Category: Politics

{Ministerial Committee of the Organ Troika (MCO-T) mission to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has said there is need for peaceful and transparent elections in the vast African nation.}

President John Magufuli deployed mission to DRC ruled that there was consensus on the need for the credible elections to move the mineral-rich country into a new political and democratic dispensation.

The mission made the remarks after it was deployed by the President John Magufuli, chairperson of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation.

Dr Magufuli, as the Chairperson of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation, dispatched the team to assess the current political and security situation in the country, including the execution of the Episcopal Council of Catholic Bishops (CENCO) mediated Agreement of last December.

The mission, led by Tanzania’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and East African Cooperation Augustine Mahiga also urged all political stakeholders to support the establishment of the government of national unity, which will encompass inclusiveness, national unity and reconciliation.

The mission was within the mandate received from the Extraordinary Summit held in Lozitha, Swaziland on April 2017, whereby Summit had “mandated the Organ Ministerial Troika to immediately conduct a follow-up mission to the DRC.

The committee welcomed the efforts of DRC President Joseph Kabila to push for the political process, despite the obstacles encountered in the implementation of the Political Agreement and, in particular, the Special Arrangements.

It noted with concern that the demise of the leader of the Opposition, Etienne Tshisekediwa Mulumba, has complicated the implementation of the Special Arrangements, resulting into political procrastination in the appointment of the Chairperson of the National

Source:Daily News

{Once again, the cycle of instability and political uncertainty has the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) on high alert and agreements between prominent political actors have done little to stem the tide of violence.}

The situation has become so dire that Congolese nationals at home and abroad have raised concerns about the safety of civilians. These were echoed by the United Nations during a recent Security Council meeting.

Until the end of 2016, the insecurity was limited to the country’s eastern Ituri region but violence is now being reported in Kasai in the central region of the country.

Lives are lost daily and there have been reports of increasing human rights abuses. As a result, the International Criminal Court is following the situation closely.

The renewed instability is partially a consequence of the failure by the Congolese government to organise the general elections in 2016, as per the country’s constitution.

This is considered by some as a deliberate political move orchestrated by the “Majorite Presidentielle” ruling coalition. In response, frustrated local communities have used violent protests to send a strong, clear message of dissent to the government. Of course, these protests are also politically motivated and maintained.

In the face of this persistent insecurity, violence and political instability, scholars and policymakers have not been able to map out a viable peace plan. Peace talks alone are proving to be ineffective because the problems are structural. Institutional crisis, poverty, inequality, individualistic leadership – and lack of political will to resolve these – are all key factors in the ongoing conflict. These need to be addressed if the DRC is ever to break the cycle of insecurity it’s caught up in.

{{Struggle for legitimacy}}

Ever since the 2016 elections were postponed, parliament, the senate and other executive institutions have been operating “off mandate”. Officials within the executive and legislative branches of government will continue to perform their functions until fresh elections are held.

This is in line with the constitutional court’s interpretation of the constitution. But this doesn’t address the issue of legitimacy.

Legitimacy must be socially as well as legally recognised. Recent protests suggest that the current government isn’t perceived as legitimate by the people of the DRC. And they are likely to continue until a legitimate government is installed.

Institutional legitimacy is key to the stability and security of the DRC. This legitimacy can only be rebuilt through fair and inclusive elections. Failure to follow this route will result in a cycle of violence and instability.

{{Addressing social and economic inequality}}

While institutional illegitimacy is a major hurdle to peace and stability in the DRC, the violence is also anchored in poverty and economic inequality.

The UN’s latest Multidimensional Poverty Index reports that 77.1% of the Congolese population live below the poverty line. Therefore, any peace plan that doesn’t take a proper look at the social and economic factors that feed conflict will be meaningless.

The more people are deprived of basic human needs, the greater the chance of violent protest. Conversely, poverty alleviation and access to economic opportunities would reduce violence in the DRC.

To raise the majority of the country out of poverty the government must invest in initiatives that promote economic and financial inclusion from the ground up. Change in the DRC will only occur if it’s nurtured from the grassroots.

{{Good governance and leadership}}

The stability of any country also depends on its ability to transition peacefully from one leader to another. If the DRC had invested in a mechanism for the peaceful transition of power the country wouldn’t be in turmoil today.

Source:All Africa

{“About 720 people were killed, over 80 others tortured since Burundi has plunged into the current situation in April 2015,” says Jean Baptiste Baribonekeza, Chairman of the National Commission for the Human Rights-CNDIH. He also says that between 700 and 800 people have been arbitrarily arrested in different areas of the country. “Thanks to our intervention, some of them have been released”, he says.}

The chairman of CNDIH says the human rights situation deteriorated at the beginning of 2015 but has improved day after day. “Considering the situation between 2015 and 2016, there has been some improvement in 2017”, he says.

Pierre Claver Mbonimpa, Chairman of the Association defending the Human Rights and the detainees’ rights-APRODH, says his associations estimated the death toll of 2000 Burundians, imprisonment of 8000 people, flight of thousands of Burundians to other countries , torture of hundreds of people including women who have been sexually abused before their children and the disappearance of hundreds of people. “All this was caused by Pierre Nkurunziza when he violated the Arusha Agreement and Burundi Constitution”, he says.

The same view is shared by Léonce Ngendakumana, Deputy Chairman of Sahwanya Frodebu party. “The violation of the Arusha Agreement and Burundi Constitution caused many killings, tortures, sanctions against Burundi government, corruption, economic embezzlement, and the deterioration of the education system,” he says.

Ngendakumana says Burundi has moved into recession since 2015 when President Pierre Nkurunziza decided to run for a controversial term in office. Ngendakumana says the government and its allies must engage in an inclusive dialogue with the opposition to restore democracy in Burundi. “The only option to end the crisis is the inclusive dialogue”, he says.

Jean De Dieu Mutabazi, chairman of RADEDU party says Burundi was in trouble for three years but the situation has improved day after day. “The efforts by the troublemakers and opposition to destabilize the country have been undermined year after year. Today, the security situation is good”, he says.

Source:Iwacu

{Two political accords and three prime ministers later, and four months after Congolese President Joseph Kabila was due to leave office at the end of his second mandate, credible elections and political stability in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) appear more elusive than ever.}

The 31 December political accord, brokered in good faith by the Catholic Conférence Episcopale Nationale du Congo (CENCO), remains the only viable blueprint for political stability in the DRC. It calls for elections by the end of 2017, no third mandate for Kabila and the formation of a new government, led by a prime minister issued from the ranks of the Rassemblement de l’opposition (Rassop), the country’s largest political opposition alliance – led until his death on 1 February by Etienne Tshisekedi.

The 31 December political accords were based on the principles of consensus, inclusivity and transparency; the government that would emerge would draw its legitimacy from these principles, and the credibility of the elections it would organise would be based upon them.

But getting the disparate parties to implement the 31 December accord, in letter and in spirit, was always going to be difficult, mainly because it involved concrete concessions from the ruling presidential alliance, the Majorité Présidentielle (MP), which has been the architect of the glissage – or delaying strategy that has allowed Kabila to remain in office past December 2016.

Credible elections and political stability in the DRC appear more elusive than ever
On the other side of the political divide, Tshisekedi’s credibility and popularity kept the Rassop’s many components united and on board with the 31 December agreement. The political opposition also knew it had common cause with the international community, which wants elections to take place as soon as possible.

Most importantly though, sustained political pressure from the population, which has repeatedly manifested its desire to see Kabila go, has been a significant factor driving both the opposition and the international community to maintain pressure on Kabila and his elite.

However, Tshisekedi’s death – and the subsequent leadership squabbles this has provoked in both his party, the Union pour la Démocratie et le Progrès Social (UDPS), and the Rassop alliance – have given rise to political opportunism. UDPS veterans unhappy with the anointment of Tshisekedi’s son Felix have balked at his nomination to head the alliance and the party. Several have jumped ship or been excluded and have formed ‘new’ parties – not because they think these parties are viable political entities that can win elections, but to position themselves as the preferred opposition partner for a ruling elite looking for viable puppets.

Kabila’s ruling alliance has in some instances actively encouraged splits in the opposition.

CENCO attempted for some weeks to lock down the details of the accord, but it threw in the towel on 21 March on the grounds that it could not get the parties to agree. It rebuked the Congolese political class, whom it accused of lacking goodwill and of pursuing its own selfish interests at the expense of the interests of the country and the Congolese population.

The MP has lapped this up – and in some instances, actively encouraged these splits. Picking up where CENCO left off, Kabila held talks with numerous political players in early April, including dissident members of the UDPS and the Rassop.

And as expected, on 7 April, Kabila nominated one such dissident to the post of prime minister. As a founding member of the UDPS and former close associate of Tshisekedi’s, the new prime minister doesn’t lack opposition credentials. Even so, in designating Bruno Tshibala, Kabila chose someone he can argue is not from his political camp and whose nomination follows the letter of the 31 December accord, all the while knowing that he has full control over the new government chief.

Tshibala’s nomination has done nothing to soothe tension in the country. Mass protests called by the Rassop in the days after the nomination were scuppered when authorities’ refused to grant permission for the marches, but morphed into a widely followed one-day stay-away.

Several key countries have also expressed concern about Tshibala’s nomination and have emphasised that the 31 December accord remains the only blueprint for the period leading up to elections. The European Union was sharply criticised by the foreign minister for this stance, and the international community was warned not to interfere in domestic matters.

Into this political morass wades MONUSCO, the UN peacekeeping mission in the DRC. MONUSCO has long had a difficult relationship with Kabila, who has openly criticised the mission for staying beyond its initial mandate to establish peace and oversee the country’s post-conflict elections in 2006. The recently adopted UN Security Council resolution 2348 focuses MONUSCO’s mandate specifically on implementing the 31 December accord, and Maman Sidikou, the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General in the DRC, has started meeting with the various parties.

To avoid diluting its standing on peace and security, new AU leaders must tackle the DRC crisis

The African Union (AU), which brokered the October 2016 political accord that was rejected by the political opposition, has taken a backseat, although in late March the Peace and Security Council did express concern about delays in implementing the 31 December accord. Given AU member states’ history of solidarity with the incumbent, it may be a long shot to expect tough measures from the continental body. Still, the AU is under new leadership, and if it fails to tackle the growing crisis in the DRC, its standing as a significant actor on continental peace and security issues will be further diluted.

Kabila acquiesced to a new round of talks last year, following pressure from Angola. Whether Angola will weigh in again is unclear.

Kabila and his elite have over the past six months been able to cobble together a semblance of cooperation and compliance, and have avoided looking like the only spoiler in the room. From their perspective, there is no good reason to submit to another round of talks which could involve additional painful concessions.

Despite this, pressure from the international community, the AU and regional bodies like the Southern Africa Development Community and the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region to abide by the 31 December accord must be maintained if the DRC is not to slide into full-scale political chaos.

Source:Issafrica

{President Uhuru Kenyatta has denied endorsing Jubilee Party Nairobi governor aspirant Peter Kenneth for the top city job.}

In a statement, the party said that the Head of State has pledged to remain neutral.

“Our attention has been drawn to media reports suggesting that His Excellency the President, in his role as the leader of the Jubilee Party, has indicated support for a candidate in the Nairobi gubernatorial race. These reports are untrue,” the party said in a statement signed by Secretary General Raphael Tuju.

{{People’s choice }}

Mr Tuju went on, “The President has not endorsed any candidate, believing that Nairobi Jubilee members will make their choice in a free, fair and credible process at the nominations.”

President Kenyatta had on Saturday been accompanied by Mr Kenneth to the burial of Mzee William Gatuhi Murathe, the father of Jubilee Party vice-chairman David Murathe.

“We are saying that when the nominations come, it is you who will make the decision. Nobody should come here and use someone’s name to say they have been endorsed. Whoever you select will be the person we support,” said President Kenyatta at a stopover in Kirwara in Gatanga.

Mr Kenneth had represented the constituency untill 2013 when he bid for the presidency and came a distant fourth.

“Na muhoere njamba ino yanyu nigetha Nairobi nayo igakihotana (You should also pray for your man here so that he wins in Nairobi),” the President said, to cheers from the crowds, who then demanded that Mr Kenneth be given the chance to speak.

Mr Kenneth in turn said that he would continue to fight for the ticket in Nairobi and asked the residents to support President Kenyatta.

“Nii ningurua Nairobi ni getha riria ndirigiukaga gucera mugakiona gavana wa Nairobi (I will fight in Nairobi, and then when I come to visit here you can see the governor of Nairobi),” Mr Kenneth said.

{{Tough battle }}

He is facing a tough battle for the Jubilee ticket against flamboyant Nairobi Senator Mike Sonko and former Starehe MP Bishop Margaret Wanjiru.

Efforts by the party to have the three reach a consensus have reportedly hit a snag, with both parties taking hardline stances.

The winner of the Jubilee ticket will battle it out with incumbent Evans Kidero who received a direct ticket to contest for the seat from Raila Odinga’s ODM.

Efforts by the party to have the three reach a consensus have reportedly hit a snag, with both parties taking hardline stances.

The winner of the Jubilee ticket will battle it out with incumbent Evans Kidero who received a direct ticket to contest for the seat from Raila Odinga’s ODM.

{{Uhuru-Kidero camaraderie }}

Meanwhile, Jubilee politicians have silently expressed concern over President Kenyatta-Governor Kidero renewed camaraderie that they said might tilt the scale sin the county bosses’ favour.

Dr Kidero last week visited State House with the Mzee Gerald Gikonyo Kanyuira-led Rwatha Investment Group, just a few days after he held hands and laughed with the Head of State over golf at Muthaiga Golf Club.

That the two have been close friends is now in the public domain, with President Kenyatta asking Dr Kidero to speak at the golf function “so that people do not say I hate opposition governors.”

Source:Daily Nation

{Three main allegations made against the Movement for Democracy and Solidarity-MSD party are the violation of the Burundi Constitution, breaking the rules of political parties and a plan to form an armed group to fight against the government. Following these accusations, Pascal Barandagiye, Minister of Home Affairs decided on 4 April to suspend the activities and close all MSD party’s offices for six months.}

Térence Ntahiraja, Assistant to and Spokesperson for the Ministry of Home Affairs, says the decision will oblige the political parties to work in the strict respect of the rules and laws of the political parties in Burundi. “The lack of punishment has made some political parties be characterized by indiscipline. We don’t need to see the 2020 Elections to be disturbed by some political parties”, he says.

In March 2014, MSD party was also suspended for two months due to unrest sparked off at its headquarters in the capital Bujumbura. Ntahiraja also says there are young troublemakers claiming to be members of the MSD party who gave themselves up to the police. “All of these motives are sufficient to impose such sanctions”, he says.

The Assistant to the Home Affairs Ministry says the sanctions will end when the MSD party asks for pardon. “We will file the case to court which should lead to a complete suspension”, he says.

Epitace Nshimirimana, Spokesperson for MSD party, says they are not surprised by the decision. “We were aware that the Ministry of Home Affairs was planning to suspend completely our political party and divide its members”, he says.

Nshimirimana says nothing should go beyond the detention and forcing their members to flee the country rather than suspending the party and closing its offices. “We are accused of fighting the current government but we could not close our eyes in front of the human rights violations”, he says.

Nshimirimana calls on other members to be stronger and determined to fight for democracy and solidarity in Burundi.

Source:Iwacu