Category: Politics

In a candid interview with content creator Mario Nawfal on his 69 X Minutes show, President Kagame maintained that despite the UN’s 26-year presence in the DRC, it has failed to achieve any meaningful accomplishments, as the region continues to grapple with constant conflict, making much-needed peace and stability elusive.

“What did they actually come to do? To keep peace? What peace? To bring peace? What peace have they brought? Did they come to solve the security problem caused by the FDLR, which has been in Congo for 30 years? Nothing. So why are they still there?” President Kagame posed.

The United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO), initially established as MONUC, has been stationed in the country since 1999. Despite its mandate to stabilize the country, protect civilians, and support the Congolese government, the mission has failed to curb violence.

With an annual budget exceeding $1.13 billion and a contingent of approximately 23,000 peacekeepers, MONUSCO remains the most expensive UN peacekeeping mission.

In the interview, Kagame reiterated that the conflict in the DRC stems from the arbitrary borders drawn by colonial powers, with the Congolese government failing to recognize Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese, who found themselves within DRC territory, as its citizens.

“It was just an open space. They drew a line, left Rwanda on this side, and called the other side Congo. But this line divided families. These are the ones who are fighting—the ones the government is uprooting and telling to go back to Rwanda. They are M23,” Kagame explained.

The president pointed out that Rwanda currently hosts 130,000 refugees from DRC, some of whom have been in the country for over 23 years.

At the same time, the Rwandan Head of State denied claims that Rwanda is behind the conflict in eastern Congo to plunder its neighbor’s mineral resources.

“If you look at a list of 100 entities—China, Europe, the US, Canada, and so on, including all of us in the region—who are interested in Congo’s minerals, Rwanda would come 100th, at the very bottom. But the situation has been framed in a way that makes it seem as though the ones least concerned about minerals are the ones responsible for the entire problem. Meanwhile, these 100 entities are the ones making billions and leaving nothing behind, yet Rwanda is made to absorb the blame,” he stated.

Kagame maintained that Rwanda’s primary concern in the region is the presence of the FDLR in Congo, a group composed of remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, which continues to pose a threat with its mission for regime change in Rwanda.

“The FDLR—those who committed genocide—went to Congo 30 years ago. They have since worked with politicians and become part of the political landscape. They cause problems for the Congolese, but their ultimate goal is to destabilize Rwanda,” he said.

Kagame also criticized Congolese President Félix Tshisekedi’s approach to the crisis, accusing him of harboring extremist views while refusing to engage in dialogue with the M23 rebels to resolve the escalating conflict in eastern Congo.

Kagame also questioned Tshisekedi’s legitimacy, saying the said the Congolese President has never been elected.

“By the way, I don’t mind how he became president. He was not elected either time. The first time, Joseph [Kabila] handed power over to him—there’s no question about that. The second time, he simply declared himself the winner, and everyone was told to keep quiet. But that’s not my problem.”

Meanwhile, in eastern Congo, M23 rebels continue to battle government forces and their allies—including the FDLR, SADC troops, the Burundian army, and various militia groups—over longstanding grievances related to the marginalization of Congolese Tutsis.

Recent territorial gains by M23 have led to the capture of strategic towns in North and South Kivu, including Goma and Bukavu.

Speaking in an interview with Namibia’s state broadcaster, the Namibia Broadcasting Corporation, Kabila explained that while he had been involved in various activities since leaving office in 2019, including academic pursuits, the deteriorating situation in the DRC now demands his full attention.

“We left office as part of the Constitution and have been involved in various activities, including academic pursuits, which we intend to continue. However, if the situation back home continues to deteriorate, then we must ensure that the DRC does not go down the drain,” Kabila stated.

“We are here to assist and do exactly what we believe must be done to prevent things from worsening—which is, unfortunately, what is happening as we speak.”

Kabila, who was in Namibia for the funeral of founding President Sam Nujoma, confirmed that he had paused his studies at the University of Johannesburg two to three months ago in order to dedicate more time to addressing the crisis in his country.

At the same time, he dismissed claims that he was “emerging from the shadows,” insisting that he had never withdrawn from public life.

“Those reports are wrong. I’ve never been in the shadows—I’ve always been in the light. I was simply focusing on something else, and I always prefer to give my full attention to what I am doing to succeed. You can multitask, but when dealing with serious issues, multitasking is not an option,” he said.

Kabila emphasized that resolving the crisis in the DRC requires collective effort and cannot be achieved by a single individual.

“The Congo is a nation of 120 million people. It has neighbours—not just those immediately surrounding it, but also from across the southern African region, such as Namibia and South Africa. I believe every Congolese citizen has a role to play, whether individually or collectively,” he said.

Kabila also reflected on past peace efforts, including the 2001-2002 Lusaka Agreement and subsequent accords that led to temporary stability. He acknowledged that governance challenges, injustices, and constitutional violations have fueled ongoing instability.

While expressing concern over foreign military presence in the DRC, he recalled a similar decision in 2001 to expel foreign troops, arguing that national sovereignty should be respected.

“The country must be sovereign within its borders, making sovereign decisions, without multiple foreign armies battling it out—including mercenaries and hundreds of armed groups,” he said.

Kabila also commented on ongoing mediation efforts, urging mediators to engage directly with the Congolese people to ensure effective conflict resolution. He maintained that peace in the DRC must be built on democratic governance, stability, and national cohesion.

His remarks follow his recent criticism of President Félix Tshisekedi’s administration, in which he accused the government of failing to address the country’s worsening crisis, undermining democracy, and eroding constitutional order.

In a detailed opinion piece published in South Africa’s Sunday Times in February, Kabila pointed to the escalating conflict in eastern DRC, particularly the resurgence of the M23 rebel group since 2021, as a symptom of deeper failures. He dismisses the government’s narrative that the crisis hinges solely on M23 or tensions with Rwanda as “misleading.”

The directive follows a series of battlefield losses for the Congolese army and its allied forces in the conflict-ridden region.

According to diplomatic sources, Ndayishimiye convened a high-level meeting in Bujumbura on February 27, where he discussed the security crisis in eastern DRC and reiterated his commitment to combating M23.

While publicly advocating for a diplomatic resolution to the conflict, his continued deployment of troops suggests a contradictory approach—one that fuels the very war he claims to be mediating.

Since August 2023, Burundi has maintained a substantial military presence in eastern DRC under a controversial agreement with Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi. The deal, which reportedly grants Ndayishimiye a monthly payment of $5,000 per soldier, has raised concerns over the financial incentives driving Burundi’s involvement in the war.

Despite these payments, Burundian soldiers themselves reportedly receive only a fraction of the amount—$70 for junior ranks and $100 for officers—raising further questions about the true beneficiaries of the arrangement.

On February 23, Burundi reinforced its brigade in the Ruzizi Plain, deploying additional artillery units along the Vugizo border. IGIHE understands that the Burundian army has stationed surveillance drones and heavy artillery, including 120mm and 122mm guns, to fortify its positions ahead of anticipated clashes with M23.

The Burundian presence in DRC has, however, been met with resistance. Reports indicate that hundreds of Burundian soldiers have been killed in North Kivu over the past year, while others have refused to continue fighting.

In January, 48 soldiers from the 20th Battalion declined deployment, an act of defiance that led to their detention under accusations of mutiny.

The worsening security situation has also triggered discord among Burundi’s top military and government officials. Critics argue that Ndayishimiye’s troop deployments prioritize personal financial gain over national security, while soldiers on the ground reportedly feel abandoned in an increasingly dire conflict.

Commanders stationed in Uvira have allegedly issued strict orders warning that any soldier attempting to flee across the Rusizi River back to Burundi would be treated as an enemy combatant and shot on sight.

Despite mounting casualties and internal discontent, Ndayishimiye remains adamant. His latest order aims to push Burundian forces deeper into South Kivu, with a primary focus on retaking key rebel-held areas, including Bukavu and Kavumu airport. However, reports from within Burundian military ranks suggest that soldiers are growing increasingly reluctant to engage M23, fearing heavy losses in what has become a grueling and costly conflict.

As regional leaders continue to push for a diplomatic resolution, Burundi’s deepening involvement complicates ongoing peace efforts.

During the February 8 summit of the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), calls for an immediate ceasefire and renewed dialogue were reiterated. However, with Burundian forces pressing ahead on the battlefield, the prospects for peace remain uncertain.

In a recent interview with the BBC, DRC Prime Minister Judith Suminwa Tuluka dismissed calls for an “inclusive dialogue” that includes M23. Instead, she stated that the country’s focus is on diplomatic engagement with Rwanda, which Congolese authorities accuse of fueling the conflict.

Regional leaders from the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have urged direct talks between Kinshasa and M23, but the DRC has maintained its stance.

The Angolan-brokered peace talks collapsed in December after Rwanda demanded that the Congolese government negotiate with the rebels.

Despite the DRC government’s claims, Rwanda has repeatedly denied allegations of supporting M23, arguing that insecurity in eastern DRC stems from poor governance.

Kigali asserts that the Congolese government is attempting to divert international attention from the root causes of the conflict, including decades of marginalisation and persecution of Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese.

In the wake of the capture of Goma and Bukavu, Corneille Nangaa, leader of the AFC rebel alliance, which includes M23, recently reiterated that the fighters are Congolese and do not rely on Rwandan support.

“Kinshasa continues to push a misleading narrative, claiming that any Congolese who speaks Kinyarwanda is Rwandan. Yes, some of our soldiers were born in Rutshuru, Masisi, and Nyiragongo and speak Kinyarwanda. Does that mean they are part of the Rwandan army?” Nangaa posed.

During her interview with the BBC, the prime minister denied any ties between the Congolese army and the FDLR, a group composed of remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.

However, multiple reports, including those from United Nations (UN) experts, have documented cooperation between the Congolese army and FDLR fighters in their battle against M23 in North Kivu and South Kivu provinces.

In London on Saturday, Zelensky and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer signed a loan agreement worth £2.26 billion (approximately $2.84 billion USD) to bolster Ukraine’s defense capabilities amid the ongoing war with Russia.

During their meeting at Downing Street, Starmer reiterated Britain’s “unwavering determination” to support Ukraine, emphasizing that the country has the “full backing” of the United Kingdom.

The loan, which will be repaid through profits from frozen Russian assets, is intended to enhance Ukraine’s weapons production capacity, helping the country defend itself against continued Russian aggression.

Zelensky expressed his gratitude for the support, calling the meeting with Starmer “meaningful and warm.”

He also praised the UK’s consistent backing since the start of the conflict, confirming that the funds would be directed towards the production of weapons in Ukraine.

“This is true justice – the one who started the war must be the one to pay,” Zelensky stated.

The loan agreement follows months of discussions and was first announced in October, with the funds set to bolster Ukraine’s frontline military equipment.

Zelensky’s visit also comes ahead of a major defense summit in London, where European leaders will discuss a peace plan for Ukraine, with Starmer suggesting that such a deal would require U.S. involvement.

Zelensky’s successful negotiation with the UK contrasts sharply with his tense meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump just a day earlier.

On Friday, Zelensky’s visit to the White House quickly descended into discord when U.S. Vice President JD Vance demanded that Zelensky be more thankful for America’s support and pressured him to consider a ceasefire with Russia.

The exchange escalated into a shouting match, with Zelensky being asked to leave the White House early.

Trump, who had hoped to secure a minerals deal with Ukraine during the meeting, accused Zelensky of “gambling with World War Three” by not agreeing to Washington’s terms for peace talks.

Tensions reached a boiling point when Zelensky warned Trump that appeasing Russia would only lead to more conflict, not peace, in Europe. The meeting ended without a signed agreement, leaving the planned minerals deal unfinished, with Trump turning to social media to write, “Come back when you’re ready for peace.”

Brown, who arrived in South Africa in August 2024, formally assumed her role as the senior US diplomat in the country in January 2025. Her departure comes amid escalating tensions between Pretoria and Washington over key policy differences.

Brown’s resignation follows the earlier departure of former US Ambassador to South Africa, Reuben Brigety, who stepped down in January as part of the standard transition process under the newly inaugurated US President Donald Trump.

The Trump administration is yet to appoint a new ambassador to replace Brigety.

Brown’s resignation has fueled speculation about diplomatic strains between the two nations. The US and South Africa have clashed on several policy issues, including Pretoria’s stance on Russia’s war in Ukraine, its growing ties with China, and most recently, its controversial land reform policies.

The South African government has been pursuing land redistribution efforts to address historical injustices related to apartheid-era land dispossession. The proposed reforms include the expropriation of land without compensation in certain cases, a policy that has raised concerns in Washington.

The US government has previously expressed reservations about the potential economic repercussions, particularly regarding foreign investment and property rights. Pretoria, however, maintains that the policy is necessary to correct imbalances in land ownership and promote economic inclusivity.

President Donald Trump signed an executive order on February 7, 2025, suspending all US aid to South Africa in response to the land expropriation law, which the Trump administration claims discriminates against white farmers.

The suspension has had immediate and severe consequences, particularly for health programs. The US had been funding nearly 20% of South Africa’s $2.3 billion annual HIV/AIDS program through the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR).

The abrupt withdrawal of this support has led to the closure of health clinics and nutrition programs, with experts warning of a potential increase in mortality rates and instability.

This was the key message delivered by Gen. (Rtd) James Kabarebe, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs in Charge of Regional Cooperation, during a meeting with EU Special Envoy for the Great Lakes region, Ambassador Johan Borgstam, in Kigali on Thursday, February 27, 2025.

The discussions, described as frank and productive, focused on Rwanda’s security concerns and the escalating tensions in eastern DRC, which recently saw the AFC/M23 rebel group capture Bukavu and Goma cities.

Kabarebe dismissed comparisons between the conflict in DRC and the war in Ukraine, calling them politically motivated and misleading. He stressed that such narratives only serve to distract from the real causes of instability in the region.

“The situation in Eastern the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is not comparable to the conflict in Ukraine. Any attempt to draw such comparisons is politically motivated and serves only to divert from the real issues at hand,” a statement from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs reads in part.

Rwanda pointed to the presence of over 200 armed groups in eastern DRC, including the FDLR, a militia composed of individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. Kigali insists that the group, sanctioned by the UN and the US, remains a major threat to regional security and must be neutralised.

The Rwandan government also raised alarm over what it called an “existential threat” at its borders, citing an international military coalition composed of the FDLR, Burundian forces, Wazalendo ethnic militias, and European mercenaries.

The minister made it clear that Rwanda expects firm security guarantees, including the withdrawal of all foreign forces near its borders and a lasting resolution to the M23 issue, which stems from decades of marginalisation and persecution of Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese.

In addition, Rwanda criticised the DRC’s approach to the crisis, accusing its government of using international sanctions as a smokescreen to cover up its own governance failures, human rights violations, and corruption.

Kigali argued that punitive measures imposed on Rwanda do not contribute to peace but rather undermine African-led diplomatic efforts.

Kabarebe also took issue with what he described as the EU’s selective application of sovereignty and territorial integrity principles. He noted that Rwanda has faced multiple border violations since 2018, prompting defensive measures that will remain in place until its security concerns are fully addressed.

The meeting ended with Rwanda urging the EU to take a more constructive role in resolving the crisis, focusing on facts rather than political interests. Kigali reiterated its commitment to regional peace and called on international partners to support efforts aimed at achieving long-term stability in the Great Lakes region.

“Rwanda encourages EU member states to participate positively in regional peace efforts and avoid mixing politics in matters of peace and security,” the statement added.