The incident incident is one in a series of provocations, including a similar airspace violation that occurred on 7th November 2022, when a DRC fighter jet of the same type briefly touched down at Rubavu Airport before flying back to DRC.
The Government of Rwanda has through released statement disclosed that authorities have once again protested to the DRC Government against the violations of Rwandan airspace by DRC fighter jets.
It further reads that these repeated violations are against the spirit of Luanda and Nairobi peace initiatives.
“The authorities in the DRC seem to be emboldened by consistent coddling by some in the international community who repeatedly heap blame on Rwanda for any and all ills in the DRC, while ignoring the transgressions originating from the DRC. These provocations must stop,” adds the statement.
Apart from airspace violations, Rwanda reported other provocations this year including the shelling of rockets on Rwandan territory in collaboration with the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) at different times.
DRC soldiers also crossed into Rwanda shooting at Rwandan security forces at different times but were foiled and shot dead in self-defence.
Considering endured miserable life, their development seemed to be a fairy tale. The former Gikongoro Prefecture currently comprises two districts including Nyamagabe and Nyaruguru.
Their soil contained much acidity that yields were very low. Sources indicate that the name originated from crops’ disease or hunger occasioned by insufficient agricultural produce or regular pests ravaging crops.
Today, transformations are self-evident. The biting hunger has been eliminated while the name Abatebo has changed to wealthy people. The soil acidity has reduced that the area is covered with flourishing crops and tea grown for local consumption and export markets.
With the land area of 1090 square kilometers, the largest part of Nyamagabe District touches Nyungwe National Park which receives a large number of tourists to experience the Canopy Walkway, fauna and flora. The park’s management also helps them enjoy a memorable stay through hospitality establishments like One & Only Nyungwe House among others.
The development that has significantly impacted residents, stems from hard work by members of the private sector who relentlessly paid taxes over the past 25 years since Rwanda Revenue Authority (RRA) was established.
{{Education, health and social protection}}
Over the past 25 years, the country expended much effort to recover its economy which had been devastated following the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
This resilience journey went hand in hand with psychiatric among other initiatives to heal the wounds of Rwandans affected by the Genocide and strive for a united country looking forward to a shared future without ethnic divisions.
Transformations in Nyamagabe District cover different areas including the education sector. Several schools have been constructed in different sectors and reduced dropouts as students can access education near their doorsteps.
Under the 12 years basic education programme, over Rwf10 billion was allocated for construction of schools that Nyamagabe currently registers at least 5 schools in each sector.
The Mayor of Nyamagabe District, Hildebrand Niyomwungeri affirms that there has been a significant milestone regarding efforts to achieve universal access to education.
“Despite the fact that schools were very few before 25 years, each sector has at least not less than five schools. The number has significantly increased as we currently have more than 150 schools,” he said.
As for health sector, two hospitals including Kaduha and Kigeme were renovated and built.
Other health infrastructures built in the district include health centers, 40 health posts among others under construction.
New office buildings for cells and sectors also cost more than Rwf1 billion.
{{Eradicating hunger and improving soil productivity}}
Nyamagabe District was reported to be experiencing persistent hunger for long due to acidic soil that resulted in low agricultural yields.
Niyomwungeri affirms that dealing with hunger in Nyamagabe required considerable efforts through wetland restoration, land consolidation and application of organic fertilizers among others.
“Generally, we have achieved a lot in all aspects of citizens’ wellbeing that whoever visits the district after 25 years witnesses remarkable transformations,” he revealed.
Today, the acidic soil is efficiently used to grow various crops including Irish potatoes, wheat and tea and the agricultural produce has increased in no small part.
Niyomwungeri underscored that hunger that was reported in the district in 25 years has been eradicated and went in hand with reduction of stunting which currently stands at 33.6%.
Nyamagabe residents also attest that they have come a long way considering attained transformations.
“In the past, our yields were low. Today, we had access to lime and fertilizers that helped us to increase yields. This increased productivity in combination with infrastructure development in different areas bespeaks some of attained transformations,” said Eliphase Hakizimana from Gasaka Sector.
In a bid to uplift Nyamagabe residents from poverty, different infrastructures including seed collection centers, feeder roads, business center workshops to foster innovations and modern markets were constructed.
New power transmission lines, water distribution systems and tarmac roads are among other developed infrastructures.
Nyamagabe District officials have encouraged residents to continue contributing to national development through taxes to walk together towards a prosperous and shared future.
As for tea exports, Rwanda earned US$1,278,369 from 443 Megatonnes between 17th and 23rd December. The main countries of destinations were; Pakistan, Egypt, and the United Kingdom (UK).
Meanwhile, horticultural exports (fruits, vegetables and flowers) for last week amounted to 431 Megatonnes that generated US$848,042. Main countries of destination include Dubai, DRC, The Netherlands, and the UK.
Overall, figures from NAEB show that the country earned US$292,371 from animal products and US$1,458,189 from cereals, grains and flour.
Throughout the week, Rwanda also exported 829 Megatonnes of coffee that generated US$4,598,922 while roots and tubers generated US$149,462.
The average price of coffee was set at US$5.6 per kilogram.
Last week’s main destinations for coffee were UK, the Unites States and Switzerland.
Sources indicate that the fire erupted around 2:00 p.m. on Christmas.
Following the incident, Police officers from the Fire Brigade department rushed to intervene and put out the fire before spreading to other buildings.
Police Spokesperson, CP Kabera John Bosco has said that the fire only gutted two rooms of the building known as ‘Kwa Kabuga’. One was used as an office while another was vacant.
CP Kabera said that no one was injured except a table and chair damaged during the incident.
He went on to explain that the incident is suspected to have been triggered by electrical installation.
“The situation has been controlled and the building is now safe,” he said.
Apart from the traffic department, the building houses a branch of the armed forces bank, Zigama CSS and the Armed Forces Shop (AFOS).
It is for this reason that you would hear a lot of talk about online privacy but what exactly is that?
Well, online privacy is the level of privacy protection an individual has while connected to the Internet and it covers the amount of online security available for personal and financial data, communications, and preferences.
You might think it is not as serious until it happens to you but my mother got to experience something like it. In a generation of Facebook usage, her account was breached and there were a lot of things posted that were not decent or anything she would ever post herself.
Unfortunately, she did not know about it until people started messaging her that her posts were not appropriate and hence she started to dig in her feed to find what they were talking about, which she found and then went through the process of how to reverse the whole thing.
At least my sister was able to find a way to delete the posts and though my mom wanted to just give up completely on all things online with a few protection measures in place, she felt assured enough to keep using them.
Now you may wonder, what did those protection measures entail? We did the basic things.
For one, we changed passwords and created stronger ones that were not in use by any other of her socials and she had to keep remembering to log out of her account after using it.
Apart from the measures we took though, there are so many more these days to make sure that using the internet is safe.
So these are a few tips to protect your online privacy, using stronger passwords different for each account you have on different platforms.
Commit to sharing less personal data because the less you share, the safer it is for you.
Check your privacy setting. With many social networks today, you have some options to limit the ways data is collected or used, who can contact you or see your posts which can help to keep your personal data personal.
Limit sharing of location, even though it can help to find your way and such but leaving your location on often can give access to third parties and is often used to tailor ads and recommendations based on locations you have recently visited. So, feel free to deny whenever it is not necessary to turn on your location.
Keep your devices and apps up to date, keeping software current and up to date is the only way to make sure that your device is protected against the latest software vulnerabilities. By enabling automatic updates on your devices, you can be sure that your apps and operating system are always up to date which can be done in any phone settings.
And last but not least, be careful where you keep your passwords and what kind of links you open.
On Thursday, Agence France-Presse (AFP), a leading global news agency reported that it got the wind of a report of the United Nations (UN) experts on security problems in DRC confirming that Rwanda supported M23 rebel group in a fighting with Congolese Army (FARDC).
The report was questioned as to how it is leaked to the media before publication. Similar circumstances happened in July this year.
Rwanda has repeatedly denied the accusations of supporting the rebel group highlighting that the issue is a concern of DRC which failed to implement signed peace accords.
The Spokesperson of the Government of Rwanda, Yolande Makolo has via Twitter said that putting DRC’s problems to the shoulders of Rwanda won’t provide any solution.
“The policy of blaming Rwanda as a means to deflect blame and evade accountability for persistent governance failure in the DRC comes at a huge cost to citizens on both sides of our shared border,” she said.
The Deputy Spokesperson of the Government of Rwanda, Alain Mukuralinda on Thursday told TV5 Monde that Rwandan troops never cross the border but safeguard security of the country’s territory.
“Rwandan soldiers do not cross the border. They safeguard security of the country’s territory. Rwanda does not need to cross the border unless it is agreed with the Congolese government,” he said.
Mukuralinda said that Rwanda cannot comment on unpublished allegations.
Among other reforms, this financing will support the roll out of a new dynamic social registry which will ensure that critical social sector programs are targeted to those most in need and can be responsive to losses of livelihood or income when households face a range of crises. This foundational reform is also expected to improve efficiency in the spending of public resources and contribute to poverty reduction.
“This policy and institutional reform program has been the anchor of our support to the Government of Rwanda on human capital development, which has already yielded robust results on a large scale in health care, education, nutrition, and social protection,” said Rolande Pryce, World Bank Country Manager for Rwanda.
“Collaborating with the Government of Rwanda and working in step with other partners to bring about these reforms will lay a solid foundation for human capital being a key driver of Rwanda’s socioeconomic transformation and will help ensure no one is left behind,” she added.
The series has registered strong results despite the disruptions of the COVID-19 pandemic. For example, coverage of critical gender, child, and nutrition sensitive safety net schemes benefiting poor and vulnerable households under the Vision 2020 Umurenge Program has increased from 19 percent in March 2020 to 46 percent in September 2022. The proportion of young children now receiving a minimum package of integrated early childhood development services in accordance with national standards has expanded from 17 percent in 2020 to 62 percent in 2022.
Health sector financing reforms have ensured that over 86 percent of the target population has been covered by community-based health insurance as of May 2022, up from 69 percent in 2020. Teachers are being recruited more efficiently because of an increase in transparency of teacher management and recruitment policies, leading to better quality of teaching and teacher wellbeing.
The series has also been responsive to the COVID-19 pandemic. As of September 2022, 135,081 households, largely reliant on informal work, received emergency cash support to help tide over losses of income during the pandemic. About 59 percent of these recipients are women. With reforms in education, the sector prepared itself for more resilient service delivery, and managed to return about 99 percent of students to school after prolonged COVID-19-related closure.
“We expect that this series of development policy operations will have lasting benefits in Rwanda, including through the new social registry, a financially sustainable community-based health insurance scheme, and strengthened workforce management in both health facilities and schools,” said Kavita Watsa, World Bank Senior Human Development Operations Officer and Task Team Leader for this operation. “Going forward, Rwanda can also respond more flexibly to crises that affect poor and vulnerable households.”
The financing approved on 22nd December 2022, is part of broader ongoing support by the World Bank for health, education, and social protection in Rwanda.
The World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA), established in 1960, helps the world’s poorest countries by providing grants and low to zero-interest loans for projects and programs that boost economic growth, reduce poverty, and improve poor people’s lives.
IDA is one of the largest sources of assistance for the world’s 76 poorest countries, 39 of which are in Africa. Resources from IDA bring positive change to the 1.6 billion people who live in IDA countries. Since 1960, IDA has supported development work in 113 countries. Annual commitments have averaged about $21 billion over the last three years, with about 61 percent going to Africa.
He made the disclosure during an interview with Jeune Afrique in which he talked about regional security problems and process to strengthen ties with other countries including Rwanda.
President Ndayishimiye who also serves as the current Chairperson of the East African Community (EAC), has responsibilities to oversee the implementation of regional agreements to restore peace through Luanda and Nairobi processes among others.
Negotiations to de-escalate tensions between Rwanda and DRC held recently in Luanda left participants of the meeting asking M23 to cease fire, and withdraw from occupied areas but was allowed to remain on the country’s territory.
It was also resolved that M23 had to respect the decision and return to its initial positions not beyond along the line Sabyinyo Volcano in the areas of Bigega, Bugusa, Nyabikona, Mbuzi, Rutsiro and Nkokwe on the side of DRC.
It was agreed that the areas previously captured by M23 will be controlled by joint EAC forces after withdrawal of M23.
It is a great milestone reached for the first time by DR Congo as a country that had ignored the reality sounding alarms that M23 rebels are Rwandans who must return to Rwanda.
President Ndayishimiye said that achieving lasting peace cannot come by accident noting that trust and patience needed for M23 to lay down arms as requested have not yet been developed.
“As we requested M23 to withdraw, we also asked regional forces to prepare for deployment in those areas to protect citizens. During a meeting held in Washington, we discussed the issue again, reviewed reasons behind failure to implement resolutions and agreed again that M23 has to withdraw,” he said.
Ndayishimiye expressed confidence that M23 will respect Luanda resolutions as they are where Kenyan troops will be deployed in previously captured areas.
If M23 lies, he said, the situation will be assessed because regional forces won’t be able to occupy designated areas of operations without withdrawal of the rebel group which might lead to confrontations.
Ndayishimiye disclosed that the region does not need conflicts noting that sources make him believe that M23 are willing to stop fighting and go through a peaceful process.
The head of state makes the utterance at a time when some countries from the United States and Europe are ceaselessly releasing statements accusing Rwanda of being behind M23 rebel group and demanding the country to stop backing it.
On the other hand, the EAC has not yet accused Rwanda of supporting the rebel group but Ndayishimiye said that DRC does not know who the members of M23 are.
“The Government of Congo does not really know who the members of M23 are. In case they are brought together, disarmed and reintegrated, the process to assess their nationality would begin,” he said.
“Today, no one knows who the members of M23 are. Confusion remains. Before the beginning of the process, it will be hard to know who they are and determine everyone’s strength,” added Ndayishimye.
{{What is the origin of M23?}}
The eastern part of DRC is among regions with a large number of Kinyarwanda speaking citizens or Rwandophones. They are part of M23 rebel group’s members who arrived in the country many years ago.
Rwandophones currently make up 5% of the entire Congolese population. They mainly reside in eastern Congo in South and North Kivu provinces.
History shows that these citizens found themselves in DRC following border delimitations set out in Berlin Conference held on 15th November 1884 to discuss the partitioning of Africa.
Before the date, the areas of Goma, Masisi, Rutshuru and Idjwi Island were on Rwandan side.
They were joined to Congo-Belge through agreements between Germany and Belgium on 14th May 1910.
The partitioning also saw other parts of Rwanda in Northern and Eastern Provinces added to Uganda
It is under these circumstances that Rwanda lost a large number of citizens through the partitioning who found themselves in other countries but upheld their culture and language.
Apart from the large number of Rwandans left in Congo under the border delimitations, there is another group of citizens relocated to Congo between1937 and 1954 under an arrangement called ‘Mission Immigration Banyarwanda’ (M.I.B).
The changes introduced by colonizers was a revenge to Rwanda as a country that was benefitting from having a large number of people at the time with a belief that they can be sent to other countries with a small number of people to explore and exploit them.
Under the M.I.B, Rwandans were settled in Northern Kivu Province mainly in Masisi (Gishari, Mokoto, Muvunyi, Bigiri and Bafuna) and Rutshuru (in Mushari and Bwito).
The government issues the statement following accusations by DRC that it supports the aforementioned rebel group, an accusation which Rwanda has repeatedly denied and asked DRC to stop collaboration with the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR).
FDLR is a terrorist group formed by individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
It has been reported in collaboration with the Congolese Army (FARDC) and other groups operating in the eastern part of the country, hunting Tutsi, abusing their rights and killing them.
The United Nations Special Advisor on Genocide Prevention recently condemned the escalation of violence in eastern DR Congo, saying that it was a “warning sign” in a region where genocide happened in the past.
The coalition has seen bombs shelled on Rwandan territory at different times leaving people injured and properties destroyed.
Instead of responding to Rwanda’s concerns to stop the collaboration, DRC continues to externalize its problems to make Rwanda ‘a scapegoat’.
DRC’s accusations have been digested by different countries including the United States and France urging Rwanda to stop supporting M23, despite provided clarifications.
According to Rwanda, absorbing the false allegations sidetracks the attention to find a lasting solution to insecurity in eastern Congo.
In a statement released today, Rwanda has brought to light all circumstances of the situation and maintained that putting a blame on it, reflects lack of willingness on the part of the international community to deal with the root causes of conflict in Eastern DRC, and to demand true accountability from the state and non-state actors who are responsible for the resulting legacy of failure.
{{Below is the full statement:}}
Accusing Rwanda of support to the Congolese armed group M23 is wrong and distracts from the real cause of continued conflict in Eastern DRC, and its impact on the security of neighbouring states, including Rwanda.
It is a mistake to conflate the measures that Rwanda has put in place to guard its borders with support for any particular armed group in DRC. This tired old blame game undermines ongoing efforts by regional leaders to find lasting peace, particularly the Nairobi and Luanda initiatives, to which Rwanda is fully committed.
Like all states, Rwanda has a right to territorial integrity and reserves the right to defend its borders and citizens against cross-border attacks. Rwanda’s territorial integrity has been consistently violated over the years by both the FARDC and FDLR, including a brutal attack in October 2019 in Kinigi, a tourist area in Northern Rwanda, that killed 14 innocent villagers; several cross-border rocket shelling incidents earlier this year; incursions into Rwanda by soldiers of the Congolese armed forces; and an airspace violation by a Congolese fighter jet in November. This is in addition to the targeting of Rwanda’s border areas by FDLR as they fight alongside the FARDC against other armed groups in Eastern DRC.
There has been no accountability for the failure of the DRC Government to deal with the over 130 armed groups on its territory, the serious abuses against civilians committed by the Congolese armed forces and its auxiliary armed groups, including the genocidal remnant militia FDLR, which has been preserved for decades in the DRC. Authorities in DRC have also given license to virulent anti-Rwandophone and anti-Tutsi hate speech, public incitement, mob killings, and targeted violence, as detailed in reports of the UN and other regional and international organizations.
Rwanda is host to over 80,000 Congolese refugees living in camps, many for over 20 years. The international community should have the decency to address the persecution of a group of Congolese citizens, as well as how refugees of the same group can exercise their right to return safely to their country instead of languishing in refugee camps permanently.
Attempting to manage complex situations by simply repeating and amplifying false allegations of the DRC government cannot lead to solutions. Notably, the sensationalized “Kishishe massacre”, a fabrication of the DRC government that it attributed to M23, has quickly spread without any investigation of the facts by any credible entity, despite indications that the incident was in fact an armed confrontation between M23 and illegal armed groups allied to FARDC. This is symbolic of how the mess in the DRC has been encouraged and sustained for decades.
It is worth recalling that a United Nations peacekeeping operation, currently under MONUSCO, has been present in Eastern DRC for more than 22 years, at the cost of over US$1 billion a year, with little tangible results. Blaming Rwanda reflects an unwillingness on the part of the international community to face up to the root causes of conflict in Eastern DRC, and to demand true accountability from the state and non-state actors who are responsible for the resulting legacy of failure.
President Felix Tshisekedi came to power in 2019, they hoped for the end of refugee life nightmare experienced for more than 20 years.
However, the hope has been lost after three years where the refugees are warning about the extermination of their relatives who stayed in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
The fear for escalating genocide against Tutsi communities prompted over 19,000 refugees from Kiziba camp to stage protests on Wednesday, December 19, 2022, demanding the international community to put pressure on DRC to stop the killings.
The killings target Kinyarwanda speaking people from Tutsi communities, accused of being Rwandans or spies for M23, and all continue to be fueled by the hate speech of the country’s politicians.
Mariam, who has spent one year in the Kiziba camp told IGIHE that the root cause of insecurity in Eastern Congo is often ignored.
Despite fleeing because she was being hunted by Tutsi friends, this non-Tutsi woman says she does not blame the armed groups because insecurity began in Eastern Congo in 1994.
The woman who fled over being hunted for having Tutsi friends said that insecurity in eastern Congo is a complex problem as it involves the collaboration with those supposed to deal with the issue.
“Citizens, the international community and the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda [FDLR] have made a coalition that they cannot be separated. FDLR combatants had enough time to teach how to rape women, kill and hit children on walls among other evil things,” she said.
“I don’t know the pact Mobutu had with Habyarimana for the members of the FDLR to be more protected than the Congolese people. Today, President Tshisekedi, representing Congo, also decided to defend FDLR, confirming that it is no longer a problem. Until now, he has become the spokesperson of the FDLR,” added Mariam.
The FDLR is a terrorist group responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
It has been reported in collaboration with the Congolese Army (FARDC) and other groups operating in the eastern part of the country, hunting Tutsi, abusing their rights and killing them.
The United Nations Special Advisor on Genocide Prevention recently condemned the escalation of violence in eastern DR Congo, saying that it was a “warning sign” in a region where genocide happened in the past.
{{Destroyed country}}
Mariam believes there is an underlying reason behind the dealings between the FDLR and the Congolese government.
“Our enemy is the FDLR, why doesn’t Congo let them go? If they have a secret agreement signed without our knowledge, expel them to Rwanda from the eastern part of the country or take them to Ecuador where Habyarimana is buried,” she said.
Mpayukuri Kayira, who has spent 20 years in Kiziba camp, said that the massacre of Tutsis in the DRC recently reached his elder brother who was in the Congolese Army and killed because of his innate personality.
“Major Kaminzobe is my brother. He belonged to the Congolese Army and was killed by the government,” she revealed.
Mpayukuri said that the government watched over citizens as they killed and burned his brother.
The man who fled Rwanda at the age of 38, says that they lived well with other ethnic groups living in that country before the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
“They inherit the cruelty from Interahamwe and the FDLR. During Mobutu’s regime, we lived in harmony. Of course, they used to steal but they didn’t kill. Today, the country is destroyed,” he observed.
Alexis Ruhorimbere arrived in Rwanda in his childhood but has graduated from university while in a refugee camp.
Congolese politicians often make utterances that those claiming to be Kinyarwanda-speaking refugees are Rwandans with no rights to fight for Congolese nationality.
Although Ruhorimbere spent most of his life in Rwanda, he said that giving them temporary nationality will not stop them from striving to return to their homeland in case the international community continues to sit idly.
“It is neither the Congolese government that makes us Rwandans nor the language a person speaks that gives him citizenship. We are Congolese, our fathers and mothers were born there, and that is why the Congolese government is very wrong to call us Rwandans. If we were to be Rwandans today, we would not be in a refugee camp. We would be settled in villages and assume leadership positions like other citizens,” he noted.
The refugees have demanded the international community to denounce, stop the killing of their relatives in the country and return to their country.
“We ask the UN to take action and stop this massacre rather than folding arms as they did in Rwanda until a large number of people were brutally murdered,” said Ruhorimbere.
These Congolese refugees protested after their colleagues from the camps of Kigeme, Mugomba, and Mahama mounted demonstrations demanding the Congolese Government to stop killing their relatives and help them return to their homeland.
Rwanda hosts more than 70,000 Congolese refugees, including those who arrived for the first time in 1996.
