The Head of State did not mention the leaders, but his remarks appear to point toward Burundi’s President Evariste Ndayishimiye and the Democratic Republic of Congo’s Félix Tshisekedi, given their history of hostile remarks against Rwanda.
In January 2024, while in Kinshasa, President Ndayishimiye stated that he would do everything possible to help Rwandan youth overthrow the current government.
“In the region, people live together peacefully. I know very well that there are no problems among the citizens; the problem lies with bad leadership. Our struggle must continue until even the people of Rwanda begin to feel pressure, because I believe Rwandan youth cannot accept remaining prisoners in the region,” he noted.
These words appeared to echo those of Tshisekedi, who publicly expressed his determination to topple Rwanda’s leadership.
While addressing over 6,000 soldiers, police, and prison officers at Rwanda Defence Force (RDF)’s Gabiro Combat Training Center on August 25, 2025, President Kagame revisited the plans these two leaders had for Rwanda.
“When you hear people on radio, shamelessly and fearlessly, claiming they will destroy Rwanda, remove its government, impose their own, kill and save people they wish. Imagine heads of state making such utterances!”
President Kagame emphasized that statements like these serve as a reminder that there are people harboring intentions to harm Rwanda.
“We must always be prepared because the enemy comes unpredictably; we never know from where or when, but we must always be ready,” he noted.
Kagame noted that these leaders eventually realized that harming Rwanda would not be easy.
“Those who shouted loudly, claiming they must harm Rwanda. I could not overlook this, but I will not disclose everything. This is where I began by thanking you [ Rwandan security forces] because they saw that harming Rwanda is not simple.
“Perhaps after resting, they may try again in five years, but it will be in vain
or even worse for those who wage war against Rwanda. This is precisely the responsibility of the RDF, the national army, and all national security forces collectively,” he stated.
President Kagame added that for Rwanda’s security forces to execute this responsibility effectively, they must clearly understand their duties.
“Whether you are working in challenging circumstances like I described, you must act as if you own the task. No one should hold back; you treat it as your responsibility, and collaborate with others who do the same. That is where the national army unites with the Rwandan society they belong to.”
He further emphasized the importance of discipline, reminding the security personnel that it allows them to focus on duties and fulfill them diligently.
The Ramba Hills project, led by Investment Africa Holdings Ltd. through its subsidiary Ramba Real Estate, is under construction in Gasabo District, near King Faisal Hospital, extending toward Vision City and the Kigali Golf Course.
According to the master plan, Ramba Hills will feature two high-rise towers—one 26 floors and the other 24—alongside four additional towers ranging from 10 to 16 floors. One of the tallest towers will serve as an office block, while the other will be dedicated to residential apartments.
Complementing the skyline will be ten single-storey residential buildings facing the golf course, landscaped gardens, a large swimming pool, and extensive internal road networks. The development will also include a hotel, modern retail outlets, and parking space for more than 1,400 vehicles.
The design allows professionals to live and work within the same development, with convenient access to on-site retail outlets and other essential as well as recreational amenities.
Ramba Real Estate has confirmed that the entire project will cost approximately Frw 115.7 billion ($80 million). Construction is expected to run for four years, with residential houses to be completed within the first 18 months, apartments in two and a half to three years, and the office tower by the fourth year.
Kigali City Mayor Samuel Dusengiyumva, speaking in June 2025, hailed Ramba Hills as one of the flagship projects set to transform the city’s urban landscape.
“Compared to Vision City and the existing apartments, Kacyiru is about to change significantly,” said Dusengiyumva. “Relocating residents sparked much debate, but this project reflects the President’s vision and the city’s clear development plan.”
With its blend of luxury apartments, business facilities, leisure spaces, and green design, Ramba Hills is being positioned as a defining symbol of Kigali’s next phase of urban development.
The closure, which followed customer complaints about poor service and negligence during a wedding ceremony in early July, surprised many, who questioned how a hotel that had been in operation for years could continue without proper authorisation.
At the time of the announcement, RDB warned that if the hotel continued operating beyond July 22, 2025, it would be in violation of national laws, a breach that could attract heavy penalties. The agency further explained that reopening would only be considered once the hotel had fulfilled all requirements to obtain an operating license in the tourism sector and complied fully with the relevant laws.
The revelation that such a prominent establishment lacked a valid operating license shocked the public, given that the hotel was well-known and had been welcoming guests for some time.
Speaking to IGIHE, Irène Murerwa, Chief Tourism Officer at RDB, explained that the situation was not unusual, pointing out that Rwanda’s 2014 Tourism Law allows investors to begin their projects while still working toward fulfilling conditions for an operating license, depending on the type of investment.
She clarified that beginning operations does not automatically mean an establishment is licensed in the tourism sector.
“In this case, the issue is not complicated. Registering an investment is simple and can be done online within six hours. But the key question is: what type of investment is it? A hotel, a restaurant, a nightclub, or apartments? The license granted depends on the category, and in their case, they were operating without ever applying for the proper license,” Murerwa said.
She added that although RDB was aware of the hotel’s investment activities, the owners had not completed all requirements needed to secure a tourism license.
“Anyone could see their doors open and assume they were licensed. Of course, RDB knew about them, just as we know many investors. We don’t close businesses the moment they open. We first conduct visits, hold discussions, and agree on timelines. Some investors fulfil requirements quickly, while others encounter delays. That was the case here,” she explained.
According to Murerwa, after an establishment begins operations, RDB reviews whether it meets the standards required for its specific category of tourism business.
“When challenges are communicated, we listen and allow time to address them, because our role is both regulatory and developmental. But once the grace period expires and compliance is still lacking, then closure becomes necessary,” she said.
Murerwa confirmed that Château le Marara had been inspected several times and was repeatedly reminded of what it needed to comply with. However, despite discussions, the hotel continued to report difficulties in meeting the legal requirements.
“We visited them and held discussions. But at some point, it became clear they were not treating the requirements with the seriousness of legal obligations. People wondered how such a well-known hotel, recognised by the community and local authorities, could lack RDB approval. The truth is that while they had the right to invest, they did not have the license to operate in the tourism sector,” she said.
Currently, investors registering in the tourism industry are required to fulfil up to 22 conditions, in addition to specific requirements depending on the category of business. These include registering the investment, employing qualified staff, and adhering to hygiene, safety, and environmental standards, among others.
While she did not disclose which specific requirements Château le Marara had failed to meet, Murerwa emphasised that any failure to comply constitutes a violation of the law.
“In tourism, there are many conditions to meet. If out of more than 20, you have fulfilled only five, you are still violating the law. While much attention is on Château le Marara, many other establishments have not met all conditions, and these cases must equally be reported to the authorities,” she concluded.
According to RDB officials, an establishment may be suspended for several reasons, such as employing workers without contracts—which is prohibited by law—or when clients suffer health complications due to non-compliance with required standards.
By law, RDB may grant an establishment a grace period during which it continues to operate while working to meet the required conditions. However, if follow-up inspections reveal ongoing non-compliance and no valid justification is provided, the institution risks suspension.
Murerwa explained: “There are instances where, for example, an employee mistreats a guest. That alone does not immediately warrant closure. In such cases, we conduct visits, issue warnings, and give time for correction. But if a client suffers health complications because the establishment failed to meet hygiene or safety requirements, then it becomes a serious matter, and closure is enforced immediately.”
She emphasised that closure is not necessarily permanent. Once the owner fixes the violations and meets all required conditions, they may request reopening. The application is reviewed through an inspection by a joint team from RDB, the Police, and other relevant agencies. If the team confirms compliance, the establishment is granted a license to resume operations.
Currently, a tourism operating license issued by RDB costs 80,000 Rwandan francs, although the fee may change in the future as part of an ongoing legal review process.
Château le Marara is located in Karongi District, on the shores of Lake Kivu.
RDB clarifies the reasons behind the closure of Château le Marara.
A month has now passed since Château le Marara was ordered to close its doors
What began as a cautiously hopeful initiative to end years of conflict has instead become a chronicle of setbacks, highlighting the complex dynamics that continue to frustrate efforts for peace in eastern Congo.
The Doha talks were deemed urgent following renewed hostilities between the rebels and government forces earlier this year, which dramatically reshaped the region’s fragile security landscape.
The M23 rebel group, which accuses the Kinshasa administration of marginalisation and persecution of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities in the east, launched a rapid offensive, seizing several key cities in North and South Kivu, including strategic hubs such as Goma and Bukavu.
The resurgence had a significant impact, even prompting the withdrawal of Southern African Development Community (SADC) troops, who had been deployed in December 2023 to help neutralise the group.
Rising fatalities in clashes between M23 and Kinshasa-allied forces —Burundi, and local militias such as the FDLR and Wazalendo—heightened calls for a ceasefire in a region long plagued by conflict. Previous interventions, whether led by the United Nations or through the Nairobi and Luanda peace processes, had repeatedly faltered, failing to bring an end to the war.
Amid this turmoil, diplomatic efforts intensified. In April 2025, a high-level meeting between DRC President Félix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame in Qatar provided the catalyst for renewed dialogue.
While the details of their discussions remained largely confidential, a key outcome was the commitment of both leaders to prevent further escalation and to pursue a negotiated political settlement with M23.
Following the summit, Qatar offered to mediate talks between Kinshasa and M23 in Doha, bringing together international observers to support a roadmap toward lasting peace.
The stakes were high. M23’s territorial gains, the humanitarian crisis from mass displacement, and the fragile credibility of regional peacekeeping efforts made the need for effective dialogue more urgent than ever.
From the outset, however, the talks were challenged by a complex web of mistrust, preconditions, and differing interpretations of agreements, a combination that would soon set the stage for repeated setbacks.
From this tense backdrop, the Doha negotiations officially began, carrying the weight of both hope and scepticism.
{{June 5, 2025: M23’s initial withdrawal
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The first major disruption came early in the Doha talks. On June 5, 2025, M23 officially withdrew its delegation before any agreements were signed. The rebels cited a “lack of progress” and accused the DRC government of insufficient political will, pointing to ongoing ceasefire violations by the Congolese army (FARDC) and the failure to address their demand for a definitive political solution.
Analysts suggest that this withdrawal was not merely a protest but a calculated move to apply pressure on Kinshasa, signalling that M23 could halt dialogue if its core concerns were ignored.
This early rupture highlighted a longstanding challenge in the negotiations. The M23 group has consistently insisted on recognition and guarantees that go beyond a mere cessation of hostilities. For the Congolese government, which has historically been reluctant to grant political legitimacy to armed groups, this created an immediate tension that would shape subsequent talks.
{{July 19, 2025: Signing the “Declaration of Principles”
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Despite the rocky start, both sides returned to Doha and, in a surprising development, signed a preliminary “Declaration of Principles” on July 19, 2025. The agreement was hailed by Qatar, the United Nations, and other international observers as a milestone. It outlined a roadmap towards a final peace agreement and included several key provisions.
The declaration called for a permanent ceasefire, mandating an immediate and binding cessation of all military actions and provocations.
It also established a framework for the restoration of state authority, envisioning a phased return of M23-held territories to Congolese civilian control.
Confidence-building measures were also included, committing both sides to exchange prisoners and refrain from making inflammatory statements in public.
Finally, the declaration set an ambitious negotiation timeline. Talks for a final peace deal were scheduled to begin no later than August 8, 2025, with the goal of signing a comprehensive agreement by August 18, 2025.
Even as the declaration was signed, fundamental disagreements lingered. Kinshasa interpreted the document as necessitating an “unconditional withdrawal” of M23 forces, while the rebels insisted that the agreement focused on mechanisms to strengthen state authority, not on withdrawal. This divergence in interpretation would soon resurface as a key source of tension.
{{July 25, 2025: M23 sets conditions and threatens to pull out
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Barely a week after signing the declaration, M23 escalated the standoff. Benjamin Mbonimpa, representing the group, held a press conference in Goma, issuing an ultimatum that if Kinshasa did not release their 700 prisoners by July 27, M23 would see “no reason to return to Doha.”
This move underscored the fragility of the declaration and revealed that the rebels viewed key preconditions as non-negotiable. For M23, the release of prisoners was a core component of trust-building and a symbolic assertion of their leverage.
{{August 8 & August 17, 2025: Missed deadlines
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The ambitious timeline set in July unravelled quickly. By August 8, the scheduled start of the next round of negotiations had passed without a single meeting. The stalemate was caused by persistent disagreements over prisoner releases, ongoing accusations of ceasefire violations, and logistical issues, including the absence of delegations in the same city. Kinshasa insists the prisoners will only be freed after a final peace deal is signed.
The situation worsened on August 17, the day before the planned signing of a final peace deal. M23 confirmed that its representatives would not attend the ceremony in Doha, sending a clear message that, despite the high-profile declarations and international attention, the rebels were not willing to compromise on their core demands.
{{August 19, 2025: AFC/M23 agrees to send delegation to Doha
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The rebel coalition confirmed it would send delegations to Qatar to assess progress on the principles agreement they signed on July 19, 2025.
AFC/M23’s deputy coordinator, Bertrand Bisimwa, confirmed that his group’s delegation would focus on key issues, including a permanent ceasefire and the release of prisoners.
The Congolese government also announced that it would send its own representatives, stressing that their mandate is to protect national interests during the discussions.
Qatar, acting as mediator, has acknowledged the setbacks but says it remains in close contact with both parties to encourage consensus.
The case gained public attention after several journalists, including Ndayishimiye Reagan (Rugaju), Ishimwe Ricard, and former journalist Mucyo Antha Biganiro, were implicated in the investigation. Authorities allege that both military personnel and civilians colluded to misuse public resources for personal benefit.
On 5 August 2025, the Rwanda Defence Forces (RDF) issued a statement identifying suspects as two RDF officers and 20 civilians. They are alleged to have committed offenses such as complicity in issuing and receiving unauthorized documents and misusing public resources for unintended purposes.
In the following days, the number of defendants rose from 20, reaching 28 individuals brought before the court on 5 August 2025. Among them were three military officers: Capt Peninah Mutoni, Capt Peninah Umurungi, and Maj Vicent Muligande.
Also charged were the spokesperson of the Rwanda Revenue Authority, CSP Hillary Sengabo, and his colleague CSP Olive Mukantabana.
The case further involves 23 civilians, including sports journalists, as well as Kalisa Georgine, a former treasurer of APR FC, and Mugisha Frank (known as Jangwani), the former spokesperson for the club.
The Military Court ruled that all defendants should be tried in-camera for national security reasons, given that the allegations are closely connected to the Ministry of Defence.
{{Charges against key defendants}}
Capt Peninah Mutoni faces accusations including granting unauthorized documents to individuals, misusing public funds, and collusion in producing and using falsified documents, harges shared with Maj Vicent Muligande and Kalisa Georgine.
Capt Peninah Umurungi, CSP Hillary Sengabo, CSP Olive Mukantabana, and journalists Ndayishimiye Reagan and Ishimwe Ricard are accused of being accomplices in fraudulently obtaining documents issued by authorized institutions and misusing public resources for personal gain.
{{Case background}}
Reliable sources indicate that most allegations focus on Capt Peninah Mutoni, who worked in a department responsible for requesting airline tickets for Ministry of Defence staff and other designated individuals. She held the responsibilities from 2017 until late 2024.
It is alleged that Capt Peninah Mutoni exploited this position to fraudulently purchase tickets for individuals who were not eligible for Ministry-funded travel, including fans and journalists attending APR FC matches against Pyramid in Egypt and AZAM in Tanzania.
Capt Peninah Mutoni reportedly collaborated closely with Kalisa Georgine to solicit payments from individuals seeking these tickets. However, the funds provided were not used for their intended purpose but were instead added to the Ministry of Defence’s accounts. The two allegedly shared the proceeds for personal gain.
During the investigation, journalist Ndayishimiye Reagan reportedly admitted that in September 2024 he paid Kalisa Georgine $540 for a ticket and an additional $100 for a visa, after which Kalisa delivered the ticket at the airport. Similarly, Ishimwe Ricard reportedly paid Kalisa $700 for a ticket, which Kalisa then forwarded to Capt Peninah Mutoni.
For the APR FC versus Pyramid match, Ndayishimiye Reagan and Biganiro Mucyo Antha had tickets paid for by the Ministry of Defence. RwandAir invoiced the Ministry $1,013 for Mucyo Antha’s travel to Tanzania, billed as official duty.
Prior to being taken into custody, Ishimwe Ricard admitted the wrongdoing during a radio interview on SK FM on 31 July 2025, stating:
“What troubled me in this matter is that I traveled to Egypt, spending Frw 1.4 million for my ticket, and additional travel expenses […] How can a journalist be questioned about payment and even face imprisonment?”
{{CSP Sengabo designated as APR BBW employee}}
Beyond the funds reportedly used for APR FC matches, information indicates that military and correctional service officers returning from peacekeeping missions in South Sudan were provided with airline tickets by Capt Peninah Mutoni without proper authorization. Among them was CSP Hillary Sengabo.
According to sources, at the end of 2024, as CSP Sengabo prepared to return to Rwanda for leave, he coordinated with Capt Peninah Mutoni to purchase a RwandAir ticket. She reportedly provided her bank account details and transferred $534, after which Capt Mutoni arranged the ticket.
A similar situation reportedly occurred with CSP Olive Mukantabana, who is said to have received a ticket purchased by Capt Peninah Mutoni when she intended to travel from South Sudan. CSP Mukantabana stated that she received Capt Mutoni’s contact number through Capt Peninah Umurungi, with whom they were together in South Sudan.
Both were given tickets, but the funds they provided were not used to pay for the tickets; instead, they were registered as employees of APR BBW. Capt Peninah Umurungi also received a ticket purchased by Capt Mutoni. This arrangement is where the alleged forgery charges against Capt Mutoni originate.
It is reported that once Capt Mutoni realized the illegal transactions to secure the ticket for Capt Umurungi drew attention, she collaborated with a RwandAir employee to produce a false document indicating that Capt Umurungi had paid for it.
Another military officer involved in the case is Maj Vincent Murigande, who, according to Capt Mutoni, instructed her to purchase tickets for Sengabo and Mukantabana. He is also said to have received all emails requesting tickets, which were recorded under the Ministry of Defence, even though the recipients were not affiliated with it.
Brigadier General Déo Rusanganwa, Chairman of APR FC, recently stated that anyone who misuses Ministry of Defence resources must be held accountable.
“MINADEF provides us with budgets to uplift Rwandans, and if we misuse them, we will be held accountable. If someone among you is contacted to clarify matters and has no involvement, they will be cleared. Justice may take time, but it will prevail. I ask for patience from those affected, because our country cannot function like other places we know,” he said.
He added: “We must carefully manage the resources entrusted to us to nurture talent and ensure they are used for their intended purpose. Let us trust that justice will take its course. It may take a little time, but I am confident it will be resolved appropriately. We must also cooperate to safeguard the resources APR entrusts to us.”
In a statement issued on Monday, August 11, 2025, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation accused the OHCHR of making “sensational” claims without evidence, calling into question the agency’s credibility and methodology.
“OHCHR alleges, without any evidence, corroboration, or reported motives, that the Rwanda Defence Force ‘aided’ in the killing of 319 civilians on farms in eastern DRC. The gratuitous inclusion of the RDF in these allegations is unacceptable and brings into question the credibility of OHCHR and its methodology,” the statement read in part.
Kigali criticised the agency for failing to help de-escalate a conflict that has persisted for more than three decades, warning that such allegations risk undermining ongoing peace processes in the DRC.
The UN, in its reports, has accused the RDF of supporting the AFC/M23 rebel offensive in eastern DRC, claims the government has dismissed as false. Rwanda insists that its defensive measures along the border with the DRC are aimed at neutralising security threats posed by the FDLR rebel group, formed by perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
In the recent report, the UN report also accused the Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC/M23) rebel group of killing between 169 and 319 civilians in several localities within Rutshuru Territory between July 9 and 21, 2025. The group has denied the allegations, calling them unsubstantiated and politically motivated.
In a statement released on Thursday night, AFC/M23 questioned the credibility of the report, noting that many of the cited areas fall within Virunga National Park — a protected zone where farming is prohibited. The group argued that alleged massacres could not have occurred in “nonexistent farmlands,” further casting doubt on the claims.
AFC/M23 also challenged the OHCHR’s reliance on reports from armed groups and local organisations with no presence in the affected areas, including Wazalendo, FDLR, and the Rutshuru Territory Youth Council. The rebels called for an independent investigation and invited UN offices to participate.
The group further accused the UN of selectively ignoring documented atrocities committed by Congolese government forces and their allies, including massacres of Banyamulenge and Hema communities, drone strikes on civilian areas, and repression of dissent.
“AFC/M23 strongly condemns this biased report, which propagates misinformation and undermines peace efforts. We hereby demand the immediate retraction of Report BCNUDH/OD/138/2025 and a public apology, as well as an independent investigation into the origins of these false allegations and internal accountability at the UNJHRO,” said rebel spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka.
The group has urged the UN to address bias and apply equal scrutiny to all parties involved in rights violations.
AFC/M23 currently controls large swathes of territory in eastern DRC and is engaged in Qatar-led talks with the Kinshasa government aimed at ending the protracted conflict, which the rebels attribute to the marginalisation and persecution of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities.
On August 8, 2025, RDB announced the start of the second phase of its collaboration with Bayern Munich. The revised agreement extends the partnership until 2028, shifting its focus from the “Visit Rwanda” promotional campaign to strengthen youth football scouting and development programs.
The changes prompted speculation in some outlets that Bayern Munich had pulled out of its deal with Rwanda. The German champions, however, issued a statement rejecting that narrative.
“Yesterday, FC Bayern announced that there have been substantive developments in its cooperation with the Rwandan Development Board [RDB]. In some media coverage, the impression may have arisen that FC Bayern had ended its partnership with the RDB. This is not correct,” the club stated.
“Following positive and constructive discussions, we have jointly decided to transition the commercial element of our previous agreement [“Visit Rwanda”] into a new cooperation for youth football, running until 2028. As a result, the entire focus of our partnership — which also includes the Ministry of Sports of Rwanda — is now on expanding the FC Bayern Academy in Kigali,” adds the statement.
{{Investing in Rwanda’s football future}}
Rwanda’s football history boasts memorable highlights, including the men’s national team’s debut at the 2004 Africa Cup of Nations in Tunisia and the U-17 national team’s qualification for the 2011 FIFA U-17 World Cup in Mexico.
That U-17 squad had been specially prepared for the tournament, but since then, no youth or senior team has made a similar breakthrough on the international stage.
Today, Rwanda is committed to nurturing young sporting talent, with the government viewing sport as both a driver of national pride and a growing industry built on skill and performance.
Since the partnership began in August 2023, Bayern Munich has played an active role in this vision. The club established the FC Bayern Academy in Kigali two years ago, now home to 30 fully sponsored young players.
The academy offers a professional environment rarely seen in Rwanda, with access to high-quality training, modern facilities, and expert coaching—including staff from Germany.
Training sessions take place at the Kigali Pelé Stadium, with evening practice made possible by floodlights, ensuring players get the most out of their development programs.
The collaboration is already producing results. Two Rwandan players, Ndayishimiye Barthazar and David Okoce, have been selected to join Bayern Munich’s U-19 team—a sign that the partnership is beginning to open professional pathways for local talent.
With the renewed agreement, both Bayern Munich and Rwanda aim to build a stronger foundation for the future of football in the country, turning potential into lasting success on and off the pitch.
In a conversation with Daniel Bernard, co-founder of Ride For Unity, she shared how her personal journey mirrors Rwanda’s own recovery—rooted in unity, visionary leadership, and accountability.
Ride For Unity is a global movement using cycling to build bridges, empower communities, and create lasting social impact.
Mukazayire’s life story is inseparable from Rwanda’s own. Born and raised in the country, she studied economics at the University of Rwanda and went on to earn a master’s degree.
A lifelong athlete, she played basketball in secondary school, at university, and briefly for the national team. Even today, she remains active through CrossFit and weightlifting. “Sport has always been part of my day-to-day,” she shared.
Her journey, however, is not just one of personal achievement but a reflection of Rwanda’s resilience. “As a Rwandan, it’s difficult to dissociate one’s journey from the country’s,” she noted. Emerging from the devastation of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, Rwanda faced a complex reality: survivors, returning refugees, fractured families, and a destroyed economy.
Mukazayire’s own family history mirrors this complexity, with some members as survivors and others, including her mother, involved in the genocide. “I had voices telling me you cannot make it,” she admitted. Yet, Rwanda’s visionary leadership provided a platform for her and countless others to rebuild their lives.
“This leadership,” she emphasized, “instilled hope and equal opportunity. The vision of the leadership that picked up all the pieces set a path for me and so many others to be where we are.” Through unity, forgiveness, and reconciliation, Rwanda created an ecosystem where merit and hard work could thrive.
She acknowledges that her rise would not have been possible without the post-1994 transformation.
“We all, including me, got an opportunity to live again, to see hope, or see a belief that there can be a future because of a leadership that had a vision,” she said.
That vision, she added, was rooted in unity, reconciliation, and rebuilding—a national foundation that created equal opportunities and allowed merit to drive progress.
Mukazayire credits her achievements to both the environment Rwanda has created and personal discipline.
“Confidence is realizing the unique talent in you… Competence means putting in the work… Consistency equals discipline,” she explained. For her, these values are as essential in life as they are in sport.
Mukazayire believes Rwanda’s success lies in its ability to “live what you say.” Governance, she noted, is anchored in accountability through systems like the National Dialogue—where citizens and leaders evaluate the nation’s progress—citizen outreach visits where ministers answer directly to the public, and performance contracts that hold leaders to their promises.
“We’ve understood that Rwanda is what we’ve got. There’s no us without Rwanda,” she said.
While Rwanda has made remarkable economic progress—from a GDP collapse in 1994 to over $1,000 per capita —the challenges ahead are significant.
“Without economic transformation, without alleviating poverty, you’ll still be struggling,” she cautioned. The country’s ambitions are bold, targeting $4,000 GDP per capita by 2035 and $12,000 by 2050. Achieving this, she said, will require strategic investment, import substitution, job creation, and harnessing the energy of the nation’s youthful population.
On sport’s role in this vision, Mukazayire considers it as a key driver of transformation. She cited studies showing that every dollar invested in sport can generate $124 through its ripple effect on other sectors.
“Our leadership has been clear that this is a sector where you have to invest before you attract,” she said.
Mukazayire also spoke of sport as an engine for national transformation, underpinned by her three guiding principles: confidence, competence, and consistency.
She highlighted Rwanda’s “invest before you attract” approach, exemplified by facilities like BK Arena builtn in just six months, alongside ongoing efforts in talent development and the growth of a vibrant sports-business ecosystem.
{{Women empowerment}}
Mukazayire is particularly proud of the country’s progress in empowering women in sport. Female referees, coaches, and technical staff are now common.
Through the “Isonga” program, schools must field both boys’ and girls’ teams in multiple disciplines. Yet she stresses that quotas alone, such as the constitutional requirement for at least 30 percent female representation in decision-making positions, are not enough.
“Are we building ourselves to take up those opportunities and being bold enough to know we can do it… Are they confident enough to seize opportunities they have, to build their skills and their abilities and knowledge to take up the 30%? That’s the biggest challenge,” she said.
For Mukazayire, serving as Minister of Sports is about harnessing the unifying power of sport to inspire, transform lives, and position Rwanda as a beacon of possibility for Africa and beyond.
On August 7, 2025, the NIDA officially launched a pre-enrollment platform that allows citizens to verify or correct their existing civil registration records.
This step marks the beginning of preparations for the issuance of the new digital IDs. The verification process is expected to be extended to local communities across the country, down to the cell level, to ensure that every citizen can conveniently confirm their personal information. Individuals with internet access can also complete the process online through the IremboGov platform.
Once their details are verified, citizens will receive a unique code granting them permission to submit their biometric data, which is required for the new digital ID.
The Director General of the National Identification Agency (NIDA), Josephine Mukesha, stated that the digital ID system is a step toward resolving all existing issues found in civil registration data.
“As of today, there are people whose national IDs show their date of birth as January 1st, even though they have documents that clearly indicate different actual birthdates. What we’re asking is that they bring those documents so we can correct the information, ensuring that their digital ID reflects accurate data,” she said.
“We are currently in the process of verifying and confirming citizens’ personal information. The full digital ID system is expected to become operational in June next year,” Mukesha added.
The digital ID project is part of a larger national program being implemented in partnership with the World Bank. The total investment stands at approximately Frw 200 billion, with Frw 40 billion specifically allocated to the development of the digital ID infrastructure.
The initiative spans a three-year timeline and received Frw 5.4 billion for the 2024/2025 fiscal year. In 2025/2026, it has been allocated Frw 12.2 billion.
The digital ID will be offered in multiple formats: as a physical card similar to the current national ID, as a QR code that can be stored on digital devices such as smartphones and computers, and as a secure digital token that serves a unique function different from the traditional ID number. This approach aims to give users more flexibility and accessibility while strengthening identity security.
Unlike the existing system, which captures only a facial photo, a signature, and two fingerprints, the new ID will gather a more comprehensive set of biometric and demographic data.
This includes a high-resolution facial scan, fingerprints from all ten fingers, an iris scan, the individual’s full name, date and place of birth, the names of their parents, and contact details such as phone numbers and email addresses where available.
The process for children is age-specific: those from birth to age five will have only a facial photo taken, while children aged five and above will undergo full biometric data capture.
All minors under the age of eighteen must be accompanied by a parent or guardian during the process. Once children reach the age of sixteen, their biometric data will be updated to reflect physical changes. For individuals with disabilities or missing biometric features, the system has been designed to detect and adjust accordingly, capturing only the available data.
Given the sensitive nature of the information involved, the government has prioritized data privacy and security. State-of-the-art technology will be employed to ensure that personal data is stored safely and accessed only by authorized personnel.
A dedicated security team will monitor the system daily to prevent unauthorized access or misuse. One of the most significant innovations of this system is that it gives citizens full control over how their data is shared.
Depending on the service required, different institutions may request different types of information, but access will only be granted with the user’s explicit consent.
John Ndanyuzwe, a data management specialist at NIDA and one of the key figures overseeing the implementation of the digital ID project, highlighted the confidentiality framework built into the system.
He explained that, for example, if a person visits a bar where age verification is required, the system will simply confirm whether the individual is of legal age without revealing the exact date of birth.
This minimizes unnecessary data exposure while still enabling access to services. To support this feature, a mobile application will be introduced, allowing citizens to manage their privacy preferences and grant access to specific data on a case-by-case basis.
Rwandans living abroad have also been considered in the rollout. Identity verification services will be made available at Rwandan embassies around the world, followed by issuance of the digital ID.
Citizens will be informed in advance by their respective diplomatic missions about when and where the process will take place. In addition to Rwandan nationals, the new digital ID will also be issued to foreign residents, refugees, asylum seekers, stateless persons, abandoned children, and temporary visitors who need access to services while in the country.
The digital ID is expected to significantly streamline access to essential services by centralizing personal information and eliminating the need for citizens to carry multiple documents.
It will also reduce associated costs such as travel expenses and document printing, as many services will become accessible remotely and securely.
Beyond convenience, the system represents a major step forward in modernizing governance and fostering trust, transparency, and efficiency across Rwanda’s service delivery landscape.
At the centre of this dramatic policy pivot is the very model Europe once condemned: the now-defunct UK-Rwanda migration deal. The plan, which sought to transfer asylum seekers from the UK to Rwanda for processing and possible resettlement, was abandoned by the Labour government in 2024.
Yet today, several EU states, including Germany, Italy, Denmark and the Netherlands, are actively exploring or reviving similar strategies, marking a stark reversal from their previous stance.
“There is broad support,” said Danish Migration Minister Kaare Dybvad, whose country currently holds the rotating EU presidency. “Sending asylum-seekers outside the bloc has so much traction now,” he told the Financial Times, citing discussions with key member states like France, Germany, Poland and Italy.
Germany, which once championed refugee reception under former Chancellor Angela Merkel, is now reportedly in talks with Rwanda to establish a UK-style arrangement. Meanwhile, Italy has signed a contentious deal with Albania to host asylum processing centres, and the Netherlands is considering a “transit hub” in Uganda.
The European Commission, which previously stood firmly against such proposals, has now drafted legislation to formalise the concept of third-country asylum processing. The draft includes an EU-wide list of “safe” countries and new rules allowing member states to send migrants there even without prior ties to the destination.
Rwanda’s name is again being cited in multiple European capitals, with increasing recognition of its stability, governance and capacity to support migrant integration.
The EU’s shift toward Rwanda-style migration policy comes amid international comparisons, particularly between how the UK and the United States have handled similar proposals.
Speaking to reporters outside the White House on August 6, U.S. Border Chief Tom Homan openly criticised Britain’s failure to follow through on its agreement with Rwanda.
“They’re not the United States of America. They don’t have President Trump running the show,” Homan said, blaming what he described as weak leadership in London for the UK plan’s collapse.
The UK’s Labour government formally scrapped the plan last year following the exit of Rishi Sunak’s administration, citing legal and ethical issues, and has since faced mounting pressure for not offering a credible alternative to curb irregular migration.
Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s administration remains under fire domestically for the lack of a replacement policy.
In contrast, the U.S. under President Trump has pressed ahead with its own migration deal with Kigali. Rwanda recently confirmed it had agreed to take in an initial 250 migrants from the U.S. under a voluntary resettlement programme.
“Those approved will be provided with workforce training, healthcare, and accommodation support to jumpstart their lives in Rwanda, giving them the opportunity to contribute to one of the fastest-growing economies in the world over the last decade,” said Government Spokesperson Yolande Makolo.
Though Rwanda continues to position itself as a willing partner, it remains cautious. Kigali has repeatedly emphasised that any agreements must ensure dignity, voluntary participation, and long-term support for migrants.
The government retains the right to review and approve each individual proposed for relocation and insists on offering real opportunities for integration.
