Lungu, who served as Zambia’s head of state from 2015 to 2021, died on June 5, 2025, in Pretoria while undergoing medical treatment. Plans for his burial in Johannesburg on June 25 were halted by the Pretoria High Court just hours before a private funeral ceremony was set to begin.
The Zambian government had approached the South African court to block the burial in South Africa, arguing that Lungu, as a former president, should be accorded a state funeral in Lusaka, the Zambian capital, consistent with the tradition for all presidents since independence in 1964.
The dispute arose because Lungu’s family wished to bury him in South Africa without the presence of his successor, President Hakainde Hichilema, a longtime political rival. The family claimed Lungu did not want Hichilema to attend the funeral. However, the Zambian government insisted that as a former head of state, Lungu belonged to the nation and should be honoured with a state funeral at a designated site in Lusaka.
On Friday, the judge in Pretoria ruled that Lungu’s remains must be handed over to a representative of Zambia’s court system to facilitate repatriation. The decision brought relief to the government but was an emotional moment for Lungu’s family, with his sister Bertha Lungu visibly moved by the ruling.
The conflict over Lungu’s final resting place is the latest chapter in a prolonged political feud between the former president and his successor, which has now extended beyond Lungu’s death.
Initially, both the government and the family had agreed on a state funeral, but disagreements over the ceremony’s logistics and symbolism led to the family planning a private burial in South Africa. This prompted the government to seek legal intervention to reclaim control of the process.
In its court filing, the Zambian government argued that private wishes should not supersede national interests, citing a precedent from 2021 when the family of Zambia’s founding president, Kenneth Kaunda, also opposed a state funeral, but the court overruled them.
The company says the new system significantly reduces common AI pitfalls such as hallucinations, inconsistent instruction-following, and sycophancy, where models agree with users uncritically rather than providing fact-based responses.
GPT-5 is built as a unified system that can decide when to respond quickly and when to “think” for complex problems. A real-time router evaluates the complexity of each prompt, the tools required, and user intent—for example, when someone explicitly asks it to “think hard” about a question.
“Once usage limits are reached, a mini version of each model will handle the remaining queries,” OpenAI said in a blog post on Thursday, August 7, 2025, adding that it eventually plans to incorporate these capabilities into a single, integrated model.
The upgrade boosts performance in three of ChatGPT’s most popular uses: writing, coding, and health.
For developers, OpenAI says GPT-5 delivers its strongest coding abilities yet, capable of handling complex front-end projects, debugging large repositories, and producing more refined designs in layout, typography, and white space. The company highlights its ability to generate fully functional, visually polished websites, apps, and games from a single prompt.
A key focus of GPT-5 is minimising sycophancy, ensuring the model delivers independent, evidence-based answers rather than mirroring user beliefs. Combined with reduced hallucinations, OpenAI says this makes the system more trustworthy and useful for factual, high-stakes queries.
GPT-5 is available now to all ChatGPT users, with Plus subscribers getting higher usage limits and Pro subscribers gaining access to GPT-5 Pro, a variant with extended reasoning capabilities for more complex and detailed queries.
{{How GPT-5 compares with its rivals
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The launch comes amid intensifying competition in the AI sector. Google’s Gemini Ultra and Meta’s LLaMA 3 have made significant gains, forcing OpenAI to push performance forward to maintain its edge.
Against Gemini Ultra, GPT-5 is competitive on reasoning and coding but still faces a rival strong in real-time web access, multimedia handling, and deep integration with Google’s ecosystem.
Against LLaMA 3, GPT-5 offers far larger context windows (up to one million tokens versus around 32,000) and better out-of-the-box performance, while Meta’s open-source model appeals to developers wanting full control and customisation.
On the other hand, compared to xAI’s Grok, GPT-5 boasts superior multimodal capabilities and an advanced reasoning router for complex problem-solving. Grok focuses on real-time interaction within Elon Musk’s X ecosystem, emphasising conversational AI that blends social media engagement with language tasks. While Grok is rapidly evolving, GPT-5 currently leads in versatility and the breadth of applications beyond social platforms.
According to analysts, OpenAI needed GPT-5 to address longstanding user complaints, most notably hallucinations, memory limitations, and the tendency to agree with incorrect statements. The company is also looking to advance toward artificial general intelligence (AGI) while defending market share from rapidly improving rivals.
Dr. Bizimana was born in Burundi on February 10, 1968. He holds both a Bachelor’s and a Master’s degree in International Relations from the Higher Institute of International Relations and Cooperation (IRIC) in Cameroon, where he conducted research on “Armed Conflicts and Environmental Protection in the Great Lakes Region.”
He began his career at Burundi’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 2004, serving as Adviser to the Director General in charge for Europe and North America. After two years, he was appointed Deputy Director in charge of protocol at the Vice President’s office.
From 2007 to 2010, Dr. Bizimana served as First Counselor at Burundi’s Embassy in the United States. In February 2012, he became Director of Regional and International Organizations at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, before briefly heading the department responsible for political parties.
In June 2012, Dr. Bizimana was appointed Ambassador of Burundi to Germany, serving until 2016 when he was appointed Ambassador to Russia. In 2022, he was named one of the special envoys of President Evariste Ndayishimiye.
Dr. Bizimana’s Position on the FDLR Amid Rwanda-Burundi tensions
As relations between Rwanda and Burundi deteriorated, Dr. Edouard Bizimana, a key political figure within President Evariste Ndayishimiye’s administration and other senior institutions, has consistently targeted Rwanda both openly and covertly.
Whenever the Rwandan leadership addresses regional conflicts, Dr. Bizimana is quick to respond, often driven by personal sentiments rooted in hostility and attempts to discredit Rwanda within the international community.
In early July 2025, President Paul Kagame told journalists that Rwanda was ready to comply with the commitments made in the peace agreement signed with the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in Washington in June.
President Kagame clarified that although the DRC had signed prior agreements, it failed to honor them, and Rwanda was waiting to see if the DRC would dismantle the FDLR rebel group as promised in Washington.
At that time, Dr. Bizimana took to the social media platform X (formerly Twitter), declaring that the FDLR was merely a pretext used by Rwanda. He suggested that President Kagame’s assertion about the DRC’s failure to comply with previous agreements reflected a lack of genuine intent, stating, “The FDLR card no longer works.”
On July 3, Rwandan Félix Mugenzi posted on X that Presidents Ndayishimiye and Félix Tshisekedi of the DRC were empowering the FDLR to continue plundering natural resources. Dr. Bizimana responded by claiming the rebel group no longer posed a threat.
He stated, “The FDLR is no longer a problem for Rwanda; it is just an excuse for Rwanda to exploit the DRC. Your lies will no longer stand.”
Mugenzi’s comments were based on multiple reports highlighting that the Burundi government had long collaborated with armed groups opposing the Rwandan government, including the FDLR—particularly since bilateral relations soured in late 2023.
While Dr. Bizimana insists that the FDLR no longer threatens the region, the United Nations Security Council’s peace and security committee has repeatedly indicated that the group remains a destabilizing force in eastern DRC and reaffirmed the need for its disbandment.
{{Burundian not attacking Rwanda faces backlash}}
On April 16, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner, addressed the United Nations Security Council, stating that the 1994 genocide against the Hutu in Burundi should be officially recognized.
Frédéric Gateretse Ngoga, a Burundian ambassador serving at the African Union’s Department of Political Affairs, Peace, and Security, refuted Kayikwamba’s claim, arguing that no genocide against the Hutu occurred in Burundi during the time it was led by a Hutu president, Sylvestre Ntibantunganya.
Ambassador Ngoga, who previously served as Burundi’s ambassador, said, “My sister Kayikwamba, this is not true. Our president at the time was Sylvestre Ntibantunganya, a Hutu. On the other hand, read the UN reports. There was no genocide against the Hutu in Burundi.”
Following this, Dr. Edouard Bizimana sharply criticized Ambassador Ngoga, accusing him of working in favor of Rwanda, alleging that Ngoga had never condemned the statements made by Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and Regional Cooperation, Olivier Nduhungirehe, about Burundi.
Dr. Bizimana stated, “Frédéric Gateretse serves Rwanda’s interests, a country that attacks the DRC, and tramples the African Union’s principles while pretending to be its spokesperson. I have never heard him condemn the harsh words of Olivier Nduhungirehe against Burundi and the FNL.”
Subsequently, the DRC Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued an apology clarifying that Minister Kayikwamba did not intend to assert that a genocide against the Hutu occurred in Burundi in 1994, but rather referred to the events of 1972.
{{Accusations against Uganda}}
On February 16, the Chief of Defence Forces of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, publicly expressed support for the reasons behind the M23 rebels taking up arms following their capture of Bukavu city.
At that time, General Muhoozi admired the fast advances, noting that Ugandans were not involved in the war.
In response, Dr. Edouard Bizimana stated, “Sending your troops to invade another country is unacceptable behavior. The higher you climb the tree, the worse your fall will be, and it exposes your vulnerability. The world is watching you.”
Later that month, Dr. Bizimana revealed that during the East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) meeting held on February 8, Presidents Paul Kagame of Rwanda and Yoweri Museveni of Uganda expressed doubts about the borders of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), saying, “This fuels a dangerous situation.”
The diplomat explained that Burundi has long demonstrated to the international community that the conflict in eastern DRC is different from what people think, implying that Rwanda and Uganda have involvement in the conflict.
He stated, “At the EAC and SADC meeting in Dar es Salaam, SADC leaders appeared troubled by Museveni and Kagame’s positions, raising questions about their commitment to peace in the DRC. Attempts to alter colonial-era borders will create further problems.”
Dr. Bizimana continued to criticize the Ugandan government, telling General Muhoozi that even if the troops he commands reached Kinshasa, they would retreat just as they did during the fight against Mobutu Sese Seko’s regime.
{{Withdrawal of SADC troops proved costly}}
In late 2023, troops from the Southern African Development Community (SADC), deployed from South Africa, Tanzania, and Malawi, were sent to eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to combat the M23 armed rebel group, which was continuing to seize large territories.
These SADC forces had replaced troops from the East African Community (EAC), who were tasked with monitoring the opposing parties to facilitate peace talks held in Nairobi, Kenya.
President Evariste Ndayishimiye of Burundi, who led the EAC at the time, supported President Félix Tshisekedi’s call for EAC troops to directly engage M23 positions. He also deployed Burundian soldiers to the Masisi territory to assist the DRC forces, disregarding a regional decision made by heads of state.
In January 2025, SADC troops suffered defeats in Goma and Sake. By March, SADC heads of state decided to withdraw the troops, concluding that only political dialogue could end the conflict.
Following the defeats in North Kivu, Burundi maintained its forces in South Kivu, continuing to cooperate with DRC troops based on an agreement signed in August 2023.
In June 2025, Dr. Edouard Bizimana, then working in President Ndayishimiye’s office, expressed regret over the withdrawal of the majority of SADC forces from eastern DRC. He openly disagreed with the regional leaders who decided that political dialogue was the only solution.
Dr. Bizimana stated, “Supporting peace and security by withdrawing troops? What a defeat!”
It is clear that Minister Bizimana continues to take the same stance he had while serving in President Ndayishimiye’s office. This suggests that reconciliation between Rwanda and Burundi may face challenges soon, especially since such inflammatory statements undermined the promising talks initiated in March 2025.
The UN offices recently accused AFC/M23 of involvement in the deaths of 169 and 319 civilians in several localities within Rutshuru Territory between July 9 and 21, 2025. AFC/M23 dismissed the claims as unsubstantiated and politically motivated.
In a statement released on Thursday night, AFC/M23 questioned the credibility of the UN report, noting that many of the cited areas located within Virunga National Park are protected zones where farming is prohibited. The group argued that the alleged civilian massacres could not have occurred in “nonexistent farmlands,” calling into question the validity of the allegations.
AFC/M23 also criticised the UNJHRO’s investigative approach, accusing it of relying on sources aligned with the Kinshasa government without conducting independent verification. The group condemned the UN for allegedly releasing the report before AFC/M23 could respond, which they say fueled misinformation amplified by media outlets such as Reuters.
Furthermore, AFC/M23 challenged the OHCHR’s reliance on reports from armed groups and local organisations with no presence in the affected areas, including Wazalendo, FDLR, and the Rutshuru Territory Youth Council. The group called for an independent investigation and invited the UN offices to participate.
The statement also accused the UN of selectively ignoring documented atrocities committed by the Congolese government forces and their allies, including massacres of Banyamulenge and Hema communities, drone strikes on civilian areas, and repression of dissent.
“AFC/M23 strongly condemns this biased report, which propagates misinformation and undermines peace efforts. We hereby demand the immediate retraction of Report BCNUDH/OD/138/2025 and a public apology, as well as an independent investigation into the origins of these false allegations and internal accountability at the UNJHRO,” said the rebel coalition’s spokesperson, Lawrence Kanyuka.
The group has also urged the UN to address bias and ensure equal scrutiny of all parties involved in violations.
“AFC/M23 remains committed to protecting civilians and will not tolerate defamation or political weaponisation by institutions mandated to uphold impartiality,” he added.
The rebel group controls large swathes of territory in eastern DRC and is currently engaged in talks with the Kinshasa administration through a Qatar-led process aimed at ending the longstanding stalemate, which they attribute to the marginalisation and persecution of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities.
The 53-year-old, who had been living in Norway under the false identity of Franky Dusabe, was received and subsequently arrested at Kigali International Airport on Friday morning.
According to the NPPA, he was born in 1972 in Bitabage Cell, Ndaro Sector, Ngororero District, in Rwanda’s Western Province. At the time of the genocide, he was a student living in the same district.
In 2007, the Gacaca Court of Nyange convicted him in absentia, sentencing him to 19 years in prison for his role in the Genocide against the Tutsi. The NPPA says he will now face trial before Rwandan courts.
His return follows a lengthy legal battle in Norway. Gasana was arrested in Oslo in October 2022 after an investigation by the Norwegian Criminal Investigation Service (Kripos). The Oslo Court approved his extradition in September 2023, a decision upheld by the appellate court in April 2024 and later by the Supreme Court in June 2024. The Norwegian Ministry of Justice and Cabinet gave final approval in February 2025, paving the way for his handover.
Norwegian police attorney Thea Elize Kjaeraas stated in June that Gasana’s extradition was in line with Norway’s commitment to international agreements, including United Nations conventions on preventing genocide.
In its statement, the NPPA expressed appreciation for Norway’s cooperation.
“The National Public Prosecution Authority of Rwanda thanks the cooperation of the judicial authorities of Norway in the fight against crimes in general, as well as their role in the fight against the culture of impunity,” NPPA spokesperson Nkusi Faustin said in a statement.
Gasana’s extradition adds to a growing list of genocide fugitives returned to Rwanda in recent years, as the country continues its pursuit of justice for the 1994 atrocities.
Among the most recent cases is that of Ahmed Napoleon Mbonyunkiza, who was extradited from the United States in March this year. Other genocide suspects previously deported by the U.S. to Rwanda include Dr. Léopold Munyakazi (2016), Marie Claire Mukeshimana (2011), Jean Mary Vianney Mudahinyuka (2011), and Enos Iragaba Kagaba (2005).
On August 7, 2025, the NIDA officially launched a pre-enrollment platform that allows citizens to verify or correct their existing civil registration records.
This step marks the beginning of preparations for the issuance of the new digital IDs. The verification process is expected to be extended to local communities across the country, down to the cell level, to ensure that every citizen can conveniently confirm their personal information. Individuals with internet access can also complete the process online through the IremboGov platform.
Once their details are verified, citizens will receive a unique code granting them permission to submit their biometric data, which is required for the new digital ID.
The Director General of the National Identification Agency (NIDA), Josephine Mukesha, stated that the digital ID system is a step toward resolving all existing issues found in civil registration data.
“As of today, there are people whose national IDs show their date of birth as January 1st, even though they have documents that clearly indicate different actual birthdates. What we’re asking is that they bring those documents so we can correct the information, ensuring that their digital ID reflects accurate data,” she said.
“We are currently in the process of verifying and confirming citizens’ personal information. The full digital ID system is expected to become operational in June next year,” Mukesha added.
The digital ID project is part of a larger national program being implemented in partnership with the World Bank. The total investment stands at approximately Frw 200 billion, with Frw 40 billion specifically allocated to the development of the digital ID infrastructure.
The initiative spans a three-year timeline and received Frw 5.4 billion for the 2024/2025 fiscal year. In 2025/2026, it has been allocated Frw 12.2 billion.
The digital ID will be offered in multiple formats: as a physical card similar to the current national ID, as a QR code that can be stored on digital devices such as smartphones and computers, and as a secure digital token that serves a unique function different from the traditional ID number. This approach aims to give users more flexibility and accessibility while strengthening identity security.
Unlike the existing system, which captures only a facial photo, a signature, and two fingerprints, the new ID will gather a more comprehensive set of biometric and demographic data.
This includes a high-resolution facial scan, fingerprints from all ten fingers, an iris scan, the individual’s full name, date and place of birth, the names of their parents, and contact details such as phone numbers and email addresses where available.
The process for children is age-specific: those from birth to age five will have only a facial photo taken, while children aged five and above will undergo full biometric data capture.
All minors under the age of eighteen must be accompanied by a parent or guardian during the process. Once children reach the age of sixteen, their biometric data will be updated to reflect physical changes. For individuals with disabilities or missing biometric features, the system has been designed to detect and adjust accordingly, capturing only the available data.
Given the sensitive nature of the information involved, the government has prioritized data privacy and security. State-of-the-art technology will be employed to ensure that personal data is stored safely and accessed only by authorized personnel.
A dedicated security team will monitor the system daily to prevent unauthorized access or misuse. One of the most significant innovations of this system is that it gives citizens full control over how their data is shared.
Depending on the service required, different institutions may request different types of information, but access will only be granted with the user’s explicit consent.
John Ndanyuzwe, a data management specialist at NIDA and one of the key figures overseeing the implementation of the digital ID project, highlighted the confidentiality framework built into the system.
He explained that, for example, if a person visits a bar where age verification is required, the system will simply confirm whether the individual is of legal age without revealing the exact date of birth.
This minimizes unnecessary data exposure while still enabling access to services. To support this feature, a mobile application will be introduced, allowing citizens to manage their privacy preferences and grant access to specific data on a case-by-case basis.
Rwandans living abroad have also been considered in the rollout. Identity verification services will be made available at Rwandan embassies around the world, followed by issuance of the digital ID.
Citizens will be informed in advance by their respective diplomatic missions about when and where the process will take place. In addition to Rwandan nationals, the new digital ID will also be issued to foreign residents, refugees, asylum seekers, stateless persons, abandoned children, and temporary visitors who need access to services while in the country.
The digital ID is expected to significantly streamline access to essential services by centralizing personal information and eliminating the need for citizens to carry multiple documents.
It will also reduce associated costs such as travel expenses and document printing, as many services will become accessible remotely and securely.
Beyond convenience, the system represents a major step forward in modernizing governance and fostering trust, transparency, and efficiency across Rwanda’s service delivery landscape.
The session provided updates on Rwanda’s internal and external security situation, as well as the RDF’s ongoing contributions to UN peacekeeping missions and bilateral military operations.
In his welcoming remarks, Brig Gen Patrick Karuretwa, Director General of International Military Cooperation at the Ministry of Defence, emphasised that the security brief held, helps in strengthening mutual understanding and contributes to collaborative approach to promote peace across the region and beyond.
Following a series of presentations, and an extensive interactive session, the representative of the DA Association, Brig Gen Emmanuel Shillingi said that they were grateful for regular security briefings and reiterated that they provide invaluable insights into the host nation’s perspectives, as well as internal and regional security dynamics.
He also affirmed their commitment to strengthening, promoting and preserving cooperation and mutual understanding as partners in development.
The event was attended by 22 Defence Attachés and Associates representing various countries and international organisations.
These include Angola, China, Denmark, Egypt, Ethiopia, France, Japan, Jordan, Mauritania, Namibia, Qatar, South Korea, Tanzania, Uganda, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, Zambia, Zimbabwe, the European Union (EU), and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC).
Israel intended to take control of all of Gaza to “assure our security, remove Hamas there, enable the population to be free of Gaza,” Netanyahu said on Thursday in an interview with Fox News ahead of the Security Cabinet meeting.
“We don’t want to keep it. We want to have a security perimeter. We want to hand it over to Arab forces that will govern it properly without threatening us and giving Gazans a good life,” he said.
In response, Hamas said in a statement that it considers Netanyahu’s statements to represent “a clear reversal of the course of negotiations and reveal the true motives behind his withdrawal from the final round.”
At least 9,752 Palestinians have been killed and 40,004 others injured since Israel renewed its intensive strikes in Gaza on March 18, bringing the total death toll since October 2023 to 61,258, and injuries to 152,045, Gaza-based health authorities said Thursday.
The wildfire, dubbed the Canyon fire, broke out around 1:25 p.m. local time (2025 GMT) near Piru, a small historic town located in eastern Ventura County and around 77 km northwest of Los Angeles. The blaze grew rapidly to over 1,000 acres (around 4.05 square km) in hours with no containment, according to the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection (Cal Fire).
Local officials issued multiple evacuation orders and warnings for some communities near the fire in Ventura and Los Angeles counties.
“Immediate threat to life. This is a lawful order to LEAVE NOW. The area is lawfully closed to public access,” said Cal Fire in its evacuation orders.
“The Canyon Fire is spreading fast under extreme heat and dry conditions near Ventura-LA County line,” said Los Angeles County Supervisor Kathryn Barger in a post on X, urging residents in the area to “take evacuation orders seriously — when first responders say GO, leave immediately.”
The temperature in the area reached 37.8 degrees Celsius on Thursday, with 15-17 percent humidity, according to the U.S. National Weather Service.
The arrest took place on Thursday, August 7, 2025, in Kigali. RIB confirmed that the suspects are currently being held at Kimihurura and Kicukiro RIB stations as investigations continue.
The suspects are accused of abusing their positions for personal gain and engaging in practices that violate both the law and ethical standards in public service.
Prof. Munyaneza had served as WASAC’s CEO until July 2025, when he was replaced following concerns over the corporation’s management and service delivery.
RIB said the arrests followed credible reports and evidence provided by citizens and stakeholders, commending members of the public who came forward to report the alleged misconduct.
If found guilty, the suspects could face penalties under Rwanda’s anti-corruption laws, which impose heavy prison sentences and fines for public officials found guilty of abusing their office.
RIB reiterated its commitment to fighting corruption and unethical practices in all public institutions, calling on the public to continue reporting any suspicious activities that undermine transparency and good governance.
Prof. Munyaneza, born in 1973, holds a PhD in Hydrology and Water Resources Engineering Management from the IHE Delft Institute for Water Education in the Netherlands.
He has extensive experience in water management, having taught the subject for many years at the University of Rwanda. He also previously served as Chairperson of the Board of Directors at WASAC.
