The disclosure was made by the Minister of Finance and Economic Planning, Yusuf Murangwa, on June 12, 2025, during a press briefing following his presentation of the draft budget and medium-term economic strategy to a joint session of Parliament.
Minister Murangwa noted that one of the major priorities in the upcoming fiscal year is to advance the full-scale construction of the new international airport.
“We previously carried out feasibility studies and completed preliminary works over a significant period. However, we now have a firm commitment to complete the airport by 2028. This fiscal year marks the beginning of full implementation,” he stated.
Regarding the funding, he explained, “So far, we’ve planned for $600 million. As you know, we have strategic partners, including Qatar. While this amount is part of the budget plan, the actual implementation phase will give us a clearer financial outlook.”
Murangwa confirmed that construction of the airport is scheduled to be completed by 2028 and will have the capacity to serve up to seven million passengers annually.
While addressing Parliament, the minister said current progress on the project stands at approximately 25% to 30%. Work on the runways, access roads, and water systems has been completed, and the project has now entered the building phase—expected to employ more than 6,000 workers.
In 2019, Qatar Airways partnered with the Government of Rwanda, securing a 60% stake in the airport project, which was then estimated to cost more than $1.3 billion.
During a Cabinet meeting held on Monday, June 9, 2025, at Urugwiro Village and chaired by Prime Minister Dr. Edouard Ngirente, officials reviewed the country’s withdrawal, which was formally announced on June 7 during the 26th Ordinary Summit of ECCAS in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea.
According to the communiqué released after the Cabinet session, Rwanda’s withdrawal stems from sustained actions by the DRC to undermine Rwanda’s position within the regional body. The government pointed specifically to the DRC’s move to block Rwanda from assuming the rotating ECCAS chairmanship in violation of the bloc’s established protocols.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs had earlier noted that Rwanda was unfairly denied its rightful turn to lead ECCAS, a role that rotates among the 11 member states based on the French alphabetical order. Instead, the organisation chose to extend Equatorial Guinea’s chairmanship, citing Rwanda’s alleged involvement in the eastern DRC conflict.
As the immediate past Chair of ECCAS from February 2023 to February 2024, the DRC is accused of using its position to unjustly collude against Rwanda, with no corrective action taken by the regional body.
“The manipulation has continued under the current Chair,” the statement read.
The Cabinet also accused the DRC of using ECCAS to legitimise its hostility towards Rwanda, including what it termed as false pretexts around the ongoing conflict in eastern Congo, where Rwanda has repeatedly denied backing M23 rebel activities. It emphasised that the conflict was already ongoing when the DRC assumed the ECCAS chairmanship in 2023 and blamed Kinshasa for instigating the violence by attacking its own citizens in late 2021.
The Cabinet noted that more than 200 foreign and local armed groups now operate in eastern DRC, posing a threat to regional stability.
Further, the Cabinet reiterated that the DRC continues to finance and support the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a UN-sanctioned genocidal militia, despite repeated international resolutions calling for an end to such support. The most recent UN Security Council Resolution 2773 denounced this backing and demanded the neutralisation of the FDLR group that was formed by the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda.
Rwanda also condemned repeated cross-border attacks, shelling, and incursions into its territory by DRC armed forces and the FDLR, as well as public threats by President Félix Tshisekedi to overthrow the Rwandan government, actions that Kigali said breach Article 3 of the ECCAS Treaty on good-neighbourliness.
“These violations of Rwanda’s rights as a member state make continued participation in ECCAS untenable,” the Cabinet stated, adding that the regional bloc had failed to ensure equal treatment and respect among its members.
Despite its departure from ECCAS, Rwanda affirmed its continued commitment to peace and regional dialogue. The Cabinet expressed support for the African-led peace process and welcomed ongoing mediation efforts by the United States and the State of Qatar.
“The DRC should focus on resolving its longstanding internal failings rather than seeking scapegoats in international forums,” the communiqué concluded.
In a strongly worded statement issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Rwanda accused the DRC, supported by certain ECCAS member states, of instrumentalising the regional bloc for its own political agenda. The move, according to Rwanda, became evident during the 26th Ordinary Summit held on Saturday in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea.
Rwanda says that during the summit, its rightful turn to assume the rotating chairmanship of the organisation, as stipulated under Article 6 of the ECCAS Treaty, was deliberately bypassed.
Kigali described the development as a continuation of a pattern of exclusion and disregard for the rules governing the community.
“The distortion of the organisation’s purpose was once again evident… where Rwanda’s right to assume the rotating Chairmanship… was deliberately ignored in order to impose the DRC’s diktat,” the statement read.
This is not the first time Rwanda has raised concerns over its treatment within ECCAS. The government referenced a letter previously addressed to the Chairperson of the African Union in which it protested its “illegal exclusion” from the 22nd Summit held in Kinshasa in 2023, under DRC’s presidency. The letter, Rwanda said, went unanswered and no corrective action was taken by the community.
Citing a consistent violation of its rights under ECCAS’s constitutive texts and a lack of institutional accountability, Rwanda concluded there is “no justification for remaining in an organisation whose current functioning runs counter to its founding principles and intended purpose.”
Established in 1983 and headquartered in Gabon, ECCAS brings together 11 countries: Angola, Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Rwanda, and São Tomé and Príncipe.
Rwanda’s withdrawal marks a major shift in the region’s diplomatic landscape, particularly at a time when relations between Rwanda and the DRC remain tense due to broader geopolitical and security concerns in the Great Lakes region. While the M23 rebel movement continues to tighten its grip in North and South Kivu provinces of eastern DRC, Rwanda has repeatedly raised concerns over the Congolese government’s collaborations with FDLR, a group formed by the remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Kigali maintains that the Congolese army’s continued engagement with the FDLR not only undermines regional peace efforts but also contravenes multiple agreements aimed at dismantling genocidal forces operating in the region. Rwanda views this alliance as an existential threat to its national security and stability.
Kinshasa, on the other hand, continues to accuse Rwanda of supporting the M23 rebel group’s offensives. Kigali has repeatedly dismissed the allegations, insisting that they serve to deflect attention from the real issue, which is the DRC’s failure to address the presence of armed groups within its territory.
It wasn’t unusual to see children playing in front of these fragile homes, causing parents to feel an instinctive fear as if their hearts had skipped a beat, worried that the walls might crumble on them at any moment.
Rainfall posed a major threat not only to the residents but also to local authorities, as it had the potential to destroy homes or even claim lives.
This persistent fear is what prompted the City of Kigali administration to commit to improving housing in the area, which lies at the entrance to the city.
The authorities came up with a plan to resettle residents in better-quality homes without displacing them. Additional housing was also built to accommodate those relocated from other life-threatening locations.
Today, after a relatively short period of construction, the area has undergone a complete transformation. The once-disparaged zone of Dobandi and similar neighbourhoods has become Ubwiza Modern Village, a new estate set to host more than 680 residents.
This village consists of 18 apartment blocks, each three storeys high (G+3), and is expected to serve as a model for affordable, modern, and environmentally friendly urban housing.
Residents of the new estate express disbelief and joy at their new living conditions, something they say they never imagined, like Umutoni Clarisse, who lives with her family of seven.
“We used to live in a terrible place that was a real threat to our lives. The houses were so weak, and when it rained, you’d go to bed unsure whether you’d wake up again. Then the government came up with this idea and built us these homes,” she said.
“We’re very happy now. We are thankful to His Excellency the President of the Republic, who made this happen. We never imagined we’d live in such houses, or that we could sleep peacefully. Now, it rains and we sleep soundly throughout the night. The place we came from was awful.”
Umutesi Vestine, who received a four-bedroom house where she also runs a business, echoed the words, saying, “The area we lived in used to put many lives in danger. There was a time when the Mpazi River overflowed and swept away a house nearby, along with a couple and all their belongings. We recovered the woman’s body, but we never found the man’s.”
She described how, during floods, the drainage channels would overflow and destroy homes. People couldn’t dig latrines, and makeshift roofs were held in place with tyres or stones.
She also noted that the new houses matched the value of the land residents previously owned, with some receiving two or three homes, depending on what they had before.
Uwimana Denise confirmed she received two homes, one of which she now rents out for Frw 80,000 per month.
The Mayor of Kigali, Dusengiyumva Samuel, stated that this approach will be replicated in other disorganised neighbourhoods across the city and encouraged private investors to participate in this kind of development.
Speaking at the 2025 Astana International Forum in Kazakhstan, Kagame warned that the prevailing model of conflict mediation, dominated by ceasefires and short-term diplomacy, has consistently failed to deliver lasting peace.
“There is more attention paid to managing conflicts rather than addressing the root causes,” Kagame told a packed plenary session, which included Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, North Macedonian President Gordana Davukova, and other global dignitaries.
“You can cool down the situation and a few months, a few years later, you have the same crisis getting worse or others emerging. So, you don’t just manage conflicts. You address the root causes.”
He pointed to longstanding unresolved issues and vested interests as the silent drivers of instability in various regions, including Africa, where conflicts continue to rage in Sudan and in Rwanda’s neighbour, the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, where M23 rebels have in recent months captured large swathes of territory.
In the eastern DRC, Kagame has in the past accused the government of failing to address the conflict rooted in colonial border drawing, which has led to the continued marginalisation of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities, some of whom have taken up arms to demand inclusivity.
Beyond the Great Lakes region, Kagame’s message struck a chord in a year marked by multiple conflicts, including wars in Ukraine and Gaza.
The Astana International Forum, themed Connecting Minds, Shaping the Future, brought together over 5,000 global participants to tackle interlinked global crises—from climate and energy to geopolitical tensions and economic resilience.
During the plenary session, President Kagame also elaborated on Rwanda’s post-1994 Genocide against the Tutsi recovery journey, highlighting the importance of resilience and homegrown solutions.
“We learned from our history when genocide was taking place and the rest of the world looked the other way,” he said. “We began putting our pieces together, creating that level of trust that gave us an opportunity to build institutions accountable to our people’s needs.”
While acknowledging the importance of external support, Kagame stressed that such aid is only effective when coupled with strong domestic commitment.
“We got support from a number of friends and partners, but this would not have been helpful, would not have had an impact if we were not standing together ourselves and doing our part from within,” he remarked.
Kagame stressed that this principle applies across the board, not just for small or developing nations, but for all countries seeking to secure their futures in an increasingly volatile world.
The president also turned a critical eye to the global financial architecture, calling it both
“structurally flawed and politically biased.”
He argued that developing nations continue to suffer from outdated risk assessments and unequal enforcement of international financial rules, which restrict access to capital and hinder development.
“There has been much talk of reforming the global financial architecture… But the problem is not just structural, it is political,” Kagame said.
He called for renewed momentum in South-South cooperation, particularly between Africa and Central Asia, as a strategic complement, not an alternative, to global engagement.
His daughter, Wanjiku wa Ngugi, confirmed his death in a brief yet moving Facebook post, calling not only for mourning but for celebration.
“He lived a full life, fought a good fight… let’s celebrate his life and his work,” Wanjiku’s post read in part.
Ngũgĩ’s daughter signed off her farewell with the Gikuyu phrase: “Rîa ratha na rîa thŭa. Tŭrî aira!”, loosely translated as “At sunrise and sunset, we are witnesses.” It was a poetic homage to a man whose words lit up dark times and whose legacy will continue to illuminate generations to come.
To celebrate Ngũgĩ’s life is to honour a man who challenged the very foundations of postcolonial thought and reimagined Africa’s literary identity on its own terms.
A pioneer of decolonisation in literature, Ngũgĩ used words as both sword and shield, fighting cultural erasure, linguistic imperialism, and political oppression. He wasn’t just a novelist. He was a defiant wordsmith, a pan-African thinker, and above all, a storyteller who rewrote the African narrative from the inside out.
Born James Ngugi in 1938 in colonial Kenya, Ngũgĩ came of age during the Mau Mau uprising and the brutal suppression that followed. These formative experiences would later shape the raw, politically charged texture of his fiction. His first novel, Weep Not, Child (1964), was the first novel in English published by an East African. It was undeniably a historic achievement at the time.
Yet, even as he wrote in the language of the coloniser, Ngũgĩ’s stories always sought to humanise and dignify Africans. From The River Between (1965) to A Grain of Wheat (1967), he painted a nuanced portrait of a people grappling with the wounds of colonialism and the promises, often broken, of independence.
In the mid-1970s, Ngũgĩ underwent a dramatic ideological transformation. He denounced English as a medium for African literature, arguing that to truly decolonise the African mind, one must write in African languages. In Decolonising the Mind (1986), he described colonial languages as vehicles of alienation and control.
“Language, any language, has a dual character: it is both a means of communication and a carrier of culture,” he wrote.
This marked the start of a literary rebellion. Ngũgĩ adopted his birth name, abandoned English in favour of Gikuyu, and challenged other African writers to do the same. His critics called it idealistic. His supporters called it revolutionary. In truth, it was both, and it would shape African literary debates for decades.
{{Jailed for his words
}}
In 1977, Ngũgĩ and fellow writer Ngũgĩ wa Mirii staged a Gikuyu-language play, Ngaahika Ndeenda (I Will Marry When I Want), in a rural village. The play transcended mere art; it was an act of political insurgency. It exposed class divisions, land grabbing, and corruption in post-independence Kenya.
The state responded swiftly. Ngũgĩ was arrested and detained without trial in a maximum-security prison. Yet even behind bars, his pen did not rest. On toilet paper, he wrote Devil on the Cross (1980), the first modern novel written in Gikuyu. It was a profound act of cultural defiance, proving that indigenous languages could bear the weight of complex, modern narratives.
Like Petals of Blood, published in 1977, the novel deepened his critique of post-independence disillusionment and foregrounded the lives of Kenya’s working class, particularly how the new elite perpetuated the exploitation of the masses.
{{Exile and intellectual resistance
}}
After his release, Ngũgĩ faced threats, surveillance, and continued censorship. In 1982, following an attempted coup in Kenya, he went into self-imposed exile, first to Britain, then to the United States, where he taught at universities including Yale and UC Irvine. Though separated from home, he remained deeply connected to the African struggle.
In exile, Ngũgĩ published prolifically. Novels like Matigari (1987) and memoirs like Detained (1981) and Dreams in a Time of War (2010) kept his story, and Kenya’s, alive for a global audience. His essays, especially Moving the Centre and Something Torn and New, advocated for recentring African languages, thought systems, and worldviews in both education and culture.
{{A visionary for African cultural sovereignty
}}
For Ngũgĩ, literature was never an elite affair. It was a public instrument, a communal mirror. He championed the belief that Africa could never be truly free without linguistic and cultural liberation. His call was not just for African writers to return to African languages, but for education systems to be restructured around them.
He fiercely criticised what he saw as the Western stranglehold on African intellectual life, challenging the dominance of Euro-American publishing industries, curricula, and academic gatekeeping.
Ngũgĩ’s legacy is carved not just into the pages of books, but into the consciousness of a continent. His life asks uncomfortable questions: What is freedom without cultural self-determination? What is education if it divorces children from their heritage? What is literature if it only mirrors the worldview of the oppressor?
He proved that African languages were not relics. They were alive, powerful, and capable of shaping modern identities.
Across generations, young African writers, linguists, and educators continue to engage with Ngũgĩ’s ideas. His novels are taught in schools and universities around the world. His speeches and essays continue to ignite debates on decolonisation, cultural preservation, and the politics of language.
Even in death, Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o remains a guide. His is a voice reminding Africa to tell its own story, in its own words.
He may be gone, but his story and his call to decolonise the mind will continue to echo across Africa and the world.
The lodge will be nestled against the breathtaking backdrop of Lake Rwanyakazinga and the Mutumba Mountains.
This intimate eight-bed camp features two twin suites and a private four-bed villa, each equipped with private plunge pools and Star Beds designed for stargazing.
The villa includes two en-suite bedrooms, a communal lounge, dining area, kitchen, and a versatile third room that can serve as a gym, kids’ room, or office.
IGIHE has learned that the four-bed villa is priced at $12,500 (over Frw 17 million) per night. For guests staying in the twin suites, the rate is $3,000 (over Frw 4 million). In other words, this is a premium camp.
Located within Central Africa’s largest protected wetland, Akagera National Park boasts ten diverse habitat types—from open plains and woodlands to swamps and rolling hills—offering exceptional game-viewing opportunities.
The lodge provides guests the chance to observe iconic species such as lions, rhinos, and elephants in their natural environment while supporting vital conservation efforts.
Wilderness, the owner of this lodge, has operated in Rwanda since 2016. It owns Bisate Lodge, which opened in 2017 in Musanze District. The company also owns several renowned lodges across Africa, including Mombo in Botswana, Little Kulala in Namibia, Usawa Serengeti in Tanzania, and Linkwasha in Zimbabwe.
According to the company’s management, Magashi Peninsula will offer a transformative experience, deeply rooted in purpose and inspired by Rwanda’s sole high-end savannah refuge.
“As we eagerly await the arrival of our first guests this September, the camp provides a unique chance to fully immerse in an unforgettable safari experience, while actively contributing to the ongoing success of vital conservation efforts in one of Africa’s most pristine wilderness areas.
“It will stand as a powerful symbol of the resilience of nature and our unwavering commitment to preserving this extraordinary landscape for future generations,” said Manzi Kayihura, Wilderness Rwanda Executive Director.
The Government of Rwanda’s five-year development plan aims to accelerate growth by projecting that tourism—across various activities—will generate $1.1 billion by 2029, up from $620 million.
In 2024, the tourism sector generated $647 million (over Frw 932 billion), marking a 4.3% increase compared to the previous year. This growth was largely driven by a 27% rise in tourism revenue linked to gorilla trekking and an 11% increase in air travel.
That same year, Rwanda hosted over 1.36 million visitors and organized more than 115 events and conferences attended by over 52,315 participants from around the world.
Meetings, Incentives, Conferences, and Exhibitions brought in over $84.8 million in revenue.
Regarding investment, the report indicates that Rwanda attracted commitments totaling approximately $3.2 billion in 2024—representing a 32.4% increase over the $2.4 billion target set by the Rwanda Development Board (RDB) for that year.
Speaking on the latest episode of The Long Form Podcast, hosted by Sanny Ntayombya in Goma, Ngarambe shared his inspiring journey from stateless refugee to provincial leader, outlining his vision for peace and inclusion under the Alliance of Forces for Change (AFC)/M23 administration.
Born in 1985 in South Kivu, Ngarambe’s early life was defined by persecution. As a Congolese Tutsi, he faced systemic discrimination in a country where Kinyarwanda-speaking communities have long been branded as outsiders.
The 1994 Genocide against Tutsis in neighbouring Rwanda triggered a wave of violence that spilt into Congo, forcing Ngarambe’s family to flee when he was eight.
“They hunted us down,” he recalled, describing how his uncle was brutally killed and his father disappeared after being captured by government forces. Ngarambe, his mother, and siblings endured a harrowing 400-kilometre trek, imprisonment, and starvation before reaching refugee camps in Rwanda.
Life in camps like Mudende and Nkamira brought further trauma. In 1997, attacks on Mudende killed thousands, leaving Ngarambe, then 12, haunted by the sound of bullets.
“Nothing is left for me to fear,” he said, reflecting on how those experiences forged his resilience.
After stints in Uganda’s Nakivale camp, Ngarambe resettled in Canada in 2013, where he built a stable life with his wife and three children. Yet, the plight of his people never left him.
“I told my brother, ‘You can’t leave what’s burning inside you,’” he said, explaining his return to activism from the diaspora.
In February 2025, just days after AFC/M23 took control of Goma, Ngarambe was unexpectedly named Vice Governor.
Thrust into leadership, he has overseen rapid changes in North Kivu’s capital. In just 100 days, his administration restored water to neighbourhoods that lacked it for over a decade, provided 24-hour electricity, and reduced violent crime in areas like Ndosho, once a hotspot for kidnappings.
“People are waking up to a new reality—no bullets, water in every neighbourhood,” Ngarambe said.
According to him, market prices have also dropped, with a bag of potatoes falling from $120 to affordable levels, easing the burden on residents.
Ngarambe’s vision extends beyond infrastructure. He aims to end the marginalisation of Congolese Tutsis and other Kinyarwanda-speaking communities, whose citizenship was stripped in the 1980s.
“Being Tutsi shouldn’t be a death sentence,” he asserted, emphasising inclusive governance that protects all ethnic groups. His administration is resolving land disputes—often a source of deadly conflict—through dialogue, fostering handshakes over bloodshed.
He also called on the Congolese diaspora to return, urging them to bring skills to rebuild the region.
Amid criticism from a section of the international community over the operations of the rebel group, Ngarambe said his administration remains committed to changing people’s lives.
He also dismissed claims that the group is backed by Rwanda, describing them as “old propaganda.”
“The Rwanda accusation is old propaganda. Kinshasa uses it to deflect from its failures. We’re Congolese, fighting for Congolese rights. If Rwanda supports us, where’s the evidence? Show me the troops, the weapons,” he said, arguing that the government’s arming of militias like the FDLR—comprising remnants of those responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda—has fueled instability.
“It’s a lie to rally their base and gain foreign sympathy,” he added.
Addressing reports of cash flow challenges caused by the closure of banks in Goma by the Kinshasa administration, he acknowledged it remains a challenge but noted that local markets are still vibrant, supported by the AFC/M23-backed CADECO Bank, which reopened in April.
These returnees are now receiving care and support as Rwanda begins the process of helping them reintegrate into society.
For many, this homecoming marks the beginning of a new life—one filled with hope, dignity, and the long-awaited chance to reclaim the rights and opportunities they were denied for years. Access to education, healthcare, and security—once distant dreams—are now within reach.
More than 2,500 Rwandans have expressed the desire to return voluntarily. The process is being coordinated with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which receives the individuals in eastern DRC and notifies the Rwandan government to prepare for their safe reception.
Though recently arrived, many returnees are already expressing optimism and gratitude after escaping the harsh conditions imposed by FDLR control.
Valentine Uwamariya recounted the fear that defined her life near FDLR strongholds.
“They would come and abduct people. Some never returned. I remember someone named Dukundane—they took him and killed him. We lived in constant fear, never knowing who would be taken next.”
Relieved to be reunited with her family in Rwanda, she returned with her six children and called it a second chance at life.
For Marcel Nibishaka, a 31-year-old who was taken to the DRC as a child, life in exile meant growing up without education and in constant fear of abduction.
“They used to come at night to steal livestock and food. We always heard they were taking young men. I lived with that fear every day,” he said.
“I’m so happy to be back. I thought I would grow old without ever seeing my homeland again.”
Japhet Mushimimana, another returnee, expressed deep appreciation for the warm welcome and support they’ve received. “Life in Congo was incredibly difficult. Even when we tried to raise cattle, the FDLR would take them. It felt like we were working for others. But coming back, seeing how Rwandans have developed and how well they live—it makes me proud to be Rwandan.”
He admitted to initial worries about starting over in Rwanda, but those fears quickly subsided. “The way we’re being reassured, and the peaceful relationship between government and citizens here, makes us feel safe. Life here is nothing like what we experienced before. We finally feel we belong.”
He added that what he appreciates most is the sense of security: “Back in Congo, people could rob you of your phone or money at any time. Here, we’re free, we’re fed, we’re treated with dignity. It gives me confidence that we, too, can live well and in peace.”
Théogène Inyitaho admitted that his view of Rwanda before returning had been shaped by misinformation and fear.“We were told we’d never make it back. But seeing how we’ve been received, and everything we’re experiencing now, it’s clear we have nothing to fear.”
Minister of Emergency Management, Maj Gen (Rtd) Albert Murasira, reassured the returnees—particularly those who had been hesitant due to fear of persecution. He stressed that Rwanda’s goal is not punishment, but reintegration and healing.
“You are safe here. We will help you reintegrate, learn new skills, and live dignified, secure lives,” he said.
Among the highlights at the two-day summit were products from the Rwanda Engineering and Manufacturing Corporation (REMCO), a government-established arms manufacturer tasked with producing military equipment for the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) and supporting friendly nations with their defence needs.
REMCO, based in Kigali’s Gasabo District within the city’s industrial zone, manufactures a wide array of equipment tailored for infantry units, special operations, counter-terrorism, anti-riot missions, and metal shooting targets used in training.
The factory operates in partnership with Israel Weapon Industries (IWI), a globally recognised arms manufacturer.
The weapons produced through this collaboration are battle-proven and currently in use by both the RDF and the Israel Defence Forces (IDF).
Among the weaponry manufactured in Rwanda are pistols and assault rifles with effective ranges of up to 500 metres, including models such as the ARAD5/300BKL. Long-range sniper rifles like the ACE SNIPER and ARAD SNIPER, capable of hitting targets up to 800 metres away, are also part of REMCO’s arsenal.
Additionally, the factory produces machine guns, such as the NEGEV ULMG, and advanced night vision sights for improved visibility during night operations.
While most components of these weapons are manufactured domestically, a few — including bullets, magazines, and lenses — are currently imported.
REMCO has expressed readiness to supply its products to regional partners based on their operational needs and preferences, reinforcing Rwanda’s ambition to play a greater role in regional security and defence innovation.
Alongside the Rwandan-made weapons, ISCA also featured modern arms from other nations, including Egypt and Turkey, positioning the event as a major platform for Africa’s evolving security and defence landscape.
Held under the theme “Reshaping Africa’s Landscape in a Dynamic, Complex Global Environment,” ISCA brings together continental and global defence, intelligence, and security leaders to tackle urgent challenges and craft joint solutions.
Speaking at the opening ceremony at the Kigali Convention Centre, President Kagame called for a fundamental shift in Africa’s approach to security, urging the continent to take full ownership of its future and move away from reliance on external solutions.
The Head of State identified ownership of security agendas, governance, and cooperation as three crucial pillars for Africa’s enduring peace and stability.
“Africa’s future, particularly in matters of peace and security, cannot be outsourced,” Kagame told the delegates.
“For far too long, our security has been treated as a burden to be managed by others, often without our context or consent. This approach has failed to deliver — both for Africa and for the world.”
Also speaking at the opening session was Moussa Faki Mahamat, former Chairperson of the African Union Commission and Chair of the ISCA Advisory Council. He hailed the launch of ISCA as “a turning point” for Africa, describing it as a long-overdue strategic space for reflection and dialogue on peace and security matters.
“Africa’s security cannot rely on imported solutions,” Faki said. “We often say and repeat: African solutions to African problems.”
The ISCA conference continues on Tuesday with high-level panels and closed-door sessions expected to define strategic pathways for a more secure and self-reliant Africa.
