During the rally, Tshisekedi asserted that the Congolese Army has the capability to shell Kigali while stationed in Goma, just kilometers away from the ongoing conflict with the M23 rebel group.
He assured Kinshasa residents that they need not fear, as the Congolese Army possesses the potential to disrupt President Paul Kagame’s peace.
Tshisekedi warned that upon the first sign of aggression towards Goma, he would convene parliamentarians to seek approval for a military intervention in Rwanda.
These statements echo previous claims by Tshisekedi and other Congolese officials, accusing Rwanda of supporting the M23 rebel group, allegations vehemently denied by Rwanda.
Despite campaign pledges starting on November 19, 2023, where Tshisekedi accused Rwanda of invading and causing suffering in eastern DRC, Rwanda has maintained its commitment to addressing instability in the region without succumbing to provocations.
Tshisekedi’s rhetoric escalated when he compared President Kagame to Adolf Hitler, expressing a desire for a similar end to the dictator.
Despite DRC’s provocative statements, Rwanda remains steadfast, emphasizing its readiness to contribute to resolving instability in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
At a press conference in the capital Cairo, the NEA said the turnout reached 66.8 percent of the total 67 million eligible voters.
Voting in Egypt took place on Dec. 10-12, while Egyptians abroad cast their vote from Dec. 1 to Dec. 3 in 121 countries.
Four candidates ran for the presidency, namely Sisi, the Social Democratic Party’s Farid Zahran, Al-Wafd Party’s Abdel-Sanad Yamama, and Hazem Omar from the People’s Republican Party.
The primary objective of this movement is to reform the state and address the root causes of recurrent conflicts in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
This newly established platform, named the Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC), has already garnered support from 17 political parties and alliances, along with the endorsement of 267 political figures.
Urging all patriots who advocate for change to join without delay, the AFC aims to save the DRC and institute inclusive governance founded on unity and harmony.
Positioning itself as a credible alternative to the existing regime, widely criticized for ineffectiveness and corruption, the AFC advocates for a radical overhaul of the political and socio-economic system in the DRC.
The AFC asserts its potential to transform the Congolese political landscape, contributing significantly to the democratization of the country and conflict resolution.
On the democratic front, the AFC could play a pivotal role in establishing a fairer and more equitable political system.
Additionally, it may contribute to the promotion of human rights and the fight against corruption.
Concerning conflicts, the AFC aims to address their root causes in the DRC and promote peace and national reconciliation.
However, the AFC is poised to encounter various challenges on its path to success. Gaining the support of the Congolese population and confronting the repression of the current regime are critical hurdles.
While the journey ahead is undoubtedly demanding, the potential impact of the Alliance Fleuve Congo suggests a significant turning point in the political landscape of the DRC.
Ndayishimiye, during his tenure, endeavored to bring about significant changes in Burundi, a country that had faced isolation since 2015. This marked the beginning of his international engagements, spanning Tanzania, Uganda, the Republic of Congo, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the United States, China, and other nations.
On July 22, 2022, Ndayishimiye succeeded Uhuru Kenyatta as the Chairperson of the East African Community, assuming responsibility for the initiatives to restore peace in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. He actively participated in various meetings alongside fellow leaders.
During the third round of Nairobi-Congo negotiations on November 28, 2022, Ndayishimiye, in his capacity as the EAC representative, provided counsel to assist in achieving the desired security outcomes. Emphasizing the Congolese people’s agency, he asserted that their solutions lay within, cautioning against reliance on external aid.
In a pivotal shift in August 2023, Ndayishimiye collaborated with President Félix Tshisekedi in Kinshasa, agreeing to support the DRC’s efforts against the M23 armed group. This collaboration led to the deployment of soldiers from Burundi to North Kivu Province.
Reports surfaced on social media, particularly among Burundian refugees, suggesting the involvement of Burundian soldiers in the conflict. The Burundian army spokesperson, Col. Floribert Biyereke, refuted these claims, asserting that the soldiers in Masisi were part of the EAC mission.
M23 countered with accusations that Burundian soldiers were aiding their adversaries. Despite expressing a desire for peace in regional talks, M23 leaders were astonished when President Ndayishimiye seemingly shifted allegiance, prompting a meeting between M23 President Bertrand Bisimwa and the Burundian Head of State in Bujumbura.
Bisimwa, perplexed by the apparent change, conveyed his astonishment at the Burundian Army’s transformation into perceived adversaries. He questioned the inconsistency between Ndayishimiye’s peacemaker image and Burundi’s involvement against M23.
The reported financial aspects of the agreement between Ndayishimiye and Tshisekedi raised concerns. Allegedly, the DRC paid substantial sums to Burundi, with each Burundian soldier in the DRC expected to receive $5000 per month, along with a $200 incentive for those actively engaged in warfare.
Discrepancies in payment led to dissent among Burundian soldiers, resulting in some refusing to participate in the war against M23.
On November 22, 2023, reports indicated varying payment amounts, ranging from $50 for junior soldiers to $100 for senior officers, further adding to the discontent. Some soldiers, unsure of the cause they were fighting for, refused to engage in combat, leading to their return to Bujumbura for investigation.
President Felix Tshisekedi frequently mentions Rwanda in his campaign speeches, at times comparing the Rwandan President to Hitler.
Mukuralinda, participating in a TV1 talk show on Monday, found it perplexing that Tshisekedi would agree to converse with the Rwandan President and later publicly vilify him. He noted that the discrepancy between Tshisekedi’s statements during his campaign and his willingness to engage with American envoys for reconciliation raises questions.
Referencing recent discussions between Rwanda and the DRC, as announced by the USA on December 11th, Mukuralinda emphasized the need for scrutiny regarding Tshisekedi’s contradictory positions. Despite publicly expressing animosity, Tshisekedi agreed to dialogue with American envoys, prompting Mukuralinda to question the inconsistency.
Mukuralinda argued that Tshisekedi presents two different images, sharing contrasting narratives with his citizens and foreign envoys. He suggested that Tshisekedi should have rejected the envoys’ presence on his territory since he had already severed ties and made his stance clear.
Illustrating with an example, Mukuralinda mentioned a scenario where envoys requested Tshisekedi to ease border tensions, and he agreed to both dialogue and implementation. However, during election campaigns, Tshisekedi publicly contradicted this stance.
Mukuralinda attributed Tshisekedi’s focus on Rwanda in his campaign to gaining votes, asserting that portraying Rwanda negatively appeals to certain constituencies.
He criticized the exploitation of Rwanda’s challenges in election narratives and accused Tshisekedi of neglecting the real issues facing the region. Furthermore, Mukuralinda highlighted Congo’s collaboration with armed groups like the FDLR, involved in the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, as evidence of misplaced priorities in addressing domestic problems.
Regarded as one of the most influential diplomats of the 20th century, Kissinger’s legacy elicits varied perspectives. While he is lauded for his crucial role in shaping American foreign policy, particularly in Asia and South America, critics argue that he operated autocratically and betrayed ethical principles, resulting in widespread turmoil and loss of innocent lives.
Kissinger’s involvement in international politics prominently featured his role in the Vietnam War, drawing both acclaim and condemnation. His influence extended to the establishment of dictatorships in countries such as Pakistan, Cambodia, and Chile, prompting accusations of orchestrating instability.
Despite his significant contributions to global affairs, Kissinger’s attention to Africa appears limited in historical accounts. His policies seemingly marginalized the continent, with scant evidence of initiatives aimed at fostering development. Notably, Kissinger’s reluctance to support African nations seeking independence, such as South Africa and Angola, is underscored.
A leaked WikiLeaks document from January 18, 1975, reveals the U.S. State Department’s response to economic support requests from Rwanda and Burundi. Kissinger’s office expressed reservations, citing limited U.S. interests in these nations. The document highlights ethnic tensions between the Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda and Burundi at the time as complicating factors for American intervention.
The document underscores Kissinger’s caution about involvement in conflicts arising from the volatile situation between the two ethnic groups. It suggests a prudent approach, emphasizing that the United States should avoid entanglement in the affairs of Rwanda and Burundi.
As Kissinger exited his role in U.S. foreign affairs, American policy towards African countries persisted, maintaining a stance that some argue views Africa more as a challenge than a collaborative partner. This perspective sharply contrasts with the strategies of other global players like China and Russia, who see Africa as an investment opportunity rather than a problem to be managed.
Kissinger’s impact on U.S. international policy in Africa remains enduring, molding the nation’s approach to the continent, albeit with mixed consequences and perceptions.
The meeting was a part of the official tour undertaken by the Cuban delegation across various African countries, commencing on November 14 with Ghana as their first stop.
On the same day, Vice President Mesa expressed his appreciation on social media (formerly Twitter), thanking Rwanda for the warm welcome. He specifically highlighted the gracious reception provided by Vincent Biruta, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, upon their arrival in Rwanda.
In addition to engaging with President Kagame, Vice President Mesa also held talks with Rwanda’s Senate President François Xavier Kalinda on November 20, further underscoring the commitment to strengthening ties between the two nations.
Rwanda and Cuba have maintained diplomatic relations for 44 years. Additionally, both nations have established diplomatic representations in each other’s territories, further solidifying their commitment to fostering ongoing ties and cooperation.
On December 20, more than 44 million people in the DRC registered to vote for the president, members of parliament, and provincial leaders. A total of 26 candidates vied for the position of Head of State, with 25,832 members of parliament and 44,110 provincial leaders, along with 31,234 regional leaders, also in contention.
Tshisekedi reassured his supporters that nothing detrimental would occur under his leadership, pledging, “I will never stop loving them, and I will give my life for you.” Distinguishing himself from other candidates, he cautioned the people against listening to promises that lack substance, emphasizing the need to scrutinize the track record of those in power.
Notably, President Paul Kagame was repeatedly referenced in Tshisekedi’s statements, with a clear warning to the citizens to consider Rwanda as an adversary and to maintain a distance. Tshisekedi emphatically declared that any association with Rwanda is now out of the question. He revealed that, upon assuming office, he initially collaborated with Rwanda to address violence and insecurity in Eastern Congo, aiming for the mutual development of both countries. However, he claimed that Rwanda betrayed this collaboration.
Tshisekedi asserted that he will no longer engage in dialogue with Rwanda and President Kagame. In the earlier days of his presidency, the relationship between Tshisekedi and Rwanda was seemingly flawless, marked by joint efforts to combat the FDLR terrorist group in Eastern Congo. However, he now insists on severing ties with Rwanda, despite past camaraderie.
The current strained relationship stands in stark contrast to previous displays of support, such as President Kagame’s attendance at Tshisekedi’s father’s funeral, where he was warmly welcomed in Kinshasa.
Previously, when President Kagame visited Goma to aid those affected by the Nyiragongo volcano eruption, Tshisekedi expressed gratitude to his “brother” for the support.
The rift is further underscored by the stark shift from describing Kagame as a ‘brother and trusted partner’ to outright rejection of any future collaboration. President Kagame’s attempts to explain the root of problems in the East of the DRC appear to have fallen on deaf ears, as Tshisekedi’s character has markedly changed over time.
Tshisekedi was appointed by the Economic Community of Central African States (CEEAC) to facilitate talks between Chad’s opposition parties following the sudden passing of Idriss Deby, who was succeeded by his son.
Recently, the opposition parties initiated a petition, urging their supporters to sign it with the aim of collecting a minimum of 200 signatures. The petition explicitly expresses their dissatisfaction with Tshisekedi’s role as a mediator, alleging that he has exhibited bias in favor of Chad’s Transitional President, Mahamat Déby.
One prominent opposition figure, Yaya Dillo, expressed his frustration, stating that they had been patient and cautious but now believed that Tshisekedi was conveying a biased message from those in power. He criticized Tshisekedi, contending that he is an unsuitable representative of democracy to mediate on behalf of the people of Chad.
This development occurred just as Tshisekedi’s envoy was expected in Chad’s capital, N’Djamena, to facilitate negotiations between the government and its opponents.
Jean-Bernard Badaré, the spokesperson for Idriss Deby’s MPS party, who was succeeded by Deby’s son, remained resolute in asserting that negotiations would proceed irrespective of the opposition’s stance.
He underscored that Tshisekedi’s appointment was made by CEEAC, and any alteration to his role would need to originate from that organization.
In a related development, one opposition politician, Succès Masra, postponed his return to Chad after a year in exile in the United States.
Masra cited the government’s disregard for human rights, politically motivated arrests, and their subsequent release as reasons for his decision not to return to the country.
The decision to support President Kagame’s candidacy was reached after he confirmed his intention to participate in the upcoming presidential polls scheduled for the following year.
PDI expressed its gratitude to Paul Kagame, the President of the Republic of Rwanda, for accepting the call of Rwandans to continue their nation’s journey of rebuilding and to strengthen the gains in its development.
In a statement, PDI said, “After learning that President Kagame has agreed to run as a candidate in the 2024 elections, the party extends its heartfelt appreciation for his dedication to upholding Rwandans’ unity, safeguarding national sovereignty, and fostering the country’s development through consensual and inclusive democracy.”
The statement adds that the party’s endorsement of President Kagame aligns with a resolution made by its high council in Nyandungu, Kigali City, during preparations for the presidential elections in 2003. The resolution stated PDI’s commitment to support President Kagame whenever he is a candidate, ensuring the continuation of his leadership in the best interests of the nation.
It is noteworthy that PDI played a pivotal role in advocating for a constitutional amendment in 2015 to revise the article that previously restricted the head of state from seeking re-election.
President Kagame, who assumed office in 2000 and was first elected in 2003, is currently in his third term, set to conclude in 2024. The elections are scheduled for August of the same year.
In June of this year, the Parliament passed a constitutional amendment allowing Rwanda to conduct both presidential and parliamentary elections concurrently.
This harmonized approach is estimated to yield substantial cost savings, with the National Electoral Commission estimating up to Rwf 6 billion in savings.
