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Appearing on The Long Form podcast hosted by Sanny Ntayombya, Mugisha spoke candidly about his 2018 Supreme Court petition that sought to decriminalise adultery. He argued that sending spouses to prison for infidelity undermines the family unit.

“You probably have the breadwinner in jail. What happens to that family? You end up with complicated issues of reconciliation—how do you expect reconciliation to happen after that?” he said.

“If the state were to allocate resources to support families, it might be more effective to divert them to counselling services, psychologists, or mediators, rather than criminal prosecution and investigations, which, in my view, do not make the best use of state resources.”

He argued that he still believes the law “satisfies a vendetta” but does little for the family’s long-term well-being.

The petition sparked controversy at the time, with 48 women’s organisations opposing it, arguing it was an attempt to “legalise adultery.” Mugisha insists this was a misinterpretation, noting that most prosecutions involved two married people and that the law remains ineffective due to the difficulty of proving cases.

Although the Supreme Court rejected his arguments, he believes the debate highlighted the need for more effective approaches to family disputes.

{{Law in the age of AI
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Turning to the future, Mugisha noted that AI is revolutionising legal work, particularly research and contract drafting, but said lawyers must sharpen human-centred skills.

“AI will never close a deal. That requires negotiation, understanding clients, and convincing parties,” he said. For young lawyers, he recommended broader education—psychology, philosophy, or history—before specialising in law, to cultivate critical thinking beyond what machines can replicate.

On whether AI could replace judges, he was cautious, noting that while AI can improve efficiency and accuracy, it cannot initiate investigations or examine witnesses. He believes that human judgment will remain indispensable.

{{Free speech and legal reform
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Mugisha also discussed Rwanda’s evolving legal landscape, including his role in challenging laws that criminalised caricatures and writings deemed humiliating to government officials. While the Supreme Court upheld restrictions around depictions of the president, lawmakers later amended the law after President Kagame himself disagreed with the ruling.

“The arguments we were making before the court were that this was just endangering journalists for no good reason, because anyone could overuse the hand of the law to stifle criticism,” he stated.

{{Cross-border practice and regional integration
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As a former president of the East African Law Society, Richard Mugisha has been a vocal advocate for enabling lawyers to practice across East African borders. He expressed frustration with regional “protectionism,” noting that while the “value” of legal integration is widely acknowledged, reluctance to open markets often stalls progress.

During his tenure, Mugisha said, he pushed for collaboration in “non-jurisdiction-specific” areas like construction, mining, and project finance, where legal expertise could be applied regionally without being hindered by local laws. He emphasised that “fear” of losing local opportunities prevents the creation of East Africa-wide law firms, forcing countries to rely on external expertise for specialised legal work.

Mugisha also shared personal stories of growing up as a refugee in Uganda during Idi Amin’s regime, where arbitrary arrests and land dispossessions fuelled his passion for justice.

After studying law in Lesotho and later completing an LLM at New York University, Mugisha returned to Rwanda in 1995, working first in government before co-founding Trust Law Chambers. The decision, he said, was inspired by a desire to contribute to national development through the private sector.

“It wasn’t a hard sell at home,” he said of leaving his government job to start a firm with limited savings. “My wife had a job, we had only one child, and we could live on little while figuring things out. But it was scary, embarking on uncharted territory.”

Beyond his legal work, Mugisha serves as Lithuania’s Honorary Consul in Rwanda, a role he took on in 2019. Though voluntary, he views it as an opportunity to foster business and cultural ties, as well as to support Lithuanian nationals in Rwanda.

“I’ve enjoyed connecting people and solving problems,” he said.

Watch the full interview below:

The court’s ruling follows submissions from lawyers representing the DRC government, who informed judges that new witnesses had come forward to testify against Kabila.

Me Richard Bondo, one of the seven government lawyers, told the court that the witnesses would provide evidence on how Kabila allegedly transferred funds to the AFC/M23 rebel coalition and would describe his role as “a foreigner who led the DRC for 18 years.”

The court granted the lawyers’ request, setting the new start date for the trial on September 19, 2025.

Kabila’s trial initially began on July 25, 2025, in his absence. The prosecution charged him with treason, leading an unauthorised armed group, rape, and torture, asserting that the acts were committed in his capacity as a leader of AFC/M23.

Lawyers representing the DRC government argued that Kabila should not face treason charges on the grounds that he is not Congolese, but rather should be prosecuted for espionage on behalf of a foreign country.

The prosecution had sought the death penalty, while the government lawyers requested that Kabila’s assets be seized and that he be fined USD 24 billion. A ruling on the requests was expected on September 12.

Meanwhile, Kabila publicly rejected the proceedings on September 2, asserting that the trial was politically motivated and designed to shield the government from accountability for crimes, including the misappropriation of state funds.

“These politically motivated charges were orchestrated by a government that lost credibility to evade its responsibilities. No concrete evidence has been presented to support these allegations,” he stated.

The Head of State is in the Qatari capital ahead of a scheduled meeting with His Highness Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, the Amir of Qatar, later on Friday.

Further details on the outcomes of the meeting are expected to be shared following discussions between the two leaders.

President Kagame and the Qatari Amir last met on March 18, 2025, during a trilateral meeting that also included President Félix Tshisekedi of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, as part of efforts to de-escalate the situation in eastern DRC.

The latest meeting comes a day after Rwanda condemned Israel’s deadly strike in Doha, which targeted Hamas leaders during a meeting on a US-proposed Gaza ceasefire.

At least seven people were killed in the attack, including two Qatari security officers, according to Doha authorities.

In an official statement on Thursday, Rwanda expressed its condolences to the State of Qatar and the families of the deceased.

The government called the attack a “wanton trampling of foundational norms of interstate relations” and warned that such actions risk creating a “no-rules-based order” with no contemporary precedent.

Through the Office of the Government Spokesperson, Kigali sharply criticised the international community for what it termed as inaction in the face of escalating violence.

“The continued escalation is senseless, and yet the international community seems content to let it continue unchecked. The hypocrisy and complacency evident in such circumstances, especially from the most powerful, leaves the world vulnerable to growing chaos and uncertainty,” the statement reads in part.

Recognising Qatar’s mediation role in the Great Lakes region and beyond, Rwanda emphasised that such efforts merit “universal appreciation and gratitude” rather than violence. The government also urged “a principled, pragmatic, and swift resolution to the ongoing conflict in the region.”

“The Government of Rwanda stands with the State of Qatar in this difficult time and calls for a principled, pragmatic, and swift resolution to the ongoing conflict in the region,” the statement reads.

The Atomic Energy Organization of Iran is assessing whether the materials can be accessed and in what condition, said Araghchi in an interview during his visit to Cairo.

Once the assessment is completed, he said, a report will be submitted to the Supreme National Security Council, which will decide on the next steps based on Iran’s security considerations.

The foreign minister stressed that under Iran’s agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency signed on Tuesday, no inspection has been conducted to date, nor is there any consensus to carry out.

He said the accord recognizes that cooperation with the agency must take place under new conditions, shaped by both security concerns and a law passed by the Iranian parliament.

Araghchi noted that the agreement will remain valid only as long as no hostile action is taken against Iran, including activation of the so-called “snapback” mechanism to reinstate UN sanctions. He warned that should the mechanism be triggered, “the agreement will no longer be valid” and Iran would respond accordingly.

He reiterated that Iran has told its European counterparts that military action and the “snapback” mechanism cannot resolve the nuclear issue, warning such steps would only complicate the situation.

The agreement signed in Cairo on Tuesday aims to establish a new framework for cooperation following Israeli and U.S. attacks on Iranian nuclear facilities in June.

At the centre are Prof. Omar Munyaneza, former Chief Executive Officer of WASAC Group; Umuhumuza Gisèle, Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Infrastructure and former head of WASAC Utility; and Dominique Murekezi, former head of WASAC Development, who were remanded in custody for 30 days, while two other officials were released on provisional bail.

Apart from Prof. Omar Munyaneza, whose arrest had already been reported, the detentions of the others were not widely covered in the media until the case reached court.

The suspects are being prosecuted for a range of offences, including abuse of authority for personal gain; making decisions based on favouritism, friendship, hatred, nepotism, or cronyism; mismanagement of public resources; illicit enrichment; failure to justify assets; and soliciting, accepting, or giving amounts of money beyond what is legally permitted.

Some charges apply to all three officials, while others are specific to each individual. The two charges they all face are abusing authority for personal gain and making decisions based on favouritism, nepotism, and cronyism, particularly regarding the recruitment of 48 employees at WASAC.

When WASAC was restructured into three companies, staff had to be deployed in the two newly created entities, alongside reassignments of existing personnel. Under the leadership of Prof. Munyaneza, WASAC sought to expedite the recruitment process. The Prosecution, however, argues that the process violated the HR policy, as candidates were tested by a panel composed mainly of University of Rwanda lecturers, who were external to WASAC.

It is alleged that each official assisted certain candidates in passing exams and securing jobs. For example, Prof. Munyaneza is accused of favouring Mungwakuzwe Dieudonné, with whom he had previously worked in Parliament.

The Prosecution argues that Prof. Munyaneza himself prepared the exam taken by Mungwakuzwe, and the job advert was tailored to Mungwakuzwe’s qualifications.

Mungwakuzwe reportedly passed the exam and was hired, but received a salary far above the amount allocated for the position. Instead of earning Frw 1.2 million plus a lump sum allowance of Frw 297,000, he was allegedly paid over Frw 1.6 million, along with a lump sum of Frw 1.8 million per month. Similar cases of favouritism were reported for other candidates.

In the case of Umuhumuza Gisèle, the Prosecution alleges that she allowed Rasana Ndahiro Eric to sit for an internal auditor’s exam despite not meeting requirements such as holding a bachelor’s degree (A0) and CCA level 2 or CPA level 2 certification. He passed the exam and was unlawfully hired.

The suspects are also accused of giving jobs to 22 graduates from the University of Rwanda and Ines Ruhengeri, presented as the “best performers,” although evidence later showed they were not the top candidates. They allegedly promoted employees irregularly, reassigned staff unlawfully, and forced others into early retirement before reaching the legal age.

The Prosecution presented evidence, including written notices from Prof. Munyaneza instructing staff to retire early to “make space for younger employees,” as well as call records, text messages, and testimony from affected employees.

In his defence, Prof. Munyaneza denied the accusations, saying recruitment and retirements were handled by the HR office, not him personally. He also argued that the hiring of 48 employees, the recruitment of 22 graduates, and staff reassignments were collective decisions made with the heads of WASAC’s three entities.

Umuhumuza is further charged with mismanagement of public resources. The Prosecution alleges that between 2021, when she served as Acting CEO of WASAC, and 2023, when Prof. Munyaneza took over, she used a company car while also receiving monthly lump sum allowances intended for personal transport, which is not permitted.

Although the car was fully maintained by WASAC, she allegedly received allowances totalling Frw 97 million. In response, she argued she was never informed of the policy and believed the allowances were legitimate. She said all trips were work-related and the vehicle was assigned to the CEO’s office.

Additionally, Umuhumuza, who managed WASAC Utility and oversaw the Group’s budget, is accused of authorising irregular salary payments exceeding Frw 20 million to Mungwakuzwe, who was allegedly paid beyond the scale of his position.

As for Dominique Murekezi, head of WASAC Development, he is accused of complicity in abuse of authority for personal gain in relation to the recruitment of the 48 employees. Both he and Umuhumuza argued that Prof. Munyaneza initiated the decision, presenting it as a proposal that was eventually implemented. Murekezi added that his role was limited to oral interviews, which he claimed were conducted properly.

The Nyamirambo Primary Court ruled that the three officials be remanded in custody for 30 days, citing serious grounds for suspicion of the alleged crimes.

{{Two officials released on bail
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The court ordered the provisional release of Dieudonné Mungwakuzwe, who had been accused of unlawfully receiving inflated salary payments. The court ruled that there were no substantial grounds to keep him in detention. It found that he had not appointed himself, merely signed an employment contract, was not responsible for his own payroll, and had legitimately taken and passed the recruitment exam. As a result, the court concluded there was no strong basis to suspect him of the alleged offence. He was provisionally released on September 3, 2025.

Another official released on bail was Mugwaneza Vincent de Paul, Director of Water Supply at WASAC. He was being tried separately and faced charges including sexual exploitation, making decisions based on favouritism, hatred or nepotism, as well as failing to justify assets.

The Prosecution alleged that Mugwaneza exploited female interns at WASAC, promising them jobs in return for sexual favours. Testimonies were presented from five women, anonymised with codes such as MN, RTC, BIF and MG, who claimed they had sexual relations with him and later received his support in job placements. One witness, MN, testified that Mugwaneza deceived her by saying he was single, while he was in fact married, and that they met during her internship at WASAC.

The Prosecution also submitted evidence, including testimony and messages exchanged between Mugwaneza and the women, which were said to be inappropriate for a supervisor and of a sexual nature.

Additionally, he was accused of failing to explain the origin of Frw 25 million found in his possession. During a closed hearing, Mugwaneza explained that the money had been lent to him by a friend, Bikorimana Aimable, to pay an engineer building his house.

The court found there were no strong grounds to continue suspecting him of illicit enrichment, since Bikorimana’s testimony supported his explanation and the Prosecution had not provided evidence to the contrary. Moreover, it noted that it was not unusual for an employee earning more than Frw 3 million per month to receive such a loan.

On the charge of sexual exploitation, the court ruled that the evidence was insufficient. Witness statements were contradictory; some admitted he was not their supervisor, while others confirmed they had obtained jobs independently despite their personal relationships with him.

Based on these findings, the court ordered Mugwaneza’s provisional release, ruling that there were no strong grounds for continued detention.

Justice Minister Joseph Geng Akech said the charges stem from a March attack by the White Army, an ethnic militia reportedly linked to Machar, on a military base in the northeastern town of Nasir. The assault killed more than 250 soldiers, including a general, and targeted a UN helicopter, resulting in the death of its pilot.

“Evidence further reveals that the White Army operated under the command and influence of certain leaders of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army-in-Opposition (SPLM/A-iO), including Dr. Riek Machar Teny,” Justice Minister Geng said.

The minister added that the case sends a clear message that those responsible for atrocities against South Sudanese citizens, armed forces, and humanitarian workers will be held accountable.

Hours after the charges were announced, President Salva Kiir suspended Machar from his government role, along with Petroleum Minister Puot Kang Chol, who faces charges alongside Machar. Both have been under house arrest since March, alongside other Machar allies. Thirteen additional suspects remain at large.

Machar’s spokesperson, Puok Both Baluang, condemned the charges as a “political witch-hunt,” arguing that they were “designed to dismantle the peace agreement” signed in 2018 and that South Sudan’s judicial system is “politically directed.”

The charges mark the latest escalation in tensions between Machar and President Kiir, whose forces fought a five-year civil war from 2013 to 2018, killing nearly 400,000 people and displacing roughly a third of the population.

A 2018 peace deal established a unity government, but relations between the two leaders have remained strained, with sporadic violence continuing across the country.

International actors, including the UN and the African Union, have called for calm and warned that Machar’s detention could reignite civil conflict. Edmund Yakani, executive director of the Community Empowerment for Progress Organization, urged that the trial be conducted by “a competent court of law, not a kangaroo court.”

Machar has not publicly responded to the charges. The government has urged that the matter be left to the courts, without political or diplomatic interference.

South Sudan, the world’s youngest country, gained independence from Sudan in 2011 after decades of conflict, but internal divisions and ethnic rivalries have continued to fuel instability.

According to Rwanda’s Vision 2050 Sanitation Master Plan, the country has mapped out the projected volume of waste that will be generated in different districts, along with designated sites where both organic and non-organic waste will be collected and processed.

Dr. Kabaasha told IGIHE that several landfill projects are already underway. In Kigali, the Nduba landfill has been officially designated, while in Nyanza, Kayonza, and Nyagatare districts, new landfills have been completed.

Construction works are advancing in Musanze, Karongi, Rusizi, and Rubavu, while feasibility studies are ongoing in Muhanga, Huye, Bugesera, and Rwamagana.

“As the construction of modern landfills across the country progresses, sanitation and hygiene standards will continue to improve, and more waste will be recycled,” he explained.

On the issue of wastewater treatment, Dr. Kabaasha noted that the sector is steadily expanding.

“So far, Kigali has 35 small treatment plants, while Nyamagabe, Nyanza, Rulindo, Gicumbi, Kayonza, and Nyagatare districts each have their own facilities. In addition, four new plants are under construction in Rusizi, Karongi, Rubavu, and Musanze,” he said.

Once completed, these facilities will also serve neighboring districts that do not yet have treatment plants. In Kigali, [ further projects are->https://en.igihe.com/news/article/construction-of-kigali-s-frw-100-billion-wastewater-treatment-plant-to-begin] already taking shape.

“A new treatment plant is being built in Masaka to process wastewater from toilets. Another large plant will soon be constructed at Giti cy’Inyoni to handle wastewater from Nyarugenge District. Feasibility studies have also been conducted for Gasabo and Kicukiro, and we are now mobilizing resources to build treatment plants there as well,” Dr. Kabaasha explained.

{{How far has Rwanda gone in recycling household waste?}}

The Ministry of Environment, in partnership with the Global Green Growth Institute (GGGI), has introduced a program to process and recycle waste from the Nduba landfill.

On June 19, 2024, new facilities were inaugurated after construction that began in July 2021, with support from the Ministry of Environment and the Luxembourg Environment Agency for Biodiversity.

Among the new infrastructure is a Waste Sorting and Separation Facility with the capacity to process at least 100 tons of waste per day.

According to Dr. Asaph Kabaasha, CEO of WASAC Group, several pilot projects on waste recycling have already been implemented in districts including Nyanza, Huye, Bugesera, Kayonza, Nyagatare, Nyarugenge, and Nduba.

“From these pilot projects, we have seen possibilities, such as producing organic fertilizer from biodegradable waste. We are encouraging entrepreneurs with the expertise, capacity, and interest to design projects, approach financial institutions, and partner with the government,” Dr. Kabaasha said.

He added that as Rwanda’s capacity grows, citizens will be trained on household waste separation, which will significantly reduce the volume of waste ending up in landfills.

He delivered the message on September 11, 2025, at the burial in Cyato Sector. The victims, who had been working on the dam in Rwaramba Village, Bisumo Cell, were buried after their bodies were collected from Kibogora Hospital.

The ceremony drew residents, friends, relatives of the deceased, along with government and security officials.

Governor Ntibitura explained that DNG Rwanda Ltd, the company building the dam, has insurance coverage and that the process will follow legal provisions.

He said, “The insurance company has already come on-site to assess the situation. This means that as local authorities, we will continue working with the company to ensure proper follow-up on the insurance process.”

The Governor also reported that ten people were injured in the accident. Two have already been discharged, while eight remain hospitalized—seven at Kibogora Hospital and one transferred to the University Teaching Hospital of Butare (CHUB).

He added, “We have conveyed a message of comfort to the affected families, assuring them that the leadership stands with them. The loss of a citizen is not only a tragedy for the family but also a loss to the nation.”

An assessment conducted jointly by the company and local authorities confirmed that 26 employees were working on the wall at the time of the collapse. Eight died instantly, while ten sustained injuries.

“The forces have entered the city of Bara … and cleansed it,” the army spokesman’s office said in a statement, vowing to press on “step by step” until the country is rid of militias and mercenaries.

An eyewitness in Bara told Xinhua that the city had seen heavy battles since Wednesday morning, and that by midday Thursday the army had taken control of its main neighborhoods and key facilities.

Meanwhile, a military source said to Xinhua on condition of anonymity that the army encircled the city over several days, weakening the RSF’s defensive lines and cutting off supplies, eventually forcing the paramilitary force to withdraw.

The RSF did not immediately comment.

Bara is seen as a strategic hub on the road linking El Obeid, capital of North Kordofan, with several vital routes in the region. Fighting around the city has been intense in recent months, with control shifting between the two sides.

War between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the RSF broke out in April 2023. The conflict has killed tens of thousands of people, displaced millions inside and outside Sudan, and deepened a humanitarian crisis in one of the world’s poorest countries.