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The newly formed unit has been trained in civilian protection, street-level law enforcement, crowd control, and crime investigation. Officers have also been equipped with the necessary tools to carry out their duties.

Speaking at the launch on Sunday, Gen. Makenga stressed that the unit must operate differently from the Congolese government forces, which he accused of corruption, abuse of authority, and discrimination against citizens.

“I ask you to be a police force different from the others we face, different from those troops who fail in their duties, beat people, kill, steal, are corrupt, and discriminate against citizens. That is not the police,” he said.

Gen. Makenga further emphasised discipline and professionalism, urging officers to act as a mirror of the movement and to earn the trust of local communities.

“Be a people’s police; do not be feared, be approachable, and help them,” he said.

He called on the officers to support citizens who have long suffered under the DRC government, providing assistance without discrimination and demonstrating effective governance.

The AFC/M23 controls large swaths of territory in eastern DRC, including the strategic cities of Goma and Bukavu. Following the establishment of civil administration and the police force, the group plans to set up a judicial system in the future.

According to AFC/M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka, the assaults began on the night of Wednesday, August 27, 2025, when forces from the Congolese army (FARDC), the Burundian military, Imbonerakure militia, FDLR fighters, Mai Mai,Wazalendo militia, and foreign mercenaries launched attacks in Mikenke, Minembwe highlands, and parts of Kalehe Territory.

“Since the night of August 27, the coalition of Kinshasa government forces has been indiscriminately bombing heavily populated areas in Minembwe [Mikenke] and Kalehe [Katana, Kavumu, Katasomwa, Nyabibwe], using CH-4 drones and heavy weapons. The attacks are still ongoing,” Kanyuka said.

The MRDP-Twirwaneho movement confirmed that drones, allegedly operated by mercenaries, first struck Rugezi in southern Minembwe around 1:00 a.m., damaging telecommunication infrastructure.

Additional bombardments were reported in Kahololo village in the Itombwe mountains of Fizi Territory and in Uvira, with reports suggesting Kinshasa had issued direct orders to target Banyamulenge-inhabited villages in Minembwe.

These strikes follow earlier attacks in Kadasomwa on August 26–27 and in Minembwe on August 27, which AFC says resulted in significant civilian casualties.

AFC/M23 argued that the escalation proves President Félix Tshisekedi and his allies have chosen war instead of pursuing negotiations facilitated by Qatar.

The group also reaffirmed that it would continue to “protect and defend civilians” in eastern DRC.

Dr. Kabaasha was appointed CEO of WASAC Group during the Cabinet meeting of July 16, 2025, succeeding Prof. Omar Munyaneza, who had held the position since September 2023.

With more than 10 years of experience in water distribution, Dr. Kabaasha held roles in various government institutions that later merged to form today’s WASAC Group, where he has served since 2007.

In an exclusive interview with IGIHE, he underscored the urgent need to improve water distribution efficiency and reduce the amount of water lost before reaching consumers losses that could otherwise be put to productive use.

{{IGIHE: How prepared are you to take on your new responsibilities?}}

{{Dr. Kabaasha:}}

I am honored to be entrusted with the responsibility of leading WASAC Group. I sincerely thank His Excellency, President Paul Kagame, for the confidence he has placed in me. I accepted these duties with the full understanding that water is life, it is not just another service.

Drawing on my experience and commitment to serving my country, I am fully prepared to deliver on this mandate.

{{What are key areas that require more effort to ensure that Rwandans have reliable access to clean water?}}

In my view, four priorities stand out. First, professional service delivery is key. As WASAC staff, we must enhance the way we work by adopting modern technologies and developing robust water, sanitation, and hygiene infrastructure. This will allow us to provide reliable, high-quality, and customer-friendly services.

Secondly, we need to place citizens at the center. Our people deserve better services. I will focus on listening to their feedback, providing them with accurate and reliable information, explaining the challenges we sometimes face in service delivery, and ensuring timely responses to their concerns.

Integrity and accountability come third. Every decision we make will be guided by wisdom, honesty, and the public interest. Our ultimate goal is to deliver dependable services built on trust.

Lastly, there is a need to invest in employees. WASAC staff are the institution’s greatest asset. They are central to achieving all organizational goals. I will prioritize staff welfare and foster a positive work environment where they can perform with dedication, showcase their talents, and grow professionally.

{{In recent weeks, different parts of the country have been experiencing water shortages. What is causing this?
}}

Indeed, there is currently a significant shortage of water across the country, particularly in Kigali City. Two main factors are responsible.

First, the dry season has led to a drastic reduction in water levels in the River Nyabarongo compared to previous years, which has in turn reduced the supply capacity of the Kanzenze water treatment plant.

Second, the demand for water among residents has sharply increased during this period.
To mitigate the situation, WASAC Group implemented a water rationing program. However, recent assessments have shown that challenges remain. Some neighborhoods have consistent water access, while others especially in Kicukiro District in Kigali go long periods without any supply.

To address this imbalance, WASAC Group is currently reviewing and improving its water distribution strategy to ensure that areas frequently facing shortages can receive a more reliable supply.

{{What measures are being taken to ensure that everyone has access to clean water?}}

Generally, there is still a gap between the demand for water and WASAC Group’s supply capacity. This challenge worsens during prolonged dry seasons.

In the short term, our solutions include revising the water rationing program and reducing losses caused by leakages, so that all water produced actually reaches the population as intended. We also want to ensure rationing is applied fairly across all communities.

Long-term strategies focus on two main aspects: implementing new projects to build additional water treatment plants and upgrading existing ones to expand capacity nationwide. At the same time, we are working to reduce water losses, which currently stand at more than 38%, to at least 25–30%.

{{Water losses along the network are significant. What is being done to address this?}}

Indeed, WASAC currently has a Non-Revenue Water (NRW) level of about 38%. Over the years, we have worked with several development partners to address this issue. For example, in Rwamagana and Nyagatare branches, we partnered with a Dutch organization called VEI, and water losses were significantly reduced.

Similarly, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) supported WASAC in cutting water losses at the Kacyiru branch in Kigali.

These interventions will now be scaled up and applied across other branches in Kigali before the end of this year. We expect this will help bring water losses in the city down from 38% to between 25% and 30%.

{{What progress has been made with the project to install leak detection machines (SCADA)?}}

Currently, SCADA systems are already in use at WASAC’s water treatment plants and in some reservoirs. However, using SCADA specifically to detect damaged water pipelines is still at the pilot stage. We are also seeking partners to help us implement this project at full scale.

What are the major projects currently underway to address Rwanda’s persistent water challenges?
We have several projects across the country aimed at increasing the supply of water and ensuring it reaches the population.

One of these is the project to rehabilitate and expand the Karenge Water Treatment Plant. Once completed, the plant’s capacity will rise from the current 12,000 cubic meters per day to 36,000 cubic meters per day. The water produced will serve the City of Kigali and Rwamagana District.

Another project is the rehabilitation and expansion of the Ntora-Remera water pipeline. This project will rehabilitate and extend 190 kilometers of pipelines in Kigali City, particularly in Gasabo District (Gisozi, Remera, Kinyinya, and Kacyiru Sectors), helping to address the existing water shortages.
There is also a project to rehabilitate the Nzove I Water Treatment Plant, which will then have a capacity of 40,000 cubic meters of water per day.

Outside Kigali, there is the Kivu Belt Water Supply Project. It involves constructing a water treatment plant with a capacity of 13,000 cubic meters per day and laying 125 kilometers of water pipelines. This project is expected to increase water supply in Rubengera and Bwishyura Sectors in Karongi District.

The Muhazi Water Supply Project will establish a water treatment plant with a capacity of 12,000 cubic meters per day and build 256 kilometers of pipelines. This project will benefit residents of five sectors in Gatsibo District (Remera, Rugarama, Kiziguro, Kiramuruzi, and Murambi) and three sectors in Kayonza District (Rukara, Murundi, and Gahini).

There is also the Volcano Belt Water Supply Project, which will rehabilitate and expand the Mutobo Water Treatment Plant, raising its capacity from 12,500 cubic meters per day to 43,000 cubic meters per day, along with constructing 178 kilometers of pipelines. Once completed, the project will increase water supply in Musanze, Nyabihu, and Rubavu Districts.

Finally, we are also focusing on the Huye-Nyaruguru-Gisagara Water Supply Project, which will have a capacity of 24,000 cubic meters per day and involve the construction of 473 kilometers of water pipelines.

{{Do you consider prepaid water systems a sustainable solution?}}

Yes, prepaid water systems are a promising solution. They allow customers to monitor their water usage and avoid accumulating arrears. For WASAC, they ensure faster and more efficient revenue collection.

A pilot program has already started at 200 public water taps in Kigali and the Eastern Province. After proving effective, we are now seeking funding to expand prepaid systems to more public taps nationwide.

Additionally, WASAC has invited companies manufacturing household prepaid meters to conduct a six-month pilot program beginning in October this year. The results will provide key insights for deciding on a large-scale rollout to households.

{{Are smart meters still part of your vision?}}

Yes, smart meters remain part of our future strategy. We plan to test two types: prepaid meters (pay-before-use) and postpaid meters (which automatically transmit usage data without requiring WASAC staff to manually read them monthly). These solutions will improve transparency, minimize errors, and enhance customer service.

{{Why is water pricing for large institutions and industries considered very high?}}

It is often said that industrial water tariffs are too high, but this is not entirely accurate. Water tariffs are determined based on the actual costs of treatment, distribution, and ensuring sustainable service delivery.

For industries, one cubic meter of water (equivalent to 50 jerrycans) costs 736 RWF (excluding VAT). Considering the costs involved in producing and delivering reliable water, this rate is not excessive.

Speaking on Thursday, August 28, 2025, during a Business Leaders’ Roundtable, President Chapo shared that his journey to Kigali required a stopover in Addis Ababa, describing the detour as unnecessary and a hindrance to closer cooperation.

The meeting, organized by the Rwanda Development Board, aimed to explore new avenues for investment and strengthen collaboration between the two countries.

Chapo praised President Paul Kagame for the invitation to Rwanda and commended the role of Rwandan troops in helping to restore peace in Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado Province, urging business leaders to build on that achievement.

He noted that Mozambique has vast fertile land that can feed Rwanda and beyond, as well as opportunities in energy, maritime resources, and industry. He encouraged Rwandan investors to consider Mozambique as a destination for investment.

Using his own travel experience to illustrate Africa’s air transport challenges, President Chapo explained that he had passed through Addis Ababa before landing in Kigali.

He revealed that he had already raised the issue with President Kagame, proposing the establishment of direct flights between the two capitals.

“We face challenges in connecting our countries through air travel. To get here, we first had to pass through Addis Ababa before coming to Kigali. The other possible option was to go through Johannesburg. Yesterday, I told my counterpart, President Kagame, that we need to establish direct flights linking Maputo and Kigali,” he noted.

At present, airlines such as Ethiopian Airlines and Kenya Airways operate on the route (Kigali-Maputo), but passengers are forced to connect through other cities.

President Chapo began his state visit to Rwanda on Wednesday, August 27, 2025, holding talks with President Kagame and visiting the Kigali Genocide Memorial.

The first day was also marked by signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the Rwanda Development Board (RDB) and Mozambique’s Investment and Export Promotion Agency (APIEX), signed by RDB Chief Executive Officer Jean-Guy Afrika and Mozambique’s High Commissioner to Rwanda, Amade Miquidade.

The MoU aims to expand trade and investment in sectors like agriculture, tourism, and industry, building on prior frameworks to drive economic collaboration.

A second pact, a renewed Status of Forces Agreement on the Support to Fight Terrorism in Mozambique, was signed by Rwanda’s Minister of Defence, Juvenal Marizamunda, and Mozambique’s Minister of National Defence, Cristóvão Artur Chume.

The agreement extends Rwanda’s military support in Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado province, where Rwandan forces have been deployed since 2021 to combat Islamist insurgents.

Relations between Rwanda and Mozambique date back to 1990 and gained renewed momentum in 2018 with the creation of a Joint Cooperation Commission.

The verdict was announced on Wednesday by the Prosecutor General’s Office. The charges against the teenager included attempted murder and illegal possession of firearms.

Prosecutors clarified that the case could not be reclassified as homicide, despite Senator Uribe’s death, because Colombian law prohibits modifying charges once a minor has formally accepted them.

The attack took place in June during a campaign rally in a working-class neighbourhood of Bogotá. Senator Uribe was shot in the head while addressing supporters. The horrifying moment, captured on video, left the country stunned.

Immediately after the shooting, the young gunman was detained at the scene, alongside five adults who were also arrested and face ongoing investigations into possible involvement.

Following the attack, Senator Uribe underwent multiple surgeries and remained in intensive care for nearly two months. Despite the best efforts of medical teams, he succumbed to a cerebral haemorrhage on August 11. His death triggered an outpouring of grief and calls for stronger protections for political figures in Colombia.

Miguel Uribe Turbay, aged 37, was a rising political star and one of the country’s most prominent opposition voices. Known for his tough stance on crime and corruption, he had been gaining significant popularity ahead of next year’s presidential elections.

His assassination attempt, and eventual death, drew immediate comparisons to Colombia’s dark history of political violence in the 1980s and 1990s, when several presidential hopefuls, including Luis Carlos Galán and Bernardo Jaramillo, were gunned down during election campaigns.

The sentencing of the teenage shooter has raised debates across Colombia about youth involvement in organised crime and political violence. Legal experts note that under Colombian law, minors cannot face the same sentencing standards as adults, even in cases of grave crimes. Critics argue this leaves a gap in accountability when children are used to carry out politically motivated attacks.

Authorities are continuing to investigate who may have orchestrated the plot against Uribe. The five adults arrested alongside the shooter are expected to face trial on charges that could include conspiracy and complicity in terrorism.

Officials have not ruled out the possibility that criminal groups or political actors may have been behind the assault.

The killing has cast a long shadow over Colombia’s upcoming elections, raising fresh concerns about the safety of candidates and the fragility of the country’s democratic process.

Political leaders from across the spectrum condemned the attack, with President Gustavo Petro calling it “a blow against democracy and national stability.” Vigils and demonstrations honouring Uribe have since been held across Bogotá and other cities, reflecting both sorrow and public anger.

For many Colombians, the tragedy is a reminder that while the country has made strides toward peace following decades of armed conflict, the risks of political violence remain dangerously present.

The sentencing of the teenage shooter brings a measure of judicial closure, but for Uribe’s supporters and the broader public, deep questions remain about accountability, security, and the future of democratic politics in Colombia.

The five-year Medium-Term Senior Unsecured Bond, which was fully subscribed, carries a fixed coupon of 13.25% per annum and will pay investors semi-annual interest with amortised principal repayments starting 18 months after issuance. Proceeds will be used to refinance AMS’s foreign-denominated debt and finance its growth strategy, including expansion into new markets.

At the listing ceremony in Kigali, RSE Chief Executive Officer Pierre Celestin Rwabukumba said the transaction showcased the growing depth of Rwanda’s capital market.

“AMS Plc listing is particularly significant as it becomes the first company in the healthcare sector to graduate from the Capital Market Investment Clinic, raise money, and be profiled on the RSE special board,” Rwabukumba said.

“This serves as a good example for other SMEs and corporates on what’s possible in our capital market today.”

Capital Market Authority CEO Thapelo Tsheole added that raising funds through bonds is not only about financing but also about visibility and credibility.

“The capital market offers visibility and instils confidence, both of which contribute to strengthening the company,” he stated.

AMS CEO and founder Fabrice Shema Ngoga described the listing as a defining moment for the 17-year-old medical supplier.

“Today’s bond listing represents a new chapter in the history of AMS Plc, a chapter defined by innovation, trust, and a shared vision of progress,” Ngoga said. “This listing is not an endpoint but a beginning, and a rallying point for all stakeholders to join hands in pursuit of lasting impact.”

Founded in 2008, AMS supplies pharmaceuticals, diagnostic kits, hospital equipment, and consumables to more than 400 clients, including hospitals, pharmacies, NGOs, UN agencies, and government programs in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo. In 2024, the company reported revenues of Frw 18.5 billion and a net profit of Frw 681 million.

With this listing, AMS joins 10 other companies on the RSE’s equities board and five other corporates on its fixed-income segment, alongside 85 treasury bonds.

The assault left residential neighbourhoods in ruins and plunged the Ukrainian capital once again into grief and shock.

Interior Minister Ihor Klymenko confirmed the death toll, warning that it could rise as rescuers continued to search for survivors beneath the rubble. Emergency crews spent hours digging through debris in several districts, pulling out the wounded and carrying away bodies as smoke and dust filled the air.

Tymur Tkachenko, head of Kyiv’s city administration, described the scale of destruction as devastating. In the Darnytskyi district, a five-storey apartment block was almost completely destroyed, while windows and roofs were blown out across entire neighbourhoods.

“Everything is destroyed,” Tkachenko said, capturing the despair of residents who watched their homes collapse.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy condemned the attack as a calculated effort to terrorise civilians and break the country’s spirit.

“These are not just attacks on buildings, they are attempts to sow fear and destroy our will,” he said. Zelenskyy urged the international community to respond with stronger measures, stressing, “The world must force Russia to take real steps toward peace. Silence and hesitation only encourage more violence.”

Witnesses described scenes of chaos as sirens blared and explosions ripped through the capital. A mother who survived the strikes said she shielded her child in a corridor just moments before the blast shattered their apartment.

“The glass flew everywhere. If we had stayed in the room, we would not be alive,” she recalled tearfully.

Ukraine’s military reported intercepting many of the missiles and drones, but said Russia’s use of combined drone swarms and missile barrages was designed to overwhelm defences. Despite successes, several projectiles penetrated the shield and slammed into residential areas.

The attack comes days before Ukrainian officials are due to meet U.S. representatives in New York, where Kyiv will push for renewed military and diplomatic support. Zelenskyy voiced frustration at Moscow’s continued intransigence, saying Russia was sending “arrogant and negative signals” instead of seeking genuine dialogue.

As night fell, rescue teams continued working under floodlights, while families huddled in shelters, fearing more strikes. The scenes of destroyed apartment blocks, burned-out cars, and children wrapped in blankets outside emergency centres underscored the human cost of a war that has already dragged on for more than three years.

President Chapo is in Rwanda for a two-day state visit aimed at strengthening bilateral relations between the two countries.

In the message he wrote in the memorial’s guest book, he noted: “This is a place of deep remembrance and painful memory. We bow with utmost respect before the suffering you endured.”

He added: “Your history is a powerful reminder that humanity must never forget the consequences of division. At the same time, it is also a beacon of hope and a testament to the resilience of the Rwandan people.”

Chapo further stated that the peace Rwanda enjoys today stands as a remarkable achievement and should serve as a lesson to Africa and the world.

The Kigali Genocide Memorial is the resting place of more than 250,000 Tutsi who were killed in 1994 across different parts of Kigali.

Kadasomwa and nearby villages were left in ruins — corpses scattered, families torn apart, and entire communities forced to flee.

According to Lawrence Kanyuka, spokesperson for the AFC/M23 movement, the Banyamulenge of Minembwe bore the heaviest blow.

Dozens were killed, many others wounded without access to treatment, and entire villages emptied in panic. It is a grim pattern that has become tragically familiar in a region where civilians pay the highest price for a war that remains officially nameless.

Kanyuka stressed that these attacks leave AFC/M23 fighters with no choice but to intervene to protect civilians, describing this as part of their mandate. He condemned the silence of the international community, which continues to look away while atrocities mount.

{{A ceasefire only on paper}}

In April, Kinshasa and AFC/M23 signed a ceasefire agreement. Three months later, Doha hosted a formal reaffirmation of that fragile hope for peace. Yet on the ground, artillery fire has spoken louder than diplomatic signatures.

Troop convoys and armored vehicles poured in from Kisangani, Kalemie, and even Bujumbura, showing that the DRC never stopped preparing for war. Increasingly, civilians — particularly the Banyamulenge and Congolese Tutsi communities — have become the primary targets.

For Freddy Kaniki, president of the MRDP-Twirwaneho movement and vice president of the AFC, these are not isolated flare-ups but part of a calculated campaign: “The genocide began in 2017 and is now in its final stage. They want to finish what they started; otherwise, there would be no reason to send troops to Minembwe, where some residents still remain.”

Statistics paint a chilling picture: 357 Banyamulenge villages burned in eight years and more than 700,000 cattle — the backbone of this pastoral community — looted.

Behind these figures lie shattered families, children denied an education, women driven into exile, and elders torn from their ancestral lands.

{{The silence of the world}}

Despite repeated warnings, the international community has turned away. Alice Wairimu Nderitu, then UN Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, raised alarm several times over the plight of the Banyamulenge. Her appeals were ignored.

At the same time, human rights organizations continue to produce reports targeting AFC/M23 and the Rwandan army , without credible evidence, reinforcing a narrative that masks and indirectly shields the crimes committed by Kinshasa and its allies.

“Whether they are Interahamwe, Wazalendo, or within Congolese government, their crimes are plain to see. Refugees arrive at our borders every day, while others are massacred in silence,” Rwandan President Paul Kagame declared on August 25, addressing troops in Gabiro.

Each new attack on civilians makes the Doha agreements increasingly meaningless.

Without international pressure on Kinshasa, the ceasefire has become little more than a diplomatic façade — a cover under which massacres and forced displacements continue unchecked.

And in eastern Congo, where war has become part of daily life, the Banyamulenge — like so many other communities — live with a haunting question: How much longer will the world stand by as they face slow extermination?