bilateral meetings aimed at restoring security cooperation and resolving border issues.
The latest such meeting took place on March 10 in Kirundo province, Burundi. Besides, Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe, stated on March 14 that Rwanda and Burundi were on a good path towards de-escalation and mutual understanding as talks continue between the leadership of both countries.
President Paul Kagame also hinted at improving regional relations during a citizen outreach programme on March 16 at BK Arena, where he revealed that former colonial powers had attempted to unite Burundi and DRC against Rwanda.
However, he noted that such efforts were being unraveled and Rwanda was working to rebuild strong ties.
Speaking at a church event on the same day, President Ndayishimiye accused Rwanda of sowing chaos across the region and described any intentions to attack Burundi as madness.
“The idea that someone dreams of attacking Burundi is madness. I hear people say, ‘Rwanda has a strong army.’ Oh! They don’t know the kind of army I have,” he said defiantly.
“Burundi has both visible and invisible forces. We are well protected.” Ndayishimiye also expressed lingering frustration over Rwanda’s refusal to extradite individuals accused of involvement in the 2015 attempted coup against the late President Pierre Nkurunziza.
Rwanda has maintained that these individuals are refugees protected under international law and cannot be handed over.
The current turn of events casts doubt on the recent optimism surrounding Burundi–Rwanda relations.
While both countries had appeared to be on a diplomatic path towards peace and cooperation, President Ndayishimiye’s statements suggest deeper mistrust still lingers—potentially jeopardizing the fragile progress made in recent months.
He was speaking at the 2nd joint virtual summit of East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) Heads of State held on March 24, 2025.
The summit, co-chaired by EAC Chairperson President William Ruto of Kenya and SADC Chairperson President Emmerson Mnangagwa of Zimbabwe, was focused on addressing the worsening security situation in the region.
The government of the DRC has frequently accused Rwanda of violating its sovereignty, claiming that Rwanda has sent troops onto its territory and is supporting the M23 armed group, which controls large areas.
Rwanda has denied these accusations, explaining that in response to security threats originating from the DRC, such as the FDLR, it has strengthened its border security measures.
These security measures have helped prevent some of the shelling in the Rubavu District since the morning of January 27, 2025, when M23 fighters clashed with the DRC armed forces and its coalition in Goma City.
Kagame emphasized that Rwanda’s security concerns must be considered within a broader context.
“Rwanda remains concerned about our security, and this must be addressed within the framework of dealing with problems of other countries, including DRC as well,” he stated.
The summit, which was characterized by a collaborative and positive atmosphere, resulted in the appointment of five eminent persons to a newly established Panel of Facilitators tasked with finding a lasting political solution to the crisis.
Kagame reiterated the importance of respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations, stating, “When we talk about sovereignty and territorial integrity, it should mean every country. Every country deserves respect for its territorial integrity or its sovereignty.”
Kagame’s message also underscored the significance of addressing the underlying political issues that contribute to the instability in the region.
“If you want the war to end, you end the injustice, you end political problems for not only your people, but for others, including neighbors, that are affected,” he asserted.
The meeting of the Heads of State of EAC and SADC, which followed a previous one on February 8, 2025, made decisions including calls for an end to fighting and hostilities between the conflicting parties in Eastern DRC.
This was followed by a meeting of the military chiefs of the member states leading to a report outlining how the fighting and hostilities would cease, allowing humanitarian efforts to continue without obstruction. The report was discussed and approved by the council of ministers.
Kagame also expressed cautious optimism, acknowledging the progress made in the discussions and highlighting the collective responsibility to resolve the crisis.
“I think we are making progress. We are counting on everyone to help make positive contributions towards ending all of this,” he stated.
In an interview with IGIHE, legal expert and political analyst Gatete Ruhumuliza discussed the implications of this decision.
He explained that severing diplomatic ties indicates a breakdown of communication.
“This shows that both sides tried and found no further reason to maintain relations. However, Rwandans with Belgian citizenship are allowed to stay in Rwanda with their belongings. This decision targets Belgium’s government, not Belgians,” he stated.
Some critics argue that such a decision was taken hastily and should have been preceded by dialogue and diplomatic mediation. However, Gatete believes the move delayed, given the historical context and its particular impact on Rwanda.
“This decision was long overdue. We have never had a good relationship with Belgium. Belgium came to Rwanda to help us achieve independence, but instead, they sowed ethnic division, fought against the Rwandan people who didn’t comply with their interests, and introduced oppression and forced labor, and many more evils.”
Gatete pointed out how Belgium played a significant role in dividing Rwandans, particularly through the manipulation of ethnic divisions.
“Belgium exacerbated ethnic divisions in Rwanda by favoring some groups over others, encouraging loyalty to their cause.”
When the Belgians arrived in Rwanda, they encountered a united nation with unique governance practices, making it challenging to impose their systems as they had done in other African countries.
This led them to try every means to weaken Rwandan unity, which was the foundation of the country’s stable governance.
Gatete emphasized, “The Belgians worked to undermine the unity of the Rwandan people because unity was the key to strong leadership, which would be an obstacle to their colonization ambitions.”
Belgium sought to disrupt Rwandan unity by attacking cultural practices, religious beliefs, and traditional leadership structures.
Among the cultural aspects they fought against, he cited ‘Umuganura,’ a cultural festival that united Rwandans.
They also fought against Rwandans’ religious practices, changing their names and attempting to dismantle key societal structures.
King Yuhi V Musinga, who was responsible for safeguarding Rwandan unity, noticed the harmful intentions of the Belgians and refused to align with them.
This ultimately led to his exile to Moba in what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
“King Yuhi V Musinga was the protector of Rwandan unity, and he refused to collaborate with those who sought to divide us,” Gatete explained.
Following Musinga’s exile, his son, King Mutara III Rudahigwa, succeeded him and was baptized, signaling his willingness to cooperate with Belgium.
However, it didn’t take long for him to realize that their efforts to divide the people would bring ruin to Rwanda.
For example, Belgium attempted to segregate Tutsi children for education, but King Rudahigwa rejected this.
“King Rudahigwa rejected Belgium’s divide-and-rule tactics and continued to support the Rwandan people,” Gatete noted.
After his murder, Belgium’s colonial rule in Rwanda ultimately set the stage for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. The Belgian authorities favored the Hutu extremists, which exacerbated ethnic divisions.
After Rwanda’s independence, Belgium continued its support of those who promoted the ideology of division, including the Parmehutu ideology that led to the systematic persecution of the Tutsi population.
Even after the genocide, Belgium continued to undermine Rwanda’s peace efforts by supporting genocide deniers and revisionist groups like Jambo ASBL.
Gatete highlighted how Belgium has been complicit in promoting genocide denial and spreading false narratives.
“Belgium has funded organizations that deny the genocide and spread lies about Rwanda’s history. Some members were also given roles in grassroots leadership. While their efforts to join the parliament remained futile, they benefited from Belgium’s support.”
Gatete also criticized Belgium’s role in promoting ethnicity under the guise of researching gender equality in Rwanda, where they propagated false reports by categorizing Rwandan leaders based on their ethnicity, perpetuating the same divisive tactics they had used during colonial rule.
“These studies were biased and designed to further divide Rwandans by emphasizing ethnic differences,” he explained.
Belgium’s persistent efforts to undermine Rwanda’s unity and peace have fueled the country’s ongoing challenges. Gatete emphasized that no foreign power has ever defeated Rwanda, and its strength lies in unity.
“When Rwandans are united, no one can defeat us. Our unity has allowed us to achieve progress, and that is the foundation of Rwanda’s success.”
This unity being the core of Rwanda’s progress, according to Gatete, is what President Paul Kagame has focused on in rebuilding Rwanda after the genocide.
Gatete also explained how international interests continue to play a role in destabilizing the region, citing the ongoing tensions between Rwanda and the DRC.
He noted that international powers benefit from dividing Rwanda and its neighbors because it makes it easier for them to maintain control.
After concluding his visit, Gen. Muhoozi took to X to extend his gratitude to Rwandan President Paul Kagame, First Lady Jeanette Kagame, and Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) Chief of Defence Staff, Gen. Mubarakh Muganga.
“I want to thank H.E. Paul Kagame, First Lady Jeanette Kagame, and my counterpart General Mubarak Muganga for the warm reception my delegation and I received in Rwanda. God bless the fraternal relations between Uganda and Rwanda,” he posted.
His message reinforced the significance of military diplomacy in fostering regional stability and collaboration.
Gen. Muhoozi’s visit, which took place from March 20 to March 22, 2025, included high-level security engagements aimed at strengthening defense cooperation between Uganda and Rwanda.
He was officially seen off by Gen. Mubarakh Muganga, the Commander of the Republican Guard, Maj. Gen. Willy Rwagasana, and RDF Spokesperson, Brig. Gen. Ronald Rwivanga.
During his stay, Muhoozi visited the RDF Senior Command and Staff College in Nyakinama, Musanze District, where he delivered a lecture on peacekeeping and security in Africa.
He also held discussions with senior RDF officers and Ugandan military officials on ways to enhance bilateral defense cooperation and address security challenges.
Speaking on the unity between the two countries’ armed forces, Muhoozi stated, “When we combine the strength of our powerful armies, there is no challenge we cannot overcome together.”
His visit, accompanied by top Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) officials and veteran journalist Andrew Mwenda, is seen as part of ongoing efforts to strengthen diplomatic and military relations between Uganda and Rwanda.
Speaking in an exclusive interview with IGIHE, Dr. Destexhe, who has been closely engaged with Rwanda and the Great Lakes region for decades since serving as Secretary General of Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders), described the situation in eastern DRC as a fight for survival rather than a matter of territorial integrity.
“The issue in the Kivus isn’t about Congo’s territorial integrity or sovereignty; it’s about the threat to the lives of minorities, especially the Tutsis, who are the primary targets of Kinshasa and the regime,” he said.
“These people have the right to live in peace where they’ve always lived before being forced out.”
During recent visits to Goma, the former lawmaker engaged with local communities and M23 leadership, including military chief Sultani Makenga, amid the rebel group’s recent advances in the east. He observed that the city was not the war zone portrayed in international media but rather a place where some sense of order had returned under M23 control.
“I was surprised at how quiet and orderly it was. Life in Goma felt normal: people were out in the streets, shops were open—except the banks, which were closed by the Kinshasa authorities,” he noted.
He contrasted this with the chaos under the Congolese armed forces (FARDC), whom he accused of extortion and misconduct. According to him, many people in the region saw M23’s governance as an improvement over Kinshasa’s neglect.
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Dr Destexhe was particularly critical of the international community’s selective response to the crisis, highlighting what he described as a “double standard” in the way Western nations handle the DRC conflict.
“When it comes to Rwanda or M23, there’s a stance followed by sanctions. With the DRC, they might say hate speech is bad, but there are no consequences,” he stated, referring to claims of Congolese leadership spreading hate speech against certain communities and accusations that Rwanda backs M23 rebels.
He also pointed to the influence of the FDLR, a group linked to the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, within the Congolese army, which Rwanda insists continues to pose a threat to Rwanda’s security.
“The FDLR has infiltrated the Congolese army’s key units, advising them and spreading their ideology—hatred of Tutsis and the genocide mindset.”
MONUSCO, the UN peacekeeping mission in DRC, also came under fire from the veteran doctor, who dismissed it as a costly failure.
“They’ve been there 20 years—costing at least $1 billion a year and how many civilians have they protected? Very few, I’d guess,” he said.
“MONUSCO has a vested interest in staying, but it’s not in the Congolese people’s interest.”
With tensions escalating following the capture of the cities of Goma and Bukavu, the former lawmaker warned that the situation could spiral out of control unless a political solution is found. He suggested that M23’s increasing strength—bolstered by defectors from the FARDC—could shift the balance of power further.
“Kinshasa can’t retake Goma and Bukavu… M23 might have the capacity to push to Kisangani or Lubumbashi,” he warned.
“Tshisekedi needs a political solution, or the situation on the ground could spiral—I don’t know how,” he added.
He called for security for all Kivu residents, regardless of ethnicity, and development of the region’s rich agricultural and mineral resources.
To Rwanda and Belgium, where [ diplomatic ties recently frayed->https://en.igihe.com/news/article/rwanda-severs-ties-with-belgium-orders-diplomats-to-leave-within-48-hours] over accusations of Belgium pushing for sanctions against Rwanda, the seasoned lawmaker insisted that “Sanctions are wrong and unfair… The Kivu issue is about survival for its people, not Congo’s sovereignty.”
As a medical doctor, he urged Western nations to reassess their approach to avoid the misdiagnosis that has persisted for decades.
“I’m a doctor—when treating a patient, you first diagnose the illness correctly. If the diagnosis is wrong, you can’t treat them. The international community needs a proper diagnosis of the Kivu problem, then a solution. Right now, they’re giving the patient the wrong medicine.”
While speaking at a gathering at the Vision de Jésus-Christ Church on March 16, 2025, President Ndayishimiye stated that Rwanda was the root cause of the ethnic tensions in Burundi, which began in 1959, and also in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) since 1996.
He said, “You know, in Burundi, we were brought problems in 1959, stemming from what happened in Rwanda. The Congolese also faced issues after 1996, which were brought by what happened in Rwanda. Why should our countries face all these issues coming from Rwanda? They too need to solve their problems and stop interfering with ours. In Burundi, we have no Hutu or Tutsi, we are all Burundians. If others focus on ethnicity, that is their concern.”
In an interview with IGIHE, Bamvuginyumvira explained that the ethnic divisions, hatred, and violence in the region were caused by colonial powers, particularly the Europeans, who spread the “poison” of ethnicity, but that the people of Rwanda, Burundi, and the DRC failed to recognize it.
“I think what he said was inaccurate because when you look at the history of Burundi, Rwanda, and Congo, what connects us is the suffering we endured, mostly due to ethnic divisions, but those divisions were imposed on us by the Europeans, who misinterpreted them. Once they left, we didn’t realize the poison of ethnicity they left behind,” he said.
Bamvuginyumvira emphasized that the ethnic conflict in the region was planted by Belgian colonizers, pointing out that this issue is only present in the three countries that were colonized by Belgium, while other countries in the region, like Tanzania, remain peaceful.
“What we share in these three countries is that we were ruled by the Belgians. It is impossible to explain why only three countries in the region have refugees. Why are there no refugees from Tanzania in Burundi? None in Congo, none in Rwanda?”
To address the issue of refugees from these three countries, Bamvuginyumvira suggested that Burundi, Rwanda, and the DRC should hold a comprehensive meeting to discuss the repatriation of refugees.
In front of the church congregation led by Pastor Isidore Mbayahaga, President Ndayishimiye denied any intention to exterminate the Tutsis, as has been alleged in connection with the FDLR rebel group and the DRC government.
Bamvuginyumvira pointed out that some individuals in the Burundian government cooperate with the FDLR, a group composed of individuals responsible for the 1994 Rwandan genocide against the Tutsi, and that they have a shared agenda to topple the Rwandan government.
“Ndayishimiye is a member of the CNDD-FDD party, and it has been evident that some of the leaders around him work with the FDLR, which fled to Congo. They share weapons in exchange for gold to assist them in returning to Rwanda. This is documented,” he said.
Bamvuginyumvira also revealed that there are reports that the FDLR operates in the Kibira Forest and sometimes clashes with the Burundian military, searching for food in areas like the Mabayi Commune in Cibitoke Province.
“When this happens and the President makes these statements, it’s contradictory. His words and actions don’t align,” he noted.
Regarding President Ndayishimiye’s claim that there are no ethnic divisions in Burundi, Bamvuginyumvira argued that while the President may publicly deny it, his government still operates under an ethnic system in secret, undermining Tutsi Burundians.
He stated, “Ethnicity is considered in secret because they say, ‘Let’s maintain Hutus in power.’ Hutu leaders.’ You hear them say, ‘The Tutsis want to take over, the Rwandans want to help the Tutsis.’ This is an evident propaganda. Some Burundians can say, ‘It’s true,’ or others may disagree.”
Bamvuginyumvira also commented on the closure of Burundi’s border with Rwanda in January 2024, stating that it hurt the people of Burundi, explaining that no country benefits from a strained relationship. He suggested that dialogue should continue to resolve the conflict.
“We were called Ruanda-Urundi during colonial times, and the capital was Bujumbura. Why can’t we continue this history in a positive way and maintain a good relationship? Why should we fight? It’s foolish because Rwanda gains nothing from a breakdown in relations with Burundi, and I don’t see any benefit for Burundi in not having good relations with Rwanda.”
Before Ndayishimiye’s remarks, Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe, had stated that both countries were continuing talks and were on the right path to resolving the tensions.
Minister Nduhungirehe made this statement after the Rwandan and Burundian intelligence delegations met twice for discussions in both countries.
According to Travel And Tour World, the airline will operate four weekly flights using an Airbus A320, which is expected to elevate Rwanda’s position as a prominent travel hub in the region and contribute to the growth of tourism across Africa.
The resumption of this nonstop service to Rwanda’s capital is a significant milestone, enhancing global connectivity and offering improved access for both business and leisure travelers to East Africa.
Qatar Airways’ direct flights are anticipated to have a lasting impact on Rwanda’s tourism sector. The country has been making strides in promoting eco-tourism, adventure travel, and business conferences.
With this direct connection to Hamad International Airport in Doha, a key global transit hub, international arrivals are expected to increase, and outbound travelers will have easier access to destinations beyond Africa.
Besides, the direct flight eliminates previous stopovers, reducing travel time between Doha and Kigali. Moreover, Doha’s central location as a major transit hub ensures better access for passengers from North America, Europe, and Asia, making it easier for international visitors to reach Rwanda.
Rwandan travelers will also benefit from seamless access to Qatar Airways’ extensive global network, enhancing both business and leisure travel opportunities.
The return of Qatar Airways to Kigali is expected to boost Rwanda’s tourism, providing easier access to the country’s renowned attractions, such as its luxury lodges and the world-famous gorilla trekking experiences in Volcanoes National Park.
Additionally, the direct flights will support business travel between Africa and the Middle East.
As part of the oneworld alliance, Qatar Airways continues to expand its presence in Africa to meet the growing demand for premium travel and enhanced connectivity.
The airline’s commitment to sustainability is evident in its selection of the Airbus A320 for this route, which offers both efficiency and passenger comfort for mid-range flights.
According to recent data, over 1.4 million visitors traveled to Rwanda in 2023, with projections indicating a doubling of this number by 2029. This growth is expected to be accompanied by an expansion of routes by Rwanda’s national carrier, RwandAir.
Qatar Airways has also partnered with RwandAir, including in cargo operations, and the two airlines signed a codeshare agreement in 2021.
The partnership between Qatar and Rwanda has been strong since diplomatic relations were established in May 2017.
The collaboration spans various sectors, including infrastructure development and aviation, with Qatar Airways acquiring a 60% stake in Rwanda’s Bugesera International Airport project in December 2019.
This partnership aims to position Rwanda as a key aviation hub in Central Africa.
The meeting, hosted by the State of Qatar under the leadership of Amir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani, was a significant step in addressing the ongoing tensions in the region and reaffirming commitments to peace and stability in Eastern DRC.
In a statement released by the AUC on Wednesday, March 19, Chairperson Youssouf commended the leaders for their commitment to dialogue and peaceful resolution of the crisis in Eastern DRC.
He emphasized that their engagement reflected true leadership and a shared recognition that peace, security, and stability are essential for the prosperity of both nations and the wider Great Lakes region.
Youssouf further acknowledged the reaffirmation by both leaders of their commitment to an immediate and unconditional ceasefire, as agreed during the East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit in Dar es Salaam on 8 February 2025.
The tensions between Rwanda and the DRC have been longstanding, primarily revolving around mutual accusations.
DRC has accused Rwanda of backing the M23 rebel group in its ongoing conflict with the Congolese army, a claim that Rwanda strongly rejects.
Rwanda, in turn, has accused the DRC of harboring the FDLR, a terrorist group linked to the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, alleging that the group seeks to destabilize Rwanda’s security.
The Doha meeting saw both leaders reaffirming their commitment to the Luanda and Nairobi processes, regional peace initiatives aimed at finding lasting solutions to the conflict in Eastern DRC.
In his statement, Chairperson Youssouf also expressed the African Union’s continued support for African-led solutions to African challenges, highlighting the importance of regional cooperation.
“The Doha discussions, held in the spirit of constructive engagement, align with the efforts of the Luanda and Nairobi processes and complement ongoing regional mechanisms,” he said.
“We emphasize the importance of continued coordination between the African Union, regional economic communities, and international partners in fostering sustainable peace.”
Youssouf expressed gratitude to the State of Qatar and Amir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani for their instrumental role in facilitating this critical dialogue.
He also urged all stakeholders to maintain the positive momentum generated in Doha and to work collectively toward the full implementation of the agreements reached.
“The African Union Commission stands ready to support and accompany these efforts in line with its mandate to promote peace, security, and stability across the continent,” concluded Youssouf.
The Central Bank’s Governor, Soraya Hakuziyaremye, noted that remittances from the diaspora have continued to grow at a positive rate.
She also highlighted that funds from foreign investment also increased considerably, reaching $573 million in 2024, up from $458 million in 2023.
Looking at the trend over recent years, remittances from the Rwandan diaspora stood at $274 million in 2020, rising to $379 million in 2021 and $461 million in 2022.
By 2023, the figure had reached $505 million, reflecting consistent growth in the flow of funds from abroad.
