IGIHE

Category: Politics

  • Former Belgian Senator Destexhe calls out Belgium over ‘hostile’ stance on Rwanda

    In a post shared on X, Destexhe expressed regret over the diplomatic rupture, which on Monday, March 17, 2025, saw Rwanda sever ties with Belgium in protest against the former colonial power’s acts of aggression, particularly regarding the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

    He accused Belgian Foreign Minister Maxime Prévot of leading an “aggressive campaign” to influence the European Union and international organizations against Rwanda. According to Destexhe, Belgium has not adopted such an “offensive stance” on any issue since 1994.

    “I regret the breakdown of diplomatic relations between Rwanda and Belgium, while fully understanding the Rwandan position,” Destexhe stated.

    The former lawmaker argued that Belgium should have maintained neutrality in regional conflicts, warning that the current government’s actions risk reopening historical wounds in Rwanda.

    The politician, who also doubles up as a researcher, highlighted Belgium’s extremist colonial history in Rwanda, including the introduction of ethnic classifications that fueled divisions and the 1959 ethnic violence that forced thousands of Tutsis into exile.

    Furthermore, he criticized Belgium’s role during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, including the country’s push for the withdrawal of UN peacekeepers.

    “That the current government ignores or pretends to ignore these facts is not only incomprehensible but profoundly irresponsible,” Destexhe added.

    He also condemned the Belgian Parliament’s recent resolution calling for the suspension of economic agreements with Rwanda over alleged support for M23 rebel group in eastern Congo, describing it as “factually incorrect” and a reflection of a “glaring lack of understanding” of the regional situation.

    In the conflict in eastern Congo, Rwanda has repeatedly denied supporting the M23 rebels. The Rwandan government insists that its main concern in the region is the FDLR militia group. According to Rwanda, the group—linked to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi—is collaborating with the Congolese government and poses a security threat to Rwanda.

    Rwanda kicks out Belgian diplomats

    The diplomatic tension between Rwanda and Belgium escalated on Monday when Rwanda severed ties with Belgium and ordered all Belgian diplomats to leave the country within 48 hours.

    Rwanda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs accused Belgium of undermining its interests and taking a biased stance on the conflict in the DRC. The Rwandan government said that Belgium has been “mobilizing against Rwanda” and allowing its territory to be used by groups propagating genocide denial.

    In response, Belgian Foreign Minister Maxime Prévot described Rwanda’s decision as “disproportionate” and announced that Belgium would take reciprocal measures.

    A day before Rwanda took the new measures, President Paul Kagame had condemned Belgium’s actions, accusing the former colonial power of ongoing interference and attempts to destabilize Rwanda. He dismissed Belgium’s push for sanctions as futile, emphasizing Rwanda’s resilience.

    Despite the escalating tensions, Destexhe expressed hope that the diplomatic crisis would not harm the longstanding bonds between the people of Rwanda and Belgium, particularly those with dual citizenship.
    In a post shared on X, Destexhe expressed regret over the diplomatic rupture, which on Monday, March 17, 2025, saw Rwanda sever ties with Belgium in protest against the former colonial power’s acts of aggression, particularly regarding the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

  • Dr. Biruta opens up about surviving Rwanda’s darkest days and his rise to leadership (Video)

    Speaking candidly on The Long Form podcast about the ethnic violence that shaped his youth and the resilience that propelled him forward, Dr. Biruta offered a rare glimpse into the experiences that forged his commitment to a unified and stable Rwanda.

    Born in 1958 in Rulindo District, Dr. Biruta was just a year old when the 1959 violence against the Tutsi ethnic community erupted, setting the stage for decades of sectarian strife.

    Reflecting on his childhood, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs recalled, “As a young child, I heard my parents and visitors talk about violent events: destroyed properties, relatives in exile. It made me aware that I was growing up in an unstable, unsafe environment. You understood you were a target for violence.”

    This early awareness planted the seeds of a political consciousness that would later define his career.

    The turning point came in 1973 when, at age 15, Dr. Biruta was expelled from Kabgayi Seminary, where he was attending secondary school, during the ethnic purges.

    “We were expelled on April 15, I believe,” he recounted. “I went home, planning to go into exile in Zaire on July 6. But on July 5, the borders closed due to a curfew, so I couldn’t leave.”

    The thwarted escape—narrowly averted by chance—kept him in Rwanda, where he later returned to school despite the odds.

    “I was fortunate to be accepted back, though I had to repeat a year. Not everyone was so lucky,” he added, underscoring the precariousness of those times.

    His pursuit of education faced steep hurdles due to Rwanda’s discriminatory policies against Tutsis. “Discrimination limited Tutsi access to public schools,” he explained.

    At Kabgayi Seminary, the Catholic Church provided an alternative.

    “I didn’t necessarily want to be a priest—it was my only chance at secondary education. I took exams for both public schools and seminaries to maximize my chances.”

    The Church sought bright students, and Dr. Biruta qualified: “If you met academic and Christian criteria, you could get in. I was fortunate to be accepted.”

    After surviving the 1973 expulsion, he graduated from secondary school in 1978 and applied to the National University of Rwanda’s Faculty of Medicine.

    “Medical school wasn’t the most popular choice—it was tough, six years with four terms annually, unlike law or economics, which were shorter and led to better-paying jobs,” he said.

    “But they selected the best science students from secondary schools. I was lucky to be accepted.”

    His motivation was both practical and idealistic: “I’d wanted to be a doctor since I was young… by a desire to serve the community and work independently, not reliant on government goodwill. The 1973 events also lingered; I thought medicine would help me integrate if I went into exile.”

    Dr. Biruta graduated in September 1984, but even then, discrimination persisted. “The best graduates were typically selected as assistants at the university hospital, with opportunities for specialization. Despite qualifying, I and other Tutsi colleagues were sidelined and sent elsewhere,” he recounted.

    Assigned to Byumba Hospital, he began his career as a doctor, later rising to director of Ruhengeri District Hospital in 1988.

    The 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi once again put his survival instincts to the test. Living in Kigali’s Kimihurura neighbourhood near the parliament, Dr. Biruta narrowly escaped death and was ultimately rescued by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), which ended the genocide and liberated the country from the genocidal government.

    “I was rescued on April 8 by RPF soldiers,” he said. “They came to our houses—I recognized them and opened the gate.” The rescue came amid chaos, just days after the genocide began.

    “They weren’t looking only for me; they were saving people in that area,” he clarified.

    “We stayed at parliament, later moving to Byumba at the war’s end.”

    Reflecting on his survival, he remarked, “I was not arrested in 1990, I managed to relocate from Ruhengeri on February 6, 1993, two days before an RPF attack, and I was at home when the plane of President Habyarimana went down. It’s just fortune.”

    His family, too, was spared, though he kept his fears private: “You don’t show your children you’re anxious… but I’d tell my wife, ‘X, Y, Z have been arrested. If I’m taken, know where the money and food are, and move.’”

    After the liberation of the country, he played a pivotal role in rebuilding Rwanda’s health system and the PSD, eventually rising to its presidency in 2001.

    “We identified surviving members uninvolved in the genocide, formed a political bureau, and rebuilt,” he noted, highlighting the painstaking effort to restore both party and nation.

    Today, as a cabinet minister and party leader, Dr. Biruta balances immense responsibilities with a quiet pragmatism.

    “You have to find time for all these aspects, prioritizing what the country has entrusted you with,” he said of his dual roles.

    Defending Rwanda’s consensus-driven governance model against critics who call it a one-party state, he argued, “Our constitution… reflects our history and culture—not the U.S. or Norway. Results—like development—prove it works.”

    Looking ahead, Dr. Biruta remains optimistic yet vigilant. “I’m excited by Rwanda’s development path—achieving more, faster,” he said, though he cautioned, “I worry about our region—conflicts and leadership challenges could slow us.”

    His story, from a child marked by violence to a leader shaping Rwanda’s future, embodies resilience and purpose—a narrative he hopes will inspire the nation’s youth.

    Watch the full interview on The Long Form Podcast below:

  • DRC crisis: South African MPs seek clarity on SADC troops withdrawal strategy

    This follows the Southern African Development Community (SADC) decision to terminate its military mission in the conflict-ridden eastern DRC and commence a phased withdrawal.

    The decision to pull the plug on the mission was reached during a virtual Extraordinary Summit of Heads of State and Government, chaired by Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa, on March 13, 2025.

    The summit focused on the deteriorating security situation in eastern DRC, where SADC troops had been deployed since December 2023 to support the Congolese army in its battle against the M23 rebel group.

    The Joint Standing Committee on Defence, co-chaired by Malusi Gigaba and Phiroane Phala, welcomed the withdrawal decision, particularly in light of the loss of 14 SANDF soldiers in the mission.

    However, they emphasised the need for clarity on the logistical aspects of the withdrawal, the security implications for troops remaining under the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO), and measures to ensure the safe return of military equipment.

    “We will schedule an urgent meeting to obtain the envisioned phased plan of action for implementing the withdrawal,” a statement issued by the Parliament Communications Services on behalf of the co-chairs of the Joint Standing Committee on Defence, Malusi Gigaba and Phiroane Phala, reads in part.

    “This meeting must also address the implications for soldiers remaining part of MONUSCO and assess the security risks involved.”

    The committee termed the termination of the mission as a constructive step toward addressing the conflict in eastern Congo through diplomatic and political solutions.

    The co-chairs affirm that SADC’s commitment to supporting alternative interventions, in coordination with the East African Community (EAC), demonstrates the bloc’s dedication to lasting peace in the region.

    “The recommitment by SADC Heads of State to merge the Luanda and Nairobi peace processes reaffirms our belief that dialogue should be at the centre of efforts to resolve the DRC conflict,” the statement added.

    “Achieving peace and stability in eastern DRC is a precondition for economic growth and development, not only for the DRC but for the entire region.”

    Since SAMIDRC’s deployment, the mission has faced operational hurdles, including battlefield casualties.

    Apart from the 14 South African soldiers killed, two Malawian and two Tanzanian soldiers also lost their lives during clashes that led to the capture of Goma in January. Many others sustained injuries, raising questions about the mission’s sustainability.

    The decision to withdraw the troops coincides with peace talks between the DRC government and M23 rebels, set to begin in Angola on March 18, in what is seen as a crucial step toward resolving the long-running conflict.

    The M23 and AFC rebel alliance accuse the Congolese government of poor governance and decades of persecution of the minority Kinyarwanda-speaking communities.

    SADC troops have been deployed in eastern Congo since December 2023 to support the Congolese army in its battle against the M23 rebel group.

  • More than 20 African nations on the list for Trump’s possible travel ban expansion

    An internal memo seen by several outlets outlines the proposed restrictions, categorizing affected nations into three tiers: “red,” “orange,” and “yellow.”

    Countries Facing Full Travel Suspension (Red List)

    Citizens from 11 countries in the “red” category would face a complete ban on entry into the United States. These countries are:

    • Afghanistan
    • Bhutan
    • Cuba
    • Iran
    • Libya
    • North Korea
    • Somalia
    • Sudan
    • Syria
    • Venezuela
    • Yemen

    If approved, these nations would face indefinite travel restrictions under the executive order signed by Trump on January 20, aimed at preventing entry by individuals perceived to pose security risks.

    Countries Facing Partial Visa Restrictions (Orange List)

    A second group of countries, under the “orange” category, would be subject to partial visa suspensions affecting immigrant, tourist, and student visas, with some exceptions. The ten countries on this list include:

    • Belarus
    • Eritrea
    • Haiti
    • Laos
    • Myanmar
    • Pakistan
    • Russia
    • Sierra Leone
    • South Sudan
    • Turkmenistan

    Countries Facing Conditional Review (Yellow List)

    A third category, the “yellow” list, includes 22 countries that would be given 60 days to address security and information-sharing concerns raised by Washington.

    Failure to comply could result in movement to the more restrictive “red” or “orange” categories. These countries are:

    • Angola
    • Antigua and Barbuda
    • Benin
    • Burkina Faso
    • Cabo Verde
    • Cambodia
    • Cameroon
    • Chad
    • Democratic Republic of the Congo
    • Dominica
    • Equatorial Guinea
    • Gambia
    • Guinea
    • Liberia
    • Malawi
    • Mali
    • Mauritania
    • Republic of the Congo
    • Saint Kitts and Nevis
    • Sao Tome and Principe
    • Vanuatu
    • Zimbabwe

    The proposed travel ban marks a return to one of Trump’s most controversial policies during his first term in office.

    In January 2017, shortly after taking office, Trump signed the “Protecting the Nation From Foreign Terrorist Entry Into the United States” order. This initial travel ban temporarily barred entry for citizens from seven Muslim-majority countries and led to widespread protests and legal challenges.

    The US Supreme Court eventually upheld a revised version of the ban in 2018, which continued to restrict travel from several nations, including Iran, Libya, North Korea, Somalia, Syria, Venezuela, and Yemen. President Joe Biden repealed the ban in 2021, describing it as “a stain on our national conscience.”

    During his 2024 presidential campaign, Trump vowed to reinstate and expand the travel ban to protect the US from perceived threats.

    The new proposal remains under review and could face legal challenges similar to those following the 2017 ban.

    If approved, the listed nations would face indefinite travel restrictions under the executive order signed by President Donald Trump on January 20, aimed at preventing entry by individuals perceived to pose security risks.

  • EAC-SADC ministers to meet for talks on DRC security

    Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe, confirmed that the ministerial talks will take place in Harare, Zimbabwe, on March 17, 2025.

    During the summit, the ministers will review a report prepared by the chiefs of defence staff from EAC and SADC, who met in Dar es Salaam on February 24, regarding the cessation of hostilities in eastern DRC and ongoing humanitarian operations.

    Additionally, the meeting will focus on preparing a framework for political talks between the DRC government and its adversaries.

    The EAC and SADC ministers’ meeting follows decisions made by the heads of state of the two organisations during their extraordinary summit in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, on February 8, 2025.

    The meeting comes amid plans for the phased withdrawal of SADC troops from eastern Congo.

    On March 13, 2025, an extraordinary summit of SADC heads of state reaffirmed that political dialogue is key to ending the conflict in eastern DRC, ahead of proposed talks between the Congolese government and M23 in Angola, scheduled for March 18.

    The heads of state decided to withdraw SADC troops from DRC after nearly a year and four months of deployment. The troops include soldiers from South Africa, Tanzania, and Malawi.

    EAC and SADC ministerial talks will take place in Harare, Zimbabwe, on March 17, 2025.

  • Brig Gen Rwivanga speaks on fate of FDLR’s Gen Omega amid reports of his death

    Speculation about Gen Omega’s death surfaced in January 2025 after clashes between the M23 armed group and a coalition of Congolese army forces and FDLR fighters in areas including Kanyamahoro, Sake, and the outskirts of Goma.

    On March 1, 2025, when M23 handed over captured FDLR fighters to Rwanda—including Brig Gen Jean Baptiste Gakwerere—M23’s deputy spokesperson, Dr Oscar Balinda, told IGIHE that Gen Omega’s body had not been found.

    “Gen Omega’s whereabouts will be revealed soon. We are still searching for him. I personally entered his bunker in Kanyamahoro, beneath Nyiragongo Volcano. No one was inside, and we did not find his body either,” Dr Balinda stated.

    In an interview with Jeune Afrique, Brig Gen Rwivanga confirmed that the RDF is still seeking information about Gen Omega. He noted that the RDF is yet to determine whether he is dead or alive.

    “We have not received Pacifique Ntawunguka. We are waiting to confirm whether he was captured, killed, or is still alive,” Brig Gen Rwivanga said.

    Who is Gen Omega?

    Gen Omega, born in 1964 in what is now Ngororero District, Western Province, Rwanda, studied at Collège Christ-Roi in Nyanza before attending Rwanda’s Military Academy (ESM) in Kigali. He later trained as a pilot in Egypt, Greece, and France.

    Between 1990 and 1994, he held the rank of Lieutenant in the former Rwandan army (Ex-FAR). During the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, he led Battalion 94 in Mutara but was defeated by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA). Wounded in the leg, he fled to Kigali before eventually escaping Rwanda.

    Despite efforts by the Rwandan government to persuade him to return home—like some former FDLR members—Gen Omega refused. He infamously told Gen (Rtd) James Kabarebe, a former RDF Chief of Defence Staff, that he would only return to Rwanda if no Tutsi remained in the country.

    After the death of Gen Sylvestre Mudacumura in September 2019, Gen Omega took over as the FDLR’s military leader.

    In September 2024, the DRC army launched operations described as a manhunt, but it was later revealed that these operations were merely a facade.

    However, a UN expert report later revealed that Gen Maj Peter Cirimwami, then Governor of North Kivu, had tipped him off, allowing him to relocate before the operation began.

    The FDLR, a terrorist group composed of perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, has long sought to destabilise Rwanda through armed conflict.

    The DRC government has been accused of collaborating with the FDLR, allowing it to operate freely within its borders.

    The fate of Gen Omega remains unknown, but ongoing investigations may soon reveal whether he is still alive or has been eliminated.

    Speculation about Gen Omega’s death surfaced in January 2025 after clashes between the M23 armed group and a coalition of Congolese army forces and FDLR fighters in areas including Kanyamahoro, Sake, and the outskirts of Goma.

  • M23 wants Tshisekedi to publicly commit to direct negotiations

    The March 18 talks in Luanda, Angola, mark the first official dialogue between the two sides after months of intensifying conflict, but M23 insists that Kinshasa must demonstrate genuine willingness to engage.

    In a statement issued on March 13 by its spokesperson, Lawrence Kanyuka, M23 reiterated that a military solution cannot resolve the crisis in eastern Congo. The group welcomed Angola’s mediation efforts but criticized the DRC government’s past reluctance to engage.

    “The Kinshasa regime has persistently refused to engage in dialogue and has repeatedly declared that it will NEVER negotiate with our organisation,” M23 stated, citing recent remarks by DRC government spokesperson Patrick Muyaya.

    The group called on Tshisekedi to make an unequivocal public declaration committing to direct negotiations.

    M23 also raised concerns about the mediation process, urging Angola to formally notify all stakeholders about the structure and terms of the talks.

    The group claimed that it has only learned about the negotiations through a statement published on the Facebook page of the Angolan Presidency, highlighting the need for greater transparency.

    Additionally, M23 requested clarification on the implementation of resolutions adopted at the East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit in Dar es Salaam on February 8, which called for a political settlement to the conflict.

    The conflict has worsened since late January when M23 captured the strategic city of Goma, followed by Bukavu in February. Despite these advances, Kinshasa had previously maintained a hardline stance, refusing to engage in direct negotiations with the rebel group.

    Pressure has been mounting on Tshisekedi to change his position. During the African Union (AU) summit on February 15, regional leaders reinforced calls for direct engagement with M23. However, Tshisekedi skipped the summit, choosing instead to attend a security conference in Munich, Germany.

    With the March 18 talks approaching, M23 insists that Tshisekedi’s public commitment to the process is crucial for building trust and ensuring productive discussions.

    The March 18 talks in Luanda, Angola, mark the first official dialogue between the two sides after months of intensifying conflict, but M23 insists that President Félix Tshisekedi's administration must demonstrate genuine willingness to engage.

  • ‘Tshisekedi is a bandit’: Gen Makenga speaks on M23’s fight for survival and SADC troops

    In a rare interview with Belgian researcher and former senator Alain Destexhe, Makenga accused President Félix Tshisekedi of failing to protect all Congolese citizens, labelling him “a bandit” who has shown no love for the country.

    Since late 2021, M23 has reignited its armed struggle, claiming to defend Tutsis, Banyamulenge, Hema, and other Kinyarwanda-speaking communities who face persecution, killings, and other abuses due to their ethnicity.

    General Sultani Makenga during a rare interview with Belgian researcher Alain Destexhe.

    Makenga insists that M23 took up arms only because they were “threatened with extermination.”

    “We are fighting for our survival,” Makenga said. “We could not allow ourselves to be wiped out without reacting. It is unfortunate that the outside world refuses to see this.”

    Citing attacks against Tutsi-majority villages, he pointed to a recent incident in Nturo, Masisi territory, where a village was burned down simply because of its ethnic composition.

    “We must move beyond this ideology of ethnic hatred and instead promote reconciliation,” he added.

    Makenga denied that capturing key cities such as Goma and Bukavu was a strategic objective but argued that it became necessary to stop ongoing attacks.

    “From Goma, the FARDC [Congolese army] and other forces were shelling our positions and the civilians under our protection. We could not tolerate this any longer,” he explained.

    He also accused the Congolese and Burundian forces of regrouping in Bukavu and receiving supplies through Kavumu Airport, which, he said, posed a threat that M23 had to neutralize.

    Despite their military successes, Makenga dismissed suggestions that M23 intended to advance on Kinshasa, saying, “No, unless we are threatened.”

    SADC troops and foreign mercenaries

    As part of efforts to counter M23’s offensive, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) deployed troops from South Africa, Malawi, and Tanzania to eastern DRC. However, many of these forces are now holed up in bases around Goma following heavy losses.

    “They can move freely but without weapons. We allow them to resupply,” Makenga stated, adding that M23 has no interest in holding them captive. “We want them to go home. They are free to leave whenever they wish.”

    The M23 leader also condemned the involvement of foreign mercenaries alongside Congolese forces, particularly the alleged presence of Romanian fighters.

    “It is unjust for people to come from Europe to kill those defending their rights. The world should be shocked, but apparently, it is not.”

    Despite the ongoing conflict, Makenga expressed willingness to negotiate, particularly in response to an initiative led by Angola, which currently holds the African Union presidency.

    “Of course, we want negotiations,” he said. “We have acknowledged Angola’s position, but we have not yet heard anything from Kinshasa.” Shortly after the interview, Kinshasa signaled its acceptance of the talks, with negotiations set to begin on March 18.

    It remains to be seen whether the March 18 talks will bring about the much-needed peace deal in the eastern region.

    In a rare interview with Belgian researcher Alain Destexhe, Makenga accused President Félix Tshisekedi of failing to protect all Congolese citizens, labeling him “a bandit” who has shown no love for the country.

  • AFC/M23 denies HRW’s allegations of arrests, intimidation of journalists and activists

    In a report published on March 12, 2025, HRW alleged that since capturing the cities of Goma and Bukavu in January, the M23 and AFC have engaged in a systematic campaign to suppress dissent. According to the organization, journalists and activists critical of the group’s actions have faced intimidation and violence.

    “Restoring a measure of normalcy to the captured cities of Goma and Bukavu will mean allowing journalists and civil society activists to do their jobs without threats, violence, or worse,” said Clémentine de Montjoye, senior Great Lakes researcher at Human Rights Watch.

    However, in a strongly worded statement, the AFC/M23 denied the accusations, describing HRW’s report as “unfounded” and an attempt to mislead the public.

    “We categorically reject the unfounded allegations presented in Human Rights Watch’s (HRW) report dated March 12, 2025. This publication is a blatant attempt to spread false information, mislead the public, and serve the interests of the Kinshasa regime,” AFC/M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka stated.

    The group challenged HRW to present concrete evidence supporting its claims and accused the organization of bias due to its alleged connections to the DRC government.

    “Our organization has never arrested, intimidated, or persecuted any journalist or activist. We challenge HRW to provide concrete evidence supporting its claims. Given its well-documented ties to the Kinshasa regime, HRW’s credibility is highly questionable,” the statement continued.

    The M23 asserted that they have consistently upheld press freedom and allow journalists to work without restrictions in the areas under their control.

    “The AFC/M23 has always upheld press freedom and remains open to both national and international journalists. Media professionals are free to operate within liberated areas without restrictions, censorship, or imposed narratives. We strongly believe in transparency and the fundamental right of journalists to report independently,” the group stated.

    The AFC/M23 also addressed the killing of popular musician Indego. They reiterated their earlier claim, made via social media on February 13, 2025, that Indego’s death resulted from internal conflicts among the Wazalendo militia and the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC).

    “We stated that his killing resulted from internal conflicts among different factions of the Wazalendo militia and the FARDC, a fact that some media outlets have deliberately ignored in favor of misleading narratives,” the statement clarified.

    The AFC/M23 rebel group has, in recent months, gained large swaths of territory in the eastern region, where it accuses President Félix Tshisekedi’s government of poor governance and the persecution of Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese communities.

    AFC/M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka has rejected recent allegations by Human Rights Watch (HRW) accusing the group of detaining, threatening, and attacking journalists and civil society activists in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

  • Rwanda calls for genuine DRC-M23 peace talks, not empty formalities

    Since late 2021, the M23 rebel group resumed armed struggle, claiming to fight for the rights of Tutsis, Banyamulenge, Hema, and other Kinyarwanda-speaking communities who face persecution, killings, and other abuses due to their ethnicity. However, DRC President Félix Tshisekedi has repeatedly sworn not to engage in talks with M23, describing the group as an “empty shell” and alleging that its fighters are soldiers from a foreign country.

    But in a shift of stance, signaling a change of heart, the Angolan Presidency announced on Tuesday, March 10, 2025, that President João Lourenço would mediate negotiations between the DRC government and M23 representatives in the coming days.

    The announcement followed President Tshisekedi’s visit to Angola, aimed at seeking a peaceful resolution to the ongoing conflict in eastern DRC.

    Speaking in an interview with Rwanda Broadcasting Agency (RBA), Mukuralinda emphasized that despite DRC’s initial refusal to negotiate with M23, peace talks remain the only viable path to ending the war in eastern Congo, as regional leaders have consistently highlighted.

    Mukuralinda noted that Tshisekedi’s agreement to engage in talks is an acknowledgment that African-led solutions are the best approach to resolving African conflicts, with external assistance serving only as a complement.

    “He is now following the path that regional leaders have long advocated, saying, ‘We know this issue, and this is how it should be resolved,’” Mukuralinda said.

    He added: “Another important point is that he has accepted dialogue as the only way to resolve this issue, as regional leaders—including the President of Rwanda—have affirmed that this conflict can only be solved through negotiations, not military action.”

    Mukuralinda recalled that previous talks failed to yield the desired results due to a lack of commitment from the DRC government.

    “It is time to ensure that these talks are not just for show. And once agreements are reached, there must be mechanisms to monitor their implementation. This is not the first, second, or third time such negotiations are taking place,” he said.

    He stressed that the primary objective of the DRC-M23 negotiations should be to end the ongoing conflict in eastern Congo.

    A joint session of heads of state from the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in February declared dialogue as the only path to silencing the guns in eastern Congo. It remains to be seen if the talks will achieve their objective.

    After a meeting between Angolan President João Lourenço and DRC President Félix Tshisekedi on Tuesday, March 11, 2025, Angola confirmed that it will host the talks between the Congolese government and the M23 rebel group.Rwanda’s Deputy Government Spokesperson, Alain Mukuralinda, has stressed that the upcoming talks between the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) government and the M23 rebel group must be meaningful and result-oriented, rather than symbolic gestures.