Category: Politics

The talks took place in areas under the control of the rebel group, just one day after AFC/M23 confirmed Kabila’s arrival in the region.

According to sources close to both camps, the former president held a meeting with Corneille Nangaa, the coalition’s political coordinator, along with his deputy Bertrand Bisimwa and another senior official.

The meeting was described as a courtesy exchange, a “salamalek” or peace greeting, but signalled a potentially deeper political engagement to come.

On the same day, Kabila also visited the AFC/M23’s military and ideological training base in Rumangabo, Rutshuru territory.

A source close to the former president said the visit aimed to assess the conditions under which Congolese citizens are trained after choosing to join the AFC/M23 “revolution.”

Kabila’s return to the Democratic Republic of Congo came just days after the Congolese Senate lifted his immunity as a senator for life, paving the way for legal proceedings against him over alleged ties to the M23 rebels.

In April, the Ministry of Justice accused the former head of state of colluding with the insurgency and ordered the seizure of his assets.

Since his arrival in Goma, no official photos or videos of Kabila have been released. Updates about his movements have come mainly from Reconstruire RDC, a platform he founded, and his close associates.

The platform announced last night that starting Wednesday, May 28, Kabila plans to begin a series of citizen consultations aimed at gathering concerns and proposals from various groups in response to the current security challenges facing the DRC.

The consultations are expected to guide the next phase of his political roadmap, centred on his proposed twelve-point plan to address the national crisis.

Kabila has been sharply critical of President Félix Tshisekedi’s administration, accusing it of corruption, mismanagement, and worsening insecurity in the eastern provinces. His return to Goma, particularly his engagement with M23 leadership, signals a major shift in the country’s political dynamics.

The former president is expected to address the nation once he concludes his consultations, during which he is likely to outline his vision and next steps amid a growing political crisis in the DRC.

Mbeki made the remarks in an interview with SABC while commenting on the recent return of former Congolese President Joseph Kabila to his homeland after two years in exile in South Africa.

Kabila arrived in the rebel-controlled city of Goma last week after the [Congolese Senate lifted his immunity ->https://en.igihe.com/news/article/drc-strips-former-president-kabila-of-immunity-over-treason-charges] from prosecution over allegations of supporting the AFC/M23 group.

During the interview, Mbeki clarified that he has not spoken with Kabila since the recent developments.

“I’m sure I will be able to speak to him at some point,” Mbeki said.

But the 82-year-old former head of state stressed that the conflict in the DRC, which has dragged on for decades, lies with the Congolese government’s failure to address the country’s internal challenges effectively.

Mbeki criticized successive governments in Kinshasa, including Kabila’s, for not fully understanding the complexities of the Congo and its colonial legacy. He invoked the vision of Patrice Lumumba, the DRC’s iconic independence leader, who prioritized uniting the Congolese people against the divisions sown by Belgian colonial rule.

“When the government in Kinshasa is hostile to the Banyamulenge in the eastern Congo because they are Rwandan-speaking, or takes a position against Kabila, who comes from the Katanga region, say he’s a traitor, he’s supporting M23, punish him, the whole population of Katanga is going to be against that government in Kinshasa,” Mbeki explained.

“It doesn’t solve anything for Kinshasa or the Congo.”

Addressing the ongoing talks between the DRC, the United States, and Rwanda to resolve the conflict, Mbeki noted that little would be achieved unless the Congolese government is committed to resolving its own issues internally by engaging with the rebels and addressing their concerns, including decades of marginalisation and persecution.

“The notion that the government of the Congo and the government of Rwanda can meet and sign a peace agreement to solve the problems of the eastern Congo is wrong,” he stated, noting that past attempts at such agreements have failed to address the root causes of the conflict.

“The problems of eastern Congo are domestic to the Congo. They don’t originate from outside its borders,” he added, in an apparent reference to the DRC’s repeated claims that Rwanda is destabilising the eastern region by backing M23.

Rwanda has consistently denied Congo’s allegations, insisting that its main concern is the presence of the FDLR militia, linked to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, in the neighbouring country, which poses a security threat to Rwanda.

Meanwhile, Mbeki has advocated for a Congolese-led approach to resolve the conflict in the east, reiterating the importance of dialogue between Kinshasa and groups like M23.

“Kinshasa must talk to M23; they must sort out all of this,” he urged. While discussions with neighboring countries like Rwanda are necessary, Mbeki stressed, “The solution to the Congo problem does not lie in Kigali; it lies in Kinshasa.”

Mbeki has been vocal about the crisis in eastern Congo and has, in the past, [criticised efforts to resolve it through military action->https://en.igihe.com/news/article/former-sa-president-thabo-mbeki-calls-for-disengagement-of-troops-in-eastern] rather than political diplomacy.

Speaking during a press conference in Goma on Sunday, May 25, 2025, M23 President Bertrand Bisimwa criticised Burundi’s military involvement in eastern DRC, saying that Burundian troops are operating alongside Congolese forces and enabling FDLR fighters near the border region to kill innocent civilians.

“Burundi is fighting us alongside the Congolese government. Along the border with the DRC, they’re hosting and enabling another enemy—the FDLR,” Bisimwa said.

“There are many FDLR fighters in that area, where they’re organising to attack us. That’s where the threats are coming from.”

According to Bisimwa, the Congolese government is also conducting drone strikes in the region, guided by its intelligence operatives, which have resulted in further civilian casualties.

While expressing no hostility toward the Burundian population, Bisimwa condemned what he described as the Burundian leadership’s role in the conflict.

“We have no problem with the Burundian people—they’re our brothers,” he said. “But their leaders are using the army to kill Congolese civilians, and we can’t support such a government.”

The M23 leader called for the withdrawal of Burundian troops, citing the recent move by SADC forces to exit Congo as an example to follow.

“All we’re asking is for them to leave our land… Just like the SADC forces who withdrew, they should do the same and return to Burundi,” he said, warning that the rebels have nothing to lose in their “fight for survival.”

Bisimwa also disclosed to members of the press that he had met with Burundian President Evariste Ndayishimiye before the country joined the conflict. According to him, the Burundian leader acknowledged similarities between M23’s struggle and the historic rebellion that brought his own CNDD-FDD party to power.

“I explained our situation, and he told me our struggle reminded him of what CNDD-FDD went through. He said it was the same injustice that led them to take up arms,” Bisimwa recalled. “So why is he now doing to us what he once fought against?”

Bisimwa, while defending what he described as the rebels’ and marginalised communities’ struggle, revisited the political histories of Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi, noting that their current governments came to power through armed struggles against marginalisation.

He cited remarks by Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, who once warned that those excluded today could rise to power tomorrow.

“President Museveni once said in Kinshasa that he and President Kagame came to power by fighting marginalisation. He warned that those who are excluded today could be the ones to topple you tomorrow,” he stated.

“That’s the message we’re sending to Kinshasa. They know it, and I’m simply reminding them. To Burundi, I want to say this: when people are oppressed, they have nothing to lose. They fight with everything they have to survive and stay safe. And that’s exactly what we’re doing,” he added.

M23, which positions itself as fighting against poor governance and the marginalisation of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities in eastern DRC, currently controls large swathes of territory in the region.

Efforts led by Qatar and the African Union to resolve the conflict diplomatically are ongoing, but the rebel group accuses the Kinshasa administration of lacking commitment to that path.

In a strongly worded press statement released on Sunday, May 25, AFC/M23 accused the Congolese government and its international allies, including MONUSCO’s senior civilian protection advisor Teohna Williams, of spreading false information to derail the fragile peace process mediated in Doha.

Williams, in a briefing to the international community on May 22, painted a grim picture of Goma’s current state under M23 control, a portrayal the group flatly rejects.

“These falsehoods, coming from a biased actor, cannot deceive informed opinion,” the statement read, defending the group’s occupation of the North Kivu capital since January.

“Goma was then living a daily nightmare… We have ended these atrocities, restored order, and allowed Goma to rise again.”

The rebel movement claims that prior to its takeover, the city was overrun by lawlessness, violence, and ethnic killings, carried out by forces loyal to Kinshasa. It also accuses the Congolese army of using civilians as human shields and deploying artillery in displacement camps around the city.

According to the statement, the camps have since been dismantled and displaced persons have returned safely to their homes.

The group’s spokesperson, Lawrence Kanyuka, blamed MONUSCO for ignoring what he described as widespread human rights abuses committed under government authority. He cited acts such as public executions, arbitrary detentions based on ethnicity, and even cannibalism, which he maintained have been overlooked by the UN mission.

Asserting control over security in Goma, the M23 says it is now conducting a disarmament operation to recover weapons allegedly distributed by the Congolese government to civilians.

AFC/M23 statement also disputes DRC Ambassador Zenon Mukongo’s recent letter to the UN Security Council claiming M23 offensives in several areas, including Kishishe and Bambo. M23 says those locations have been under its control since 2022.

The group pointed to an April 12 press release by the Congolese army (FARDC), which they claim contradicts the ambassador’s allegations.

“The accusations by Mr Mukongo, refuted by the FARDC’s documents, confirm the regime’s duplicity,” the statement said.

Speaking during a panel at the Africa CEO Forum in Abidjan, Ramaphosa responded to perceptions of a strained relationship, saying, “People may think that President Kagame and I are in conflict. Some of you may have expected fireworks as we sit close to each other.”

The South African Head of State’s remarks were part of a broader reflection on regional peace efforts in the DRC and the role of African-led initiatives.

Ramaphosa praised the continental mediation frameworks, including the Nairobi and Luanda processes, as essential to building confidence and laying the groundwork for ceasefires and troop withdrawals, including the recent pullout of SADC forces from eastern DRC.

“All these efforts have been building a very strong and firm foundation,” he said, adding that while international involvement is welcome, “we must also remember the principle that we have adopted as Africa: African solutions for African problems.”

President Kagame, who also took part in the session, acknowledged the multiplicity of peace efforts, including those led by Qatar and the United States, but cautioned that none had yet succeeded fully.

He called for greater coherence in African efforts and less dependence on external actors. “Much progress has been made. But there are things we still haven’t done,” Kagame said.

The remarks came months after the two leaders sharply differed on conflicting statements over the conflict in the eastern DRC.

Back in January, President Kagame accused South African officials, including President Ramaphosa, of distorting private conversations and misrepresenting Rwanda’s position on the conflict in eastern Congo, particularly regarding alleged warnings to Rwanda and the involvement of Rwanda Defence Forces (RDF) soldiers in the war between M23 rebels and Congolese forces.

“What has been said… contains a lot of distortion, deliberate attacks, and even lies,” Kagame posted on his X account in response to a message shared by Ramaphosa.

South Africa had deployed troops to the DRC under the Southern African Development Community Mission in the DRC (SAMIDRC), supporting Kinshasa’s military alongside various militias, including the FDLR—a group formed by the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.

Kagame took issue with remarks made by South African Defence Minister Angie Motshekga, who claimed that Ramaphosa had warned Rwandan forces that continued hostilities against South African troops would be viewed as a declaration of war, following the deaths of 14 soldiers in clashes near Goma.

SAMIDRC’s mission was terminated in March to allow for the resolution of the conflict through diplomatic means, and Rwanda has since granted safe passage to troops withdrawing from eastern DRC.

The revelation was made by Deputy Defence Minister Bantu Holomisa, who appeared before Parliament’s Joint Standing Committee on Defence on Friday, standing in for Defence Minister Angie Motshekga, who is currently in Russia.

The primary objective of the commission of inquiry is to investigate the circumstances that led to the deaths of 14 South African soldiers in Goma and to understand why others were held as prisoners of war for at least three months.

Appearing alongside senior officials from the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), Holomisa told Parliament that it was premature to assess whether the mission had been a success.

“It’s too early to declare this operation a success or failure because we were not acting alone. The SADC Secretariat must also provide input on the outcomes of this mission,” Holomisa said.

However, the committee expressed frustration over the limited information provided. Critics noted that, in the Minister’s absence, senior SANDF leadership shared only scant details, leaving lawmakers with more questions than answers.

Joint committee co-chairperson Malusi Gigaba said it was too soon for Parliament to decide whether it would initiate its own investigation into the deployment.

At least 18 SAMIDRC soldiers were killed early this year during clashes with the M23 rebel group in the battle to capture the cities of Goma and Sake. Among the dead were two Tanzanian and two Malawian soldiers, with dozens more sustaining injuries.

The SAMIDRC’s offensive mission to dislodge M23 rebels began in December 2023. Critics had long warned that the troops were under-equipped and ill-prepared for the complexities of the conflict.

South Africa is reported to have spent over R1.6 billion (approximately $88 million) on the operation.

Mounting pressure from lawmakers and civil society ultimately led to the termination of the SAMIDRC mission in March, allowing for a shift toward diplomatic efforts to resolve the conflict between the rebels and the administration of President Félix Tshisekedi.

Critics argue that the deployment exposed South African soldiers to unnecessary risk and suggest the mission may have been influenced by private interests rather than national security.

The withdrawal of South African troops began in recent weeks, with soldiers and equipment exiting the DRC via Rwanda.

Meanwhile, Zimbabwean activist Rutendo Matinyarare has called on the commission of inquiry to broaden its scope by examining the deeper causes of the conflict. He urged investigators to consider the findings in his recent documentary, which explores the historical factors fueling instability in the region, including the persecution of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities who have taken up arms to fight for their rights.

The joint declaration, signed earlier this month with Qatari mediation, aims to end years of armed conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The agreement has been welcomed by several African nations and civil society groups as a crucial step toward demilitarisation and economic reconstruction. However, behind closed doors, sources indicate that Belgium is growing increasingly concerned.

“Peace in the DRC, facilitated by Qatar, signifies a reduction in influence for those actors who have long exploited instability as a means of economic and political leverage,” stated a regional conflict analyst based in Nairobi.

“Belgium, in particular, has historically profited from the fragmentation of Congo and the presence of armed groups such as the FDLR.”

According to various regional observers, the FDLR has played a significant role in regional instability for over two decades, allegedly maintaining informal economic and logistical networks that align with certain Belgian interests. Analysts note that the presence of the FDLR has previously been tolerated by international actors, despite its connections to past atrocities and illicit economic activities.

The dismantling of the FDLR undermines a long-standing proxy arrangement that has served Belgium and other foreign agendas. Belgium’s discomfort is not only political; it is also strategic and economic.

In a formal statement issued shortly after the joint declaration, Belgium publicly welcomed the agreement, describing it as a “crucial step” and pledging support for the peace efforts led by Qatar, the East African Community (EAC), and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Belgium’s Foreign Minister announced an upcoming visit to the region to “express full support.”

However, analysts believe the statement appeared more performative than genuine.

Belgium’s response was diplomatically appropriate but strategically lacking. While it served as a necessary gesture to maintain appearances, their underlying discomfort is apparent. This peace process marginalises European influence, which is not something Belgium embraces.

“This is an African-led peace initiative, and that’s what makes it so threatening to the old colonial powers,” said a senior East African diplomat, who spoke on the condition of anonymity.

The joint declaration includes commitments to human rights, demilitarisation, and the restoration of state authority in the affected territories. Both parties have also agreed to collaborate on security sector reforms and transitional justice.

As the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) progresses, many are advocating for increased transparency, inclusive development, and the rejection of foreign interference in domestic affairs.

“This is an opportunity for Congo to reclaim its sovereignty and heal from decades of trauma,” said a civil society leader based in Kinshasa.

“However, this requires letting go of outdated alliances and allowing the Congolese people to determine their own future.”

Reports indicate that Kabila, who had been residing in South Africa, arrived in Goma on Friday afternoon. According to members of the AFC/M23, he entered the country via Rwanda.

Since leaving office, Kabila has spent most of his time in South Africa, though he has also lived in Zimbabwe.

Reports of Kabila’s return to the DRC began circulating earlier this month, with sources revealing that preparations to welcome him had been underway for several days.

He had pledged to return soon, citing the country’s serious security issues and challenges in all other sectors of national life, stating that he wanted to help find solutions.

The country has been facing a crisis due to the ongoing conflict between the government and the AFC/M23 rebels, who have recently taken control of large swathes of eastern DRC. The rebels accuse President Félix Tshisekedi’s administration of poor governance and the targeted persecution of minority groups, particularly Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese.

Kabila remains a powerful figure in Congolese politics and retains a strong base of supporters.

Olivier Kamitatu, a former minister and current spokesperson for Congolese businessman and politician Moïse Katumbi, recently posted on X, saying, “Joseph Kabila’s decision to go to the East, a region controlled by rebels, is not just symbolic: it’s a reminder of our shared future.”

“I drove through most parts of the city and could not see any signs of a humanitarian crisis,” Fahrenholtz revealed in a post on X on Tuesday, April 15, 2025.

“The streets are bustling with people and they seem very relaxed and feeling safe. The shops are full with foodstuff, imported goods, etc. The University reopened, electricity and water are supplied by the municipality 24 hours per day. There is even street lighting during the night.”

No humanitarian crisis in Goma. I drove through most parts of the city and could not see any signs of a humanitarian crisis. The streets are bustling with people and they seem very relaxed and feeling safe. The shops are full with foodstuff, imported goods etc. The University… pic.twitter.com/xAbuGTj3kT

— Peter Fahrenholtz, Ambassador rtd (@peterfahren) April 15, 2025

Fahrenholtz, who previously served as Germany’s ambassador to Rwanda and Bangladesh, praised the efforts to restore order in Goma, noting that law enforcement appeared effective and visible improvements in public services were evident.

“Almost no garbage to be seen in the streets. Police officers are doing their job, crime and corruption seem to be clearly less. Rule of law is beginning to be established,” he added.

During his visit, Fahrenholtz observed that the border crossing between Goma and Gisenyi, Rwanda, is fully operational, with UN World Food Programme trucks and NGO vehicles crossing smoothly to address humanitarian needs that may still exist in districts outside the city.

“I saw women walking across into Goma at 9 p.m.,” he noted.

In his visit, Fahrenholtz met with the Governor of North Kivu, Manzi Willy, who spoke of the ongoing genocidal acts targeting the Tutsi population in eastern DRC—atrocities also flagged by the UN Special Advisor on Genocide Prevention.

The governor stressed that the M23 movement aims to end these acts, protect civilians’ human rights, and work toward peace and stability in the region.

Describing M23 as an “inclusive and diverse Congolese movement” with members from various ethnic backgrounds, including Hutu, Fahrenholtz echoed concerns about the persecution and displacement of Tutsi communities over decades.

The former ambassador has previously criticized international responses to the conflict, particularly those of the European Union. He challenged comments made by EU High Representative Kaja Kallas, who in March accused Rwanda of backing the M23 rebellion. Rwanda has repeatedly denied involvement in the conflict, insisting that its primary concern is the continued presence in the DRC of the FDLR militia, which is linked to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.

“Are M23 not DR Congo citizens? Were there not European mercenaries fighting against them in DR Congo? Who will protect ethnic minorities in eastern DR Congo?” Fahrenholtz questioned.

He further criticized the Congolese government’s failure to resolve the root causes of the rebellion, including ethnic divisionism and genocidal ideology.

Fahrenholtz’s remarks add a diplomatic voice to the growing scrutiny of the conflict in eastern Congo since the takeover of Goma by the rebels in January, urging the international community to reevaluate its stance and prioritize protection of minority communities.