The report details that 50% of households are now connected to the national grid, while 22% utilize solar panels, primarily through standalone solar systems.
While urban areas experienced an increase in household electricity access from 76% to 88%, the growth in rural areas has been even more substantial.
Access in rural areas dramatically increased from 24% in 2017 to 65% in 2024. Notably, electricity access has also improved for the lowest economic segment, with 53% of households in the lowest quintile now having access, compared to only 9% in 2017.
The EICV7 report also provides insights into household electricity usage, indicating that it is most commonly used for lighting and charging mobile phones.
Regarding cooking methods, the report indicates that a majority of households still rely on traditional fuels. Approximately three-quarters of households use firewood (63%) or straw/sticks (12%) for cooking, while 24% use charcoal (19%) or other improved methods, mainly bottled gas.
The survey further examined infrastructure access in Rwanda where ninety-six percent of households are reported to live within 20 minutes of an all-weather road, an increase from 93% in 2017.
However, the report notes regional disparities, with households in the Western Province having less access to all-weather roads (89%) compared to other regions.
The survey also indicates that 90% of households have access to an improved source of drinking water, up slightly from 87% in 2017.
In terms of poverty reduction, the report shows that the poverty rate in Rwanda has decreased to 27.4%, down from 39.8% in 2017. Besides, the population in exteme poverty was 5.4% in 2024, down from a predicted 11.3% in 2017.
News reaching IGIHE has confirmed that a request has already been made for these SAMIDRC soldiers to transit through Rwanda. “Yes, it’s true—they will pass through Rwanda, but we don’t know the exact day. The request was made several days ago,” a source said.
Earlier, a one-page SAMIDRC communique advised of a delay in the re-opening of Goma airport, stating it “could cause further delays” in the SAMIDRC withdrawal.
It also noted withdrawal will be by road from Goma through Rwanda to the designated general assembly area of Chato in Tanzania, adding the SADC Secretariat will “engage” Rwanda to facilitate safe passage for SAMIDRC troops.
The three troop contributing countries were tasked with “beefing up” the withdrawal planning element with operations, intelligence and logistics experts. They will be tasked to “conduct reconnaissance and develop instructions for withdrawal.”
This is a point from discussion of a revised withdrawal plan at a meeting last Friday April 11,2025, attended by chiefs of the three defense forces that contributed troops and equipment to the mission.
They are generals Rudzani Maphwanya (SA National Defence Force), Jacob Mkunda (Tanzania People’s Defence Force- TPDF) and Paul Phiri (Malawi Defence Force). Also present at the Dar es Salaam headquarters of the TPDF for the meeting was Professor Kula Theletsane, Director of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Affairs.
Initial deployment for the mission, under the acronym SAMIDRC, was in December 2023 to the eastern DRC under the command of South African Major General Monwabisi Dyakopu.
Its termination, to be followed by a phased withdrawal, was made public by the regional bloc on 13 March. The announcement came two months after all three SAMIDRC troop contributing countries reported deaths in action against M23 with South Africa (14) bearing the brunt.
On February 6, two weeks after the fatalities during combat around Sake and Goma in North Kivu province, Malawian President Lazarus Chakwera ordered his soldiers to start preparing for withdrawal from Goma and surrounds in the eastern DRC.
The SADC planning elements will lead and direct the SAMIDRC Force Commander on formulating a withdrawal plan adhering to guidelines permitted by the troop contributing countries.
The M23/Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC) claims SAMIDRC forces are carrying out joint operations with DRC government forces (FARDC), Wazalendo militia and other elements around Goma.
These, according to a 12 April statement by the M23, “violate the existing SADC agreements and delay therefore the rehabilitation of Goma airport, compelling the AFC/M23 to demand the immediate withdrawal of SAMIDRC forces.
“Despite our restraint in response to these persistent criminal acts, the AFC/M23 finds itself compelled to reconsider its position to prioritize the security of the Congolese population and that of the SAMIDRC elements present in the liberated areas,” the statement said.
Fighting has been taking place north of Goma since last week. It is believed that DRC government forces and Wazalendo militia forces that retreated into the Virunga national park are clashing with M23 rebels in the area.
A withdrawal by land complicates things for the SAMIDRC troops, as a long logistic trail through Rwanda was not something they were anticipating. It is slow, rough roads and reliant on Rwanda to agree to the plan.
Into this tense void stepped Dr. Charles Murigande, a soft-spoken mathematician turned politician, who found himself pitted against the Vice President Paul Kagame in a parliamentary vote to choose Rwanda’s next leader.
Speaking on The Long Form podcast, Dr. offered a rare glimpse into that pivotal moment—revealing Pasteur Bizimungu’s defiance against the Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF) and his own unexpected role in a contest that shaped modern Rwanda.
At 42, Murigande was a respected RPF secretary general, but nothing prepared him for the call to stand as a candidate against Kagame, the party’s towering chairman.
“We were in a post-genocide transition with a constitution stating that if the president resigned, the RPF would propose two candidates for a parliamentary vote,” he recalled. “I was selected with Vice President Kagame after an internal party vote where I came second.”
The crisis began on March 23, 2000, when Bizimungu, Rwanda’s first post-genocide president, tendered his resignation.
Dr. Murigande, however, saw it coming. “Bizimungu’s resignation was both a surprise and not,” he said. “There were internal RPF problems, especially over forming a new cabinet.”
The RPF, determined to root out corruption, had decided no ministers from the 1994 cabinet would continue, a move to reset governance in a nation reeling from genocide’s aftermath.
Bizimungu, appointed president in 1994 to signal unity, disagreed. He insisted on retaining one minister, Patrick Mazimhaka, believing his presidential authority trumped party decisions. “He thought as president he had authority, but he was wrong,” Murigande stated bluntly.
The tension escalated when Bizimungu delivered what Murigande called a “violent speech” during the swearing-in of a new cabinet led by Bernard Makuza.
“It was an attack on nearly every institution,” he recounted. Bizimungu criticized the RPF’s accountability processes, which were probing mismanagement, and lashed out at parliament’s efforts to curb corruption. Dr. Murigande believes the speech was Bizimungu’s breaking point.
“Probably, he preempted it because he knew that the political bureau had the capacity to remove him. So, instead of waiting for him to be removed by the political party he resigned,” he explained.
Two days later, Bizimungu resigned, leaving Rwanda leaderless and the RPF scrambling to stabilize the transition.
Enter the parliamentary vote of April 17, 2000. Dr. Murigande, a refugee-turned-scholar who’d once starved in Burundi’s camps, faced Kagame who’d led the RPF to victory in 1994.
The stakes were immense: a misstep could unravel Rwanda’s fragile recovery. Yet Dr. Murigande harbored no illusions of winning.
“I didn’t want to win,” he admitted with characteristic humility. “I told journalists if I were a voter, I’d choose Kagame. He was the better candidate.”
Kagame secured 81 of 86 ballots, with Murigande garnering five. For Murigande, the outcome was a relief. “No regrets at all, especially seeing how Rwanda has evolved over 25 years under Kagame,” he said, reflecting on the nation’s journey from ashes to prosperity.
Bizimungu’s defiance, Dr. Murigande revealed, stemming from a misunderstanding of power. As vice chairman of the RPF, Bizimungu saw himself above the party, a view that clashed with the RPF’s collective ethos.
“He was wrong.” The episode exposed fault lines in the government of national unity, formed under the Arusha Accords to bridge ethnic divides. Bizimungu, hoping his resignation would spark protests, was mistaken.
“He thought the Hutu population would rise up,” Murigande said. “Nobody demonstrated. Shops stayed open, and the situation remained calm.” Rwanda’s trust in the RPF’s maturity held firm.
Dr. Murigande, who returned to his RPF duties post-vote, saw it as a moment of clarity. “The people knew the RPF was in control,” he said, crediting the party’s discipline for averting chaos.
Kagame’s ascent marked a new chapter, one Dr. Murigande endorsed wholeheartedly. “The RPF trusted I could be a good president if chosen, but I campaigned for him,” he reiterated.
He was speaking at the 31st commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, held in Kibeho, Nyaruguru District, on April 14, 2025.
The commemoration focused on the events of April 14, 1994, when thousands of Tutsi who had fled to Kibeho Parish from the former communes of Mubuga, Rwamiko, and Kivu were brutally attacked.
Interahamwe militias, supported by soldiers and gendarmes, attacked and set fire to the church, resulting in the deaths of over 30,000 people.
The atmosphere of ethnic hostility in Kibeho prior to the genocide was described by Marc Manirakiza, a genocide survivor from Nyange Cell, Kibeho Sector.
Manirakiza recounted an incident in 1992 where he was subjected to ethnic insults while working at his brother’s restaurant, being told that Tutsi had no right to conduct business there.
He also recalled a disturbing event at GS Marie Merci, where students staged a mock funeral for their Tutsi headteacher, symbolically burying bundles in a gesture of hate.
Manirakiza’s testimony directly addressed the role of the clergy during the genocide. He stated that on April 14, 1994, “the killers did not spare the church, and the clergy did nothing to help.”
He further accused the clergy of actively collaborating with the perpetrators, revealing, “The clergy in Kibeho, who were not being targeted, collaborated with killers. They held meetings with Munini Sub-Prefect Damien Biniga, ignored our cries for food and water, and instead prepared the massacre of Tutsi at Kibeho.”
Following his escape from Kibeho, Manirakiza fled to Karama in Huye, then to Nyumba Parish, and eventually sought refuge in Burundi, where he later joined the RPF liberation forces.
Christine Muhongayire, First Vice President of Ibuka, highlighted the prolonged duration of the genocide in Nyaruguru, attributing it to the presence of “Zone Turquoise,” the French-declared zone that provided a safe haven for genocidaires.
Muhongayire stressed the importance of remembrance as a tool for educating the youth and urged individuals with firsthand knowledge of the genocide to share their testimonies or document their experiences.
In his address, Minister Bizimana expressed his deep sorrow over the transformation of Kibeho, a place once considered holy, into a site of immense suffering.
“Kibeho Parish was established in 1934, and by the time the genocide happened, teachings had been delivered there for 60 years. It was a parish known for having many clergy members, which should have helped those who sought refuge there to survive—but that’s not what happened,” he lamented.
“Take for example Father Emmanuel Uwayezu, who had students from GS Marie Merci killed and even encouraged other children to kill their fellow students. All of this was the result of hateful ideology that had spread throughout the country, including among members of the clergy,” added Dr. Bizimana.
To illustrate the pervasiveness of hate propaganda, Minister Bizimana referenced an article in Issue 70 of the Urunana newspaper, published at Nyakibanda Major Seminary in October 1990.
The article contained a seminarian’s description of the RPF (Inkotanyi) as “anti-Rwandan,” demonstrating how deeply ingrained divisive ideologies had become within religious institutions.
A new report published by the Rwanda Development Board (RDB) indicates that the growth was driven by resilient performance across various segments, including conservation, Meetings, Incentives, Conferences, and Exhibitions (MICE), and domestic tourism.
According to the report, gorilla tourism led the surge, with revenues rising by 27% to exceed $200 million, fortifying Rwanda’s position as a leader in sustainable tourism.
The country welcomed over 1.36 million visitors, with new tourism segments like education and visiting friends and relatives (VFR) also showing growth at 16% and 5% respectively. RwandAir’s non-resident ticket sales jumped by 11%, further signaling international demand.
In total, Rwanda welcomed more than 1.36 million visitors in 2024. The East African Community (EAC) remained the largest source market, contributing over 1.09 million travellers, while steady flows from Europe (83,076 visitors), North America (52,805), and Asia (36,256) highlighted Rwanda’s reputation as a premier global destination.
Rwanda also continued to strengthen its MICE sector, hosting 115 high-profile events and welcoming 52,315 delegates. Notably, the country became the first in Africa to host the FIA Annual General Assemblies & Prize Giving Ceremony, showcasing its world-class hospitality and event infrastructure.
The impact of tourism extended beyond conferences. Rwanda’s national parks experienced a 10.7% increase in visitors and 8.5% growth in revenue, reaching 138,000 visitors and $38.8 million in park-generated income. Nyungwe National Park led the growth with a 20% increase in visitors, followed by Volcanoes and Akagera National Parks.
Local engagement also played a key role, with 54,800 domestic visits and steady domestic park revenues of $793,000, reflecting strong local interest in the country’s natural heritage.
Highlighting Rwanda’s forward-looking agenda, RDB Chairman Itzhak Fisher remarked: “The coming years present an exciting chapter of transformation, where strategic collaboration and bold ambition will drive Rwanda toward even greater economic success.”
In 2025, RDB aims to surpass $700 million in tourism revenue, bolstered by continued investment in conservation, tourism infrastructure, and global events.
“We aim to generate tourism revenues exceeding USD 700 million by showcasing Rwanda as a leading global destination for leisure, wildlife conservation, and international events,” said Jean-Guy Afrika, CEO of RDB.
According to an annual report recently published by the Rwanda Development Board (RDB), a total of 612 investment projects were registered throughout the year, reflecting growing investor confidence in the country’s business climate and economic trajectory.
The manufacturing sector led the way, attracting $1.35 billion. This was followed by the financial and insurance sector, which drew in $811.2 million, and real estate activities, which secured $377.7 million. Together, the three sectors accounted for nearly 78% of all registered investments.
Notably, Rwanda’s industrial base continues to expand, with manufacturing also generating the highest number of expected jobs. Of the 51,635 jobs projected from 2024’s investments, 22,500 are expected to come from the manufacturing sector alone.
Among the largest investment projects registered were Bio Usawa Biotechnology Ltd, National Cement Holding Ltd, Parklane Group Ltd, and TTEC CX Solutions Rwanda Ltd, reflecting diversity across biotech, construction, technology, and clean energy. International giants such as Rio Tinto Exploration also featured prominently.
In terms of foreign direct investment, China and India emerged as top contributors, accounting for $460 million and $445.1 million, respectively. Other key investors came from the USA ($442.3 million), Nigeria ($313 million), the UK ($144.6 million) and the Netherlands ($103.9 million).
Despite strong foreign participation, Rwandan-origin investments, including joint ventures, represented the largest share by number, accounting for 24.4% of all registrations—highlighting a growing local entrepreneurial ecosystem.
Beyond manufacturing and finance, notable investment flows were directed toward information and communication technologies, agriculture, accommodation and food services, and mining. While manufacturing topped job creation, the real estate sector also stood out with 6,600 projected jobs, reflecting growing demand for urban infrastructure.
The financial sector, in particular, recorded rapid expansion, signaling increased investor interest in Rwanda’s fintech landscape and a strong push for financial inclusion and digital finance.
{{Broader economic performance
}}
Rwanda’s broader economic performance in 2024 underpinned the strong investment momentum.
According to RDB, tourism revenues reached $647 million, with over 1.36 million visitors. The country’s Meetings, Incentives, Conferences, and Exhibitions (MICE) industry generated $84.8 million, welcoming 52,315 delegates across 115 events. Gorilla tourism alone saw a 27% revenue boost.
Exports rose to $4.2 billion, a 22% increase from 2023, driven by high demand in markets such as the UAE and Luxembourg, along with a 33% increase in cargo exports.
More than 240 companies were supported to access international markets, generating $164.1 million in export earnings.
Rwanda’s reform-driven economic agenda earned the country a top ranking in the World Bank’s B-READY Report, placing 1st in Africa and among the top 10 globally for ease of doing business. The recognition underscores Rwanda’s growing reputation as a competitive and innovation-friendly investment destination.
Looking ahead, RDB is targeting over $3 billion in new investments and $700 million in tourism revenue in 2025.
Key initiatives will focus on expanding Special Economic Zones, digitizing government services, and promoting innovation, conservation, and entrepreneurship.
Rwanda is also set to host major international events, including the 20th Kwita Izina ceremony and the UCI Road World Championships. The UCI event, scheduled for September, will be held in Africa for the first time.
This powerful clique, primarily composed of Habyarimana’s in-laws and closest confidants, maintained a tight grip on the nation’s economy, military, media, and key decision-making bodies throughout his regime.
While the Akazu’s pivotal role in orchestrating the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi is widely acknowledged, Andrew Wallis’s book, “Stepp’d in Blood: Akazu and the Architects of the Rwandan Genocide Against the Tutsi,” sheds light on their disturbing involvement in international cocaine trafficking.
Wallis suggests that Dian Fossey, the renowned American conservationist who dedicated her life to studying mountain gorillas in Rwanda’s Volcanoes National Park, may have stumbled upon this illicit network. Her mysterious death in 1985 has long been speculated to be connected to her opposition to the illegal exploitation of the park, which had become a significant route for smuggling gold, gorillas, and cocaine destined for Paris, France—a time when Presidents Habyarimana and François Mitterrand of France enjoyed close diplomatic ties.
The cocaine, reportedly originating from Guatemala, was trafficked through Côte d’Ivoire into Rwanda and then handed off to a businessman from Rhode-Saint-Genèse, Belgium.
This individual, who had secured a contract to supply satellite dishes in Rwanda, allegedly used this business as a cover for laundering the profits generated from the smuggling operations. The illicit cargo was transported through the seemingly impenetrable Volcanoes National Park before being exported to Europe.
Adding another layer to this intricate web, Jean-Pierre Habyarimana, the president’s son, reportedly introduced a Guinean entrepreneur named Mamadou “Barry” into Rwanda.
Despite a string of failed business ventures at the young age of 22, Barry quickly became a close confidant of Agathe Kanziga.
Following Fossey’s controversial death, Barry launched tourism initiatives aimed at revitalizing Rwanda’s international image, including the ambitious “International Fair for the Protection of Gorillas in Rwanda,” which initially attracted celebrity interest but ultimately collapsed in disarray.
The event proved to be a spectacular failure, prompting the newspaper Isibo to publish a mocking article directly targeting President Habyarimana’s son.
The controversy deepened when Christophe Mfizi, then Director of ORINFOR (the Rwandan Information Office), publicly declared that the fair had resulted in massive financial losses. Despite significant state funding and contributions from private partners who had anticipated returns, the event yielded no success.
Subsequently, then-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Casimir Bizimungu, accused Barry—the Guinean national behind the ill-fated event—of embezzling over one million U.S. dollars.
In a dramatic turn, Barry resurfaced by penning an open letter directly to President Habyarimana, alleging that a high-ranking official had pressured him into loading cocaine onto a private European aircraft, which was purportedly intended to transport foreign experts arriving in Rwanda.
In this explosive letter, Barry explicitly named Twahirwa Seraphin, a cousin of Agathe Kanziga (Habyarimana’s wife), as playing a pivotal role in orchestrating the cocaine shipment. Twahirwa was reportedly overseeing the financial aspects of the event organized by Habyarimana’s son.
Barry claimed that Twahirwa had promised him a substantial sum of $50,000 for each successful drug shipment. Although Twahirwa vehemently denied these accusations, Barry returned to Kigali and was accommodated at the Meridien Hotel for a week, with his $5,000 bill inexplicably footed by the state.
Simultaneously, the government instructed its media outlets to clear Barry’s name regarding the embezzlement allegations. According to Wallis’s research, Barry later departed Rwanda for the United States carrying a staggering $400,000 in cash, allegedly obtained through a clandestine collaboration with President Habyarimana’s son.
Adding to the intrigue, a journalist from Jeune Afrique who had been diligently investigating the murky details surrounding the event organized by Barry, Seraphin, and Habyarimana’s son—an event that was also slated to include a lottery with a grand prize of 5 million Rwandan francs—was abruptly expelled from Rwanda as a direct consequence of his persistent inquiries.
Wallis further details how Ruhengeri—governed with an iron fist by Protais Zigiranyirazo, Agathe Kanziga’s influential brother—operated as a virtually autonomous region, serving as a key conduit for smuggled goods flowing from then-Zaire into Europe. The area became a notorious hub for illegal trade and offered political protection to those involved.
Fossey’s unwavering commitment to preserving the park for conservation, rather than allowing it to be exploited for profit, directly clashed with the Akazu’s vested interests. The illicit trade in baby gorillas, for instance, could yield exorbitant profits of up to $30,000 per animal, while severed gorilla body parts like hands and heads commanded high prices on the black market.
Meanwhile, the majority of ordinary Rwandans endured significant economic hardship and lived under a pervasive climate of fear, unable to challenge the unchecked power of the ruling elite. Zigiranyirazo himself allegedly exploited bamboo from the park—a critical food source for the endangered gorillas—for his personal enrichment.
When Mfizi became aware of Zigiranyirazo’s exploitative activities, he tasked a journalist with conducting an investigation. The resulting article was prepared for publication in the Imvaho newspaper. However, Augustin Nduwayezu, the head of intelligence, attempted to suppress its release under direct orders from Zigiranyirazo. Mfizi bravely refused to comply and wrote directly to President Habyarimana, informing him of the pressure he was facing and the planned exposé.
Despite never receiving a direct response—likely due to the intervention of Colonel Elie Sagatwa, a known ally of Zigiranyirazo— Mfizi maintained the article would be eventually published, unless he received a different version from Zigiranyirazo.
Mfizi strongly suspected that Sagatwa deliberately blocked his letter to protect the powerful Akazu members implicated in the illegal activities.
The Akazu’s insidious grip on Rwanda extended far beyond mere political control. Their deep and pervasive involvement in illicit trade, their ruthless silencing of dissenting voices, and their blatant manipulation of state resources created a deeply entrenched system of impunity, widespread corruption, and profound fear.
This toxic environment not only significantly contributed to the horrific 1994 Genocide but also subjected ordinary Rwandan citizens to years of exploitation and immense suffering.
Dr. Bizimana made these remarks on April 13, 2025, as the official Genocide Commemoration Week drew to a close, a time observed in conjunction with the commemoration of politicians who were killed for standing against the genocide ideology and its execution.
He explained that Ndagijimana, who briefly served as Minister of Foreign Affairs in the post-genocide Government of National Unity in 1994, now falsely claims that fewer than 350,000 Tutsi were killed, despite verified records showing over one million victims.
Dr. Bizimana also exposed lesser-known facts about Ndagijimana, stating that he uses the guise of political activism and human rights advocacy to conceal his past misconduct.
“In the Government of National Unity established in July 1994, JMV Ndagijimana was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. However, just two months later, he fled Rwanda after embezzling around $200,000, which belonged to the government,” Dr. Bizimana stated.
He added that then-Prime Minister Faustin Twagiramungu, a close friend of Ndagijimana and fellow native of Rusizi District, disclosed this theft in an official statement dated October 19, 1994, and in interviews with international media. Despite Ndagijimana’s frequent threats of legal action against those who accused him of theft, Twagiramungu passed away without ever being sued.
Instead, Ngarukiye Léon, then Director of Cabinet in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who had handed the money to Ndagijimana at Kigali International Airport, was the one taken to court. In a French court ruling on November 6, 2023, Ngarukiye won the case, effectively confirming Ndagijimana’s guilt.
On October 4, 1994, Ngarukiye who was part of a Rwandan delegation traveling to the UN General Assembly in New York, entrusted the funds to Ndagijimana for delivery to the newly reopened Rwandan Embassy in France.
Instead, Ndagijimana absconded with the money to France. Dr. Bizimana noted that despite losing the case, Ndagijimana never publicly acknowledged it, aware that the court proceedings exposed his theft.
Dr. Bizimana further revealed that this was not Ndagijimana’s first instance of financial malfeasance. A 1995 audit at the Rwandan Embassy in Paris uncovered that during his tenure as ambassador (1990–1994), he exploited the political turmoil in Rwanda beginning in 1992 to commit further fraud.
In September 1992, Ndagijimana illicitly sold a government-owned house in Paris without informing the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He sold it for 1.85 million of the then French currency, a significant devaluation from its purchase price of 3.75 million, suggesting a hasty and self-serving transaction.
Dr. Bizimana disclosed that prior to the sale, Ndagijimana falsely reported the house as damaged, even intentionally setting fire to a portion of it. He subsequently requested and received 1.3 million francs for renovations, despite initially claiming only 700,000 francs were needed.
{{Theft from his domestic worker}}
The same audit also revealed Ndagijimana’s theft of 75,200 French francs (equivalent to approximately RWF 20 million today) from his Ethiopian domestic worker. Dr. Bizimana explained that Ndagijimana instructed the embassy’s accountant, Athanase Nsengiyumva, to pay domestic workers’ salaries through his personal bank account, subsequently failing to remit the funds to his employees, particularly his Ethiopian houseworker.
Dr. Bizimana emphasized that Ndagijimana’s pattern of misconduct set a negative precedent, inspiring other Rwandan diplomats to engage in similar criminal activities after the genocide. These included damaging government properties, selling embassy assets, and unlawfully occupying government residences long after their diplomatic service ended.
Among those implicated were Ukobizaba Martin, Nderebeza Anasthase, and Shirampaka Anasthase. The most egregious case, according to the minister, involved Col Sebastien Ntahobari, Rwanda’s Military Cooperation Attaché in Paris from 1992 to December 1994.
Recalled by the Ministry of Defense, Ntahobari refused to return to Rwanda and remained in France until his death. An audit revealed his full control over embassy funds in 1993, a period marked by substantial transfers for arms procurement, and his embezzlement of over $2 million in collusion with then-Minister Augustin Bizimana, who approved the transfers, and other embassy staff.
The agreement was sealed at the conclusion of a two-day visit by Chery’s Chairperson, Xu Hui, and his delegation on Saturday, April 12. They were received by RDB CEO Jean-Guy Afrika, who signed the MoU on behalf of Rwanda.
The partnership aims to accelerate Rwanda’s transition to a green economy and boost strategic sectors aligned with the country’s development agenda.
Chery Automobile Co. Ltd, founded in 1997 and headquartered in Wuhu, Anhui, China, is one of China’s leading automakers, known for its focus on independent innovation and global expansion.
Chery has been China’s number one passenger vehicle exporter for 22 consecutive years, maintaining the top spot in 2024. In 2023, it ranked first in export volume among Chinese automakers, surpassing SAIC Motor.
With a revenue of $39.09 billion, the group ranked 385th on the 2024 Fortune Global 500 list, which ranks the top 500 corporations worldwide by revenue.
Speaking at the international diplomacy forum underway in Antalya, Turkey, Nduhungirehe highlighted Africa as the continent with the richest natural resources and a youthful population that could drive sustainable development.
“We have countries that are inexplicably poor, yet we are a rich continent. We have youth, with a majority under 18. I believe that by 2050, one-third of the world’s youth will be African,” he said.
He pointed out that persistent conflicts continue to hinder Africa’s development and are often rooted in poor governance, lack of job opportunities for youth, and discrimination.
“As you know, the root causes of conflict on this continent are the same, bad governance, lack of opportunities for young people, youth unemployment, and discrimination. We must solve these problems now, because if we don’t, they’ll return in five or ten years,” he emphasized.
Nduhungirehe explained that many of these conflicts have their origins in colonial-era borders and stressed the importance of regional cooperation to resolve them.
“We have committed to working together, investing, adding value to what we produce, and reaping the benefits of our collaboration.” He warned that without such cooperation, external forces, intent on keeping African countries dependent, will succeed in dividing the continent.
“Otherwise, there are indeed external forces that want to turn Africa into a battleground, dividing us from all sides so we remain dependent, instead of self-reliant.”
The minister stated that it is up to African nations to recognize the wealth they possess and facilitate movement and trade through the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).
