Category: Politics

  • Brig Gen Rwivanga speaks on fate of FDLR’s Gen Omega amid reports of his death

    Brig Gen Rwivanga speaks on fate of FDLR’s Gen Omega amid reports of his death

    Speculation about Gen Omega’s death surfaced in January 2025 after clashes between the M23 armed group and a coalition of Congolese army forces and FDLR fighters in areas including Kanyamahoro, Sake, and the outskirts of Goma.

    On March 1, 2025, when M23 handed over captured FDLR fighters to Rwanda—including Brig Gen Jean Baptiste Gakwerere—M23’s deputy spokesperson, Dr Oscar Balinda, told IGIHE that Gen Omega’s body had not been found.

    “Gen Omega’s whereabouts will be revealed soon. We are still searching for him. I personally entered his bunker in Kanyamahoro, beneath Nyiragongo Volcano. No one was inside, and we did not find his body either,” Dr Balinda stated.

    In an interview with Jeune Afrique, Brig Gen Rwivanga confirmed that the RDF is still seeking information about Gen Omega. He noted that the RDF is yet to determine whether he is dead or alive.

    “We have not received Pacifique Ntawunguka. We are waiting to confirm whether he was captured, killed, or is still alive,” Brig Gen Rwivanga said.

    {{Who is Gen Omega?}}

    Gen Omega, born in 1964 in what is now Ngororero District, Western Province, Rwanda, studied at Collège Christ-Roi in Nyanza before attending Rwanda’s Military Academy (ESM) in Kigali. He later trained as a pilot in Egypt, Greece, and France.

    Between 1990 and 1994, he held the rank of Lieutenant in the former Rwandan army (Ex-FAR). During the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, he led Battalion 94 in Mutara but was defeated by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA). Wounded in the leg, he fled to Kigali before eventually escaping Rwanda.

    Despite efforts by the Rwandan government to persuade him to return home—like some former FDLR members—Gen Omega refused. He infamously told Gen (Rtd) James Kabarebe, a former RDF Chief of Defence Staff, that he would only return to Rwanda if no Tutsi remained in the country.

    After the death of Gen Sylvestre Mudacumura in September 2019, Gen Omega took over as the FDLR’s military leader.

    In September 2024, the DRC army launched operations described as a manhunt, but it was later revealed that these operations were merely a facade.

    However, a UN expert report later revealed that Gen Maj Peter Cirimwami, then Governor of North Kivu, had tipped him off, allowing him to relocate before the operation began.

    The FDLR, a terrorist group composed of perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, has long sought to destabilise Rwanda through armed conflict.

    The DRC government has been accused of collaborating with the FDLR, allowing it to operate freely within its borders.

    The fate of Gen Omega remains unknown, but ongoing investigations may soon reveal whether he is still alive or has been eliminated.

    Speculation about Gen Omega’s death surfaced in January 2025 after clashes between the M23 armed group and a coalition of Congolese army forces and FDLR fighters in areas including Kanyamahoro, Sake, and the outskirts of Goma.
  • M23 wants Tshisekedi to publicly commit to direct negotiations

    M23 wants Tshisekedi to publicly commit to direct negotiations

    The March 18 talks in Luanda, Angola, mark the first official dialogue between the two sides after months of intensifying conflict, but M23 insists that Kinshasa must demonstrate genuine willingness to engage.

    In a statement issued on March 13 by its spokesperson, Lawrence Kanyuka, M23 reiterated that a military solution cannot resolve the crisis in eastern Congo. The group welcomed Angola’s mediation efforts but criticized the DRC government’s past reluctance to engage.

    “The Kinshasa regime has persistently refused to engage in dialogue and has repeatedly declared that it will NEVER negotiate with our organisation,” M23 stated, citing recent remarks by DRC government spokesperson Patrick Muyaya.

    The group called on Tshisekedi to make an unequivocal public declaration committing to direct negotiations.

    M23 also raised concerns about the mediation process, urging Angola to formally notify all stakeholders about the structure and terms of the talks.

    The group claimed that it has only learned about the negotiations through a statement published on the Facebook page of the Angolan Presidency, highlighting the need for greater transparency.

    Additionally, M23 requested clarification on the implementation of resolutions adopted at the East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit in Dar es Salaam on February 8, which called for a political settlement to the conflict.

    The conflict has worsened since late January when M23 captured the strategic city of Goma, followed by Bukavu in February. Despite these advances, Kinshasa had previously maintained a hardline stance, refusing to engage in direct negotiations with the rebel group.

    Pressure has been mounting on Tshisekedi to change his position. During the African Union (AU) summit on February 15, regional leaders reinforced calls for direct engagement with M23. However, Tshisekedi skipped the summit, choosing instead to attend a security conference in Munich, Germany.

    With the March 18 talks approaching, M23 insists that Tshisekedi’s public commitment to the process is crucial for building trust and ensuring productive discussions.

    The March 18 talks in Luanda, Angola, mark the first official dialogue between the two sides after months of intensifying conflict, but M23 insists that President Félix Tshisekedi's administration must demonstrate genuine willingness to engage.
  • ‘Tshisekedi is a bandit’: Gen Makenga speaks on M23’s fight for survival and SADC troops

    ‘Tshisekedi is a bandit’: Gen Makenga speaks on M23’s fight for survival and SADC troops

    In a rare interview with Belgian researcher and former senator Alain Destexhe, Makenga accused President Félix Tshisekedi of failing to protect all Congolese citizens, labelling him “a bandit” who has shown no love for the country.

    Since late 2021, M23 has reignited its armed struggle, claiming to defend Tutsis, Banyamulenge, Hema, and other Kinyarwanda-speaking communities who face persecution, killings, and other abuses due to their ethnicity.

    General Sultani Makenga during a rare interview with Belgian researcher Alain Destexhe.

    Makenga insists that M23 took up arms only because they were “threatened with extermination.”

    “We are fighting for our survival,” Makenga said. “We could not allow ourselves to be wiped out without reacting. It is unfortunate that the outside world refuses to see this.”

    Citing attacks against Tutsi-majority villages, he pointed to a recent incident in Nturo, Masisi territory, where a village was burned down simply because of its ethnic composition.

    “We must move beyond this ideology of ethnic hatred and instead promote reconciliation,” he added.

    Makenga denied that capturing key cities such as Goma and Bukavu was a strategic objective but argued that it became necessary to stop ongoing attacks.

    “From Goma, the FARDC [Congolese army] and other forces were shelling our positions and the civilians under our protection. We could not tolerate this any longer,” he explained.

    He also accused the Congolese and Burundian forces of regrouping in Bukavu and receiving supplies through Kavumu Airport, which, he said, posed a threat that M23 had to neutralize.

    Despite their military successes, Makenga dismissed suggestions that M23 intended to advance on Kinshasa, saying, “No, unless we are threatened.”

    {{SADC troops and foreign mercenaries}}

    As part of efforts to counter M23’s offensive, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) deployed troops from South Africa, Malawi, and Tanzania to eastern DRC. However, many of these forces are now holed up in bases around Goma following heavy losses.

    “They can move freely but without weapons. We allow them to resupply,” Makenga stated, adding that M23 has no interest in holding them captive. “We want them to go home. They are free to leave whenever they wish.”

    The M23 leader also condemned the involvement of foreign mercenaries alongside Congolese forces, particularly the alleged presence of Romanian fighters.

    “It is unjust for people to come from Europe to kill those defending their rights. The world should be shocked, but apparently, it is not.”

    Despite the ongoing conflict, Makenga expressed willingness to negotiate, particularly in response to an initiative led by Angola, which currently holds the African Union presidency.

    “Of course, we want negotiations,” he said. “We have acknowledged Angola’s position, but we have not yet heard anything from Kinshasa.” Shortly after the interview, Kinshasa signaled its acceptance of the talks, with negotiations set to begin on March 18.

    It remains to be seen whether the March 18 talks will bring about the much-needed peace deal in the eastern region.

    In a rare interview with Belgian researcher Alain Destexhe, Makenga accused President Félix Tshisekedi of failing to protect all Congolese citizens, labeling him “a bandit” who has shown no love for the country.
  • AFC/M23 denies HRW’s allegations of arrests, intimidation of journalists and activists

    AFC/M23 denies HRW’s allegations of arrests, intimidation of journalists and activists

    In a report published on March 12, 2025, HRW alleged that since capturing the cities of Goma and Bukavu in January, the M23 and AFC have engaged in a systematic campaign to suppress dissent. According to the organization, journalists and activists critical of the group’s actions have faced intimidation and violence.

    “Restoring a measure of normalcy to the captured cities of Goma and Bukavu will mean allowing journalists and civil society activists to do their jobs without threats, violence, or worse,” said Clémentine de Montjoye, senior Great Lakes researcher at Human Rights Watch.

    However, in a strongly worded statement, the AFC/M23 denied the accusations, describing HRW’s report as “unfounded” and an attempt to mislead the public.

    “We categorically reject the unfounded allegations presented in Human Rights Watch’s (HRW) report dated March 12, 2025. This publication is a blatant attempt to spread false information, mislead the public, and serve the interests of the Kinshasa regime,” AFC/M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka stated.

    The group challenged HRW to present concrete evidence supporting its claims and accused the organization of bias due to its alleged connections to the DRC government.

    “Our organization has never arrested, intimidated, or persecuted any journalist or activist. We challenge HRW to provide concrete evidence supporting its claims. Given its well-documented ties to the Kinshasa regime, HRW’s credibility is highly questionable,” the statement continued.

    The M23 asserted that they have consistently upheld press freedom and allow journalists to work without restrictions in the areas under their control.

    “The AFC/M23 has always upheld press freedom and remains open to both national and international journalists. Media professionals are free to operate within liberated areas without restrictions, censorship, or imposed narratives. We strongly believe in transparency and the fundamental right of journalists to report independently,” the group stated.

    The AFC/M23 also addressed the killing of popular musician Indego. They reiterated their earlier claim, made via social media on February 13, 2025, that Indego’s death resulted from internal conflicts among the Wazalendo militia and the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC).

    “We stated that his killing resulted from internal conflicts among different factions of the Wazalendo militia and the FARDC, a fact that some media outlets have deliberately ignored in favor of misleading narratives,” the statement clarified.

    The AFC/M23 rebel group has, in recent months, gained large swaths of territory in the eastern region, where it accuses President Félix Tshisekedi’s government of poor governance and the persecution of Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese communities.

    AFC/M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka has rejected recent allegations by Human Rights Watch (HRW) accusing the group of detaining, threatening, and attacking journalists and civil society activists in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
  • Rwanda calls for genuine DRC-M23 peace talks, not empty formalities

    Rwanda calls for genuine DRC-M23 peace talks, not empty formalities

    Since late 2021, the M23 rebel group resumed armed struggle, claiming to fight for the rights of Tutsis, Banyamulenge, Hema, and other Kinyarwanda-speaking communities who face persecution, killings, and other abuses due to their ethnicity. However, DRC President Félix Tshisekedi has repeatedly sworn not to engage in talks with M23, describing the group as an “empty shell” and alleging that its fighters are soldiers from a foreign country.

    But in a shift of stance, signaling a change of heart, the Angolan Presidency announced on Tuesday, March 10, 2025, that President João Lourenço would mediate negotiations between the DRC government and M23 representatives in the coming days.

    The announcement followed President Tshisekedi’s visit to Angola, aimed at seeking a peaceful resolution to the ongoing conflict in eastern DRC.

    Speaking in an interview with Rwanda Broadcasting Agency (RBA), Mukuralinda emphasized that despite DRC’s initial refusal to negotiate with M23, peace talks remain the only viable path to ending the war in eastern Congo, as regional leaders have consistently highlighted.

    Mukuralinda noted that Tshisekedi’s agreement to engage in talks is an acknowledgment that African-led solutions are the best approach to resolving African conflicts, with external assistance serving only as a complement.

    “He is now following the path that regional leaders have long advocated, saying, ‘We know this issue, and this is how it should be resolved,’” Mukuralinda said.

    He added: “Another important point is that he has accepted dialogue as the only way to resolve this issue, as regional leaders—including the President of Rwanda—have affirmed that this conflict can only be solved through negotiations, not military action.”

    Mukuralinda recalled that previous talks failed to yield the desired results due to a lack of commitment from the DRC government.

    “It is time to ensure that these talks are not just for show. And once agreements are reached, there must be mechanisms to monitor their implementation. This is not the first, second, or third time such negotiations are taking place,” he said.

    He stressed that the primary objective of the DRC-M23 negotiations should be to end the ongoing conflict in eastern Congo.

    A joint session of heads of state from the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in February declared dialogue as the only path to silencing the guns in eastern Congo. It remains to be seen if the talks will achieve their objective.

    After a meeting between Angolan President João Lourenço and DRC President Félix Tshisekedi on Tuesday, March 11, 2025, Angola confirmed that it will host the talks between the Congolese government and the M23 rebel group.
    Rwanda’s Deputy Government Spokesperson, Alain Mukuralinda, has stressed that the upcoming talks between the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) government and the M23 rebel group must be meaningful and result-oriented, rather than symbolic gestures.
  • Nearly $40 billion spent with no results: President Kagame criticises UN mission in DRC

    Nearly $40 billion spent with no results: President Kagame criticises UN mission in DRC

    In a candid interview with content creator Mario Nawfal on his 69 X Minutes show, President Kagame maintained that despite the UN’s 26-year presence in the DRC, it has failed to achieve any meaningful accomplishments, as the region continues to grapple with constant conflict, making much-needed peace and stability elusive.

    “What did they actually come to do? To keep peace? What peace? To bring peace? What peace have they brought? Did they come to solve the security problem caused by the FDLR, which has been in Congo for 30 years? Nothing. So why are they still there?” President Kagame posed.

    The United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO), initially established as MONUC, has been stationed in the country since 1999. Despite its mandate to stabilize the country, protect civilians, and support the Congolese government, the mission has failed to curb violence.

    With an annual budget exceeding $1.13 billion and a contingent of approximately 23,000 peacekeepers, MONUSCO remains the most expensive UN peacekeeping mission.

    In the interview, Kagame reiterated that the conflict in the DRC stems from the arbitrary borders drawn by colonial powers, with the Congolese government failing to recognize Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese, who found themselves within DRC territory, as its citizens.

    “It was just an open space. They drew a line, left Rwanda on this side, and called the other side Congo. But this line divided families. These are the ones who are fighting—the ones the government is uprooting and telling to go back to Rwanda. They are M23,” Kagame explained.

    The president pointed out that Rwanda currently hosts 130,000 refugees from DRC, some of whom have been in the country for over 23 years.

    At the same time, the Rwandan Head of State denied claims that Rwanda is behind the conflict in eastern Congo to plunder its neighbor’s mineral resources.

    “If you look at a list of 100 entities—China, Europe, the US, Canada, and so on, including all of us in the region—who are interested in Congo’s minerals, Rwanda would come 100th, at the very bottom. But the situation has been framed in a way that makes it seem as though the ones least concerned about minerals are the ones responsible for the entire problem. Meanwhile, these 100 entities are the ones making billions and leaving nothing behind, yet Rwanda is made to absorb the blame,” he stated.

    Kagame maintained that Rwanda’s primary concern in the region is the presence of the FDLR in Congo, a group composed of remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, which continues to pose a threat with its mission for regime change in Rwanda.

    “The FDLR—those who committed genocide—went to Congo 30 years ago. They have since worked with politicians and become part of the political landscape. They cause problems for the Congolese, but their ultimate goal is to destabilize Rwanda,” he said.

    Kagame also criticized Congolese President Félix Tshisekedi’s approach to the crisis, accusing him of harboring extremist views while refusing to engage in dialogue with the M23 rebels to resolve the escalating conflict in eastern Congo.

    Kagame also questioned Tshisekedi’s legitimacy, saying the said the Congolese President has never been elected.

    “By the way, I don’t mind how he became president. He was not elected either time. The first time, Joseph [Kabila] handed power over to him—there’s no question about that. The second time, he simply declared himself the winner, and everyone was told to keep quiet. But that’s not my problem.”

    Meanwhile, in eastern Congo, M23 rebels continue to battle government forces and their allies—including the FDLR, SADC troops, the Burundian army, and various militia groups—over longstanding grievances related to the marginalization of Congolese Tutsis.

    Recent territorial gains by M23 have led to the capture of strategic towns in North and South Kivu, including Goma and Bukavu.

    President Kagame maintained that despite the UN's 26-year presence in the DRC, it has failed to achieve any meaningful accomplishments, as the region continues to grapple with constant conflict, making much-needed peace and stability elusive.
  • Kabila suspends studies in South Africa to focus on ‘worsening DRC situation’

    Kabila suspends studies in South Africa to focus on ‘worsening DRC situation’

    Speaking in an interview with Namibia’s state broadcaster, the Namibia Broadcasting Corporation, Kabila explained that while he had been involved in various activities since leaving office in 2019, including academic pursuits, the deteriorating situation in the DRC now demands his full attention.

    “We left office as part of the Constitution and have been involved in various activities, including academic pursuits, which we intend to continue. However, if the situation back home continues to deteriorate, then we must ensure that the DRC does not go down the drain,” Kabila stated.

    “We are here to assist and do exactly what we believe must be done to prevent things from worsening—which is, unfortunately, what is happening as we speak.”

    Kabila, who was in Namibia for the funeral of founding President Sam Nujoma, confirmed that he had paused his studies at the University of Johannesburg two to three months ago in order to dedicate more time to addressing the crisis in his country.

    At the same time, he dismissed claims that he was “emerging from the shadows,” insisting that he had never withdrawn from public life.

    “Those reports are wrong. I’ve never been in the shadows—I’ve always been in the light. I was simply focusing on something else, and I always prefer to give my full attention to what I am doing to succeed. You can multitask, but when dealing with serious issues, multitasking is not an option,” he said.

    Kabila emphasized that resolving the crisis in the DRC requires collective effort and cannot be achieved by a single individual.

    “The Congo is a nation of 120 million people. It has neighbours—not just those immediately surrounding it, but also from across the southern African region, such as Namibia and South Africa. I believe every Congolese citizen has a role to play, whether individually or collectively,” he said.

    Kabila also reflected on past peace efforts, including the 2001-2002 Lusaka Agreement and subsequent accords that led to temporary stability. He acknowledged that governance challenges, injustices, and constitutional violations have fueled ongoing instability.

    While expressing concern over foreign military presence in the DRC, he recalled a similar decision in 2001 to expel foreign troops, arguing that national sovereignty should be respected.

    “The country must be sovereign within its borders, making sovereign decisions, without multiple foreign armies battling it out—including mercenaries and hundreds of armed groups,” he said.

    Kabila also commented on ongoing mediation efforts, urging mediators to engage directly with the Congolese people to ensure effective conflict resolution. He maintained that peace in the DRC must be built on democratic governance, stability, and national cohesion.

    His remarks follow his recent criticism of President Félix Tshisekedi’s administration, in which he accused the government of failing to address the country’s worsening crisis, undermining democracy, and eroding constitutional order.

    In a detailed opinion piece published in South Africa’s Sunday Times in February, Kabila pointed to the escalating conflict in eastern DRC, particularly the resurgence of the M23 rebel group since 2021, as a symptom of deeper failures. He dismisses the government’s narrative that the crisis hinges solely on M23 or tensions with Rwanda as “misleading.”

    Speaking in an interview with Namibia’s state broadcaster, the Namibia Broadcasting Corporation, Kabila explained that while he had been involved in various activities since leaving office in 2019, including academic pursuits, the deteriorating situation in the DRC now demands his full attention.
  • Ndayishimiye orders Burundian troops’ offensive to drive M23 out of South Kivu

    Ndayishimiye orders Burundian troops’ offensive to drive M23 out of South Kivu

    The directive follows a series of battlefield losses for the Congolese army and its allied forces in the conflict-ridden region.

    According to diplomatic sources, Ndayishimiye convened a high-level meeting in Bujumbura on February 27, where he discussed the security crisis in eastern DRC and reiterated his commitment to combating M23.

    While publicly advocating for a diplomatic resolution to the conflict, his continued deployment of troops suggests a contradictory approach—one that fuels the very war he claims to be mediating.

    Since August 2023, Burundi has maintained a substantial military presence in eastern DRC under a controversial agreement with Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi. The deal, which reportedly grants Ndayishimiye a monthly payment of $5,000 per soldier, has raised concerns over the financial incentives driving Burundi’s involvement in the war.

    Despite these payments, Burundian soldiers themselves reportedly receive only a fraction of the amount—$70 for junior ranks and $100 for officers—raising further questions about the true beneficiaries of the arrangement.

    On February 23, Burundi reinforced its brigade in the Ruzizi Plain, deploying additional artillery units along the Vugizo border. IGIHE understands that the Burundian army has stationed surveillance drones and heavy artillery, including 120mm and 122mm guns, to fortify its positions ahead of anticipated clashes with M23.

    The Burundian presence in DRC has, however, been met with resistance. Reports indicate that hundreds of Burundian soldiers have been killed in North Kivu over the past year, while others have refused to continue fighting.

    In January, 48 soldiers from the 20th Battalion declined deployment, an act of defiance that led to their detention under accusations of mutiny.

    The worsening security situation has also triggered discord among Burundi’s top military and government officials. Critics argue that Ndayishimiye’s troop deployments prioritize personal financial gain over national security, while soldiers on the ground reportedly feel abandoned in an increasingly dire conflict.

    Commanders stationed in Uvira have allegedly issued strict orders warning that any soldier attempting to flee across the Rusizi River back to Burundi would be treated as an enemy combatant and shot on sight.

    Despite mounting casualties and internal discontent, Ndayishimiye remains adamant. His latest order aims to push Burundian forces deeper into South Kivu, with a primary focus on retaking key rebel-held areas, including Bukavu and Kavumu airport. However, reports from within Burundian military ranks suggest that soldiers are growing increasingly reluctant to engage M23, fearing heavy losses in what has become a grueling and costly conflict.

    As regional leaders continue to push for a diplomatic resolution, Burundi’s deepening involvement complicates ongoing peace efforts.

    During the February 8 summit of the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), calls for an immediate ceasefire and renewed dialogue were reiterated. However, with Burundian forces pressing ahead on the battlefield, the prospects for peace remain uncertain.

    Since August 2023, Burundi has maintained a substantial military presence in eastern DRC under a controversial agreement with Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi.
  • “I was misguided”: Zimbabwean activist Rutendo apologetic to President Kagame over past criticism (Video)

    “I was misguided”: Zimbabwean activist Rutendo apologetic to President Kagame over past criticism (Video)

    In a candid and reflective interview on Sanny Ntayombya’s “The Long Form” podcast, the chairperson of the Zimbabwe Anti-Sanctions Movement (ZASM) and founder of Zimbabweans Unite Against US War Sanctions (ZUAUWS) revealed a dramatic shift in perspective after visiting Rwanda for the first time, confronting his own ignorance and seeking reconciliation with a leader he once vilified.

    “I’d apologize for my misguided words, born of ignorance, jealousy, and tribalism,” Matinyarare said when asked what he would say if he met Kagame. “I’m here to learn from his leadership, admired yet envied across Africa.”

    The activist, known for his outspoken Pan-African advocacy, admitted to previously pushing narratives—such as claims that the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) caused the 1994 genocide against Tutsis—that he now acknowledges were rooted in “helicopter journalism” and misinformation from books, exiled friends, and unverified reports.

    “I was no different from the Western media I hated so much,” he confessed, citing a personal awakening spurred by Rwandans who approached him “without anger” to share their side.

    Matinyarare’s apology comes amid a broader exploration of Rwanda’s role in the region. His visit, part of a documentary project on the Congo conflict, led him to reassess long-held beliefs about Rwanda, its president, and the ongoing crisis in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

    {{M23 rebel group and the Congo crisis }}

    Matinyarare offered a striking take on the conflict in eastern DRC, particularly regarding the M23 rebel group, which he met in Goma.

    Far from seeing them as terrorists or Rwandan proxies—a narrative often perpetuated by the DRC government and other critics—he referred to them as “freedom fighters.”

    “These are people separated from their land,” he said, tracing the conflict’s roots to colonial borders drawn at the Berlin Conference that split the Rwandan kingdom and fostered tribal divisions.

    “They’re fighting for political, social, cultural, and human rights because colonial constructs persist under Black leadership.”

    He recounted meeting M23 President Bertrand Bisimwa, first in Addis Ababa and later in Goma, debunking claims of their Rwandan origin.

    “They’re Congolese people,” he insisted, noting their diverse tribal makeup and retreat to Uganda, not Rwanda, under persecution.

    In Goma, he said he observed a vibrant city, not a war zone, with M23 patrolling the streets professionally, cleaning up, managing traffic, and earning public acceptance.

    “The public didn’t seem intimidated,” he said, challenging the idea of coercion.

    Visiting Nyakabande refugee camp in southwest Rwanda, Matinyarare said he was moved to tears by Congolese Kinyarwanda-speaking refugees, like a widow with eight children who claimed deep ancestral ties to Congo, not Rwanda.

    “People are playing chess with people’s lives,” he lamented, rejecting narratives that these refugees are Rwandan imposters. He argued Rwanda, a small nation with limited resources, cannot sustainably absorb them, urging resolution over displacement.

    {{Rwanda’s leadership and standards}}

    Matinyarare revealed that his first impressions of Kigali, which he described as “a mind-blowing experience”, shattered his belief that its orderliness was a facade.

    “I thought President Kagame was a magician pulling a rabbit out of a hat,” he admitted. “Only when I got here did I realize the meticulousness is real.”

    Comparing Kigali’s manicured streets to Harare’s “shabby” decline, he attributed Rwanda’s success to disciplined leadership, contrasting it with Southern Africa’s “corrosion of corruption.”

    He also debunked claims that Rwanda lacks resources, citing visits to mines like Trinity Metals’ tungsten operation—Africa’s largest—and Gatsibo’s cassiterite mine.

    “I saw it with my own eyes,” he said, describing 15km underground shafts and rigorous regulation, refuting accusations that Rwanda steals Congo’s wealth through M23.

    Defending his change of heart, the activist denied receiving payment from Rwanda to change his stance, saying, “My taxes would flag that immediately.”

    He framed his journey as atonement and a push for African unity.

    “I cannot fight to be right if my rightness means destruction,” he said, urging peace in Congo through negotiations that M23 claims to welcome.

    {{Zimbabwe’s struggles and resilience}}

    Addressing Zimbabwe’s current state, Matinyarare blamed 24 years of “illegal economic sanctions” since 1998 for its decline, freezing IMF loans and blocking trade, leading to brain drain and corruption.

    Yet, he highlighted recovery: “We’re wheat self-sufficient, with the best tobacco, cotton, sugar cane, and Africa’s biggest steel plant.”

    He criticized the West for targeting nations like Zimbabwe—and now Rwanda—with sanctions to suppress African potential, drawing parallels to his own past disinformation.

    Watch the full interview below:

  • Rwanda demands £50 million from UK over scrapped migration deal

    Rwanda demands £50 million from UK over scrapped migration deal

    The demand comes amid growing tensions between the two countries over British sanctions against Rwanda due to allegations of involvement in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) conflict.

    The Rwandan government has issued an invoice to the UK, stating its legal right to the payment after Britain failed to formally terminate the agreement that would have allowed the UK to send illegal migrants arriving on small boats across the English Channel to Rwanda for processing.

    Rwanda Government Spokesperson Yolande Makolo said the funds were initially expected to be waived in good faith after Prime Minister Keir Starmer cancelled the deal last year. However, she described the recent measures, including the suspension of direct bilateral aid to Rwanda, as a “breach of trust.”

    “The UK had asked Rwanda to quietly forgo the payment based on the trust and good faith existing between our two nations. However, the UK has breached this trust through unjustified punitive measures.”

    According to Makolo, the UK government’s recent actions against Rwanda are unjustified and are intended to “coerce Rwanda into compromising our national security.”

    She also criticised recent comments by UK Minister for Africa, Lord Collins of Highbury, which linked Rwanda to the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), a Ugandan terrorist group operating in the DRC, calling them “inflammatory and irresponsible.”

    “For these reasons, we are following up on these funds, to which the UK is legally bound,” she added.

    Rwanda has repeatedly denied claims of backing M23 rebels operating in eastern DRC, insisting that the fighters are Congolese citizens fighting against decades of persecution and marginalisation of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities. Rwanda has also accused the international community of ignoring the root causes of the conflict, thereby hampering efforts to fully resolve it.

    Under the original Migration and Economic Development Partnership, the UK had already transferred £220 million to Rwanda by February 2024. Three additional payments of £50 million were scheduled for April 2024, 2025, and 2026. It is believed that the £50 million now requested relates to the April 2025 payment.

    Prime Minister Keir Starmer officially ended the scheme in July 2024, arguing that it would not effectively deter illegal migration.

    Rwanda Government Spokesperson Yolande Makolo said the funds were initially expected to be waived in good faith after the deal was cancelled by Prime Minister Keir Starmer in July. However, she described the recent measures, including the suspension of direct bilateral aid to Rwanda, as a “breach of trust.”