Speaking at a special general meeting in Dodoma, President Samia revealed that she had accepted Dr. Mpango’s “request to rest” after careful consideration. However, he will continue to serve as Vice President until the General Election scheduled for October.
“Dr. Philip Mpango, our Vice President, approached me recently to express his wish to step down. He cited several personal reasons, none related to his work. He mentioned that he is now 68 years old and would like to prioritize his health and well-being,” President Suluhu revealed.
“Last week, he handed me his resignation letter. While I initially hesitated, I later presented the matter to the Central Committee, and we collectively agreed to grant him his request,” she added.
Before assuming the vice presidency, Dr. Mpango served as Tanzania’s Minister of Finance and Planning from November 2015 to March 2021. His extensive career includes roles such as acting Commissioner General of the Tanzania Revenue Authority, Executive Secretary in the President’s Office (Planning Commission), Deputy Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Finance & Economic Affairs, Personal Assistant to the President (Economic Affairs), Head of the President’s Economic Advisory Unit, and Senior Economist for the World Bank.
He was sworn in as Vice President on March 31, 2021, following unanimous consent from the Tanzanian Parliament and nomination by President Suluhu.
Mpango’s nomination for the vice presidency came in the wake of President John Pombe Magufuli’s passing, which led to then-Vice President Suluhu assuming the presidency.
“Due to the complete interruption of electricity supply, a water crisis occurred as the Nile stations and wells went out of service,” the Khartoum State government said in a statement, attributing the power outage and water shortage to the RSF drone attack on the Merowe Dam, a hydroelectric dam on the Nile River.
“We are making intensive efforts to implement some urgent solutions to address the drinking water crisis,” it added.
The Merowe Dam, located about 350 km north of Khartoum, is one of the largest hydropower projects in Africa.
Governor of Khartoum State, Ahmed Osman Hamza, inspected a number of wells in the western districts of Al-Thawra neighborhood, checking the operation of wells with generators, the state’s media office said Saturday.
It noted that the governor has instructed authorities to supply citizens with water from Al-Manara water station’s reserve.
Meanwhile, Khartoum State Water Corporation said its engineers were working on implementing emergency measures to operate the water wells and restore water flow into the national network.
It revealed that 15 wells have been activated in several neighborhoods, which has significantly contributed to providing water supply to some areas.
Omdurman, Sudan’s second most populous city, has seen a surge in population after it became one of the safest areas in the state, prompting thousands of displaced people to move to the city. Amid the severe water shortage, residents have to stand in long queues to obtain water from old wells or water trucks.
Sudan has been gripped by a devastating conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the RSF since mid-April 2023, which claimed at least 29,683 lives and displaced nearly 15 million people, either inside or outside Sudan, according to the latest estimates by international organizations.
The claims were made by outgoing U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Molly Phee, during an interview with AFP.
Nduhungirehe termed the allegations as “totally false” in a statement shared on X late on Saturday, January 18, 2024.
Nduhungirehe clarified that Rwanda was never involved in any negotiations regarding the Lobito Corridor, nor did it oppose its extension.
“Rwanda was NEVER associated in any way in the negotiations for the Lobito Corridor. Therefore, our country NEVER opposed any extension of this corridor to the eastern DRC and was NEVER invited to the Lobito Summit held in December 2024 in Angola,” he stated.
The Lobito Corridor project, championed by the United States, seeks to connect the Lobito port in Angola to key regions in the DRC and Zambia, enhancing regional trade and economic integration.
Phee had in the interview indicated that Washington proposed “positive incentives” to both Rwanda and the DRC to reach an agreement, including a potential extension of the corridor to eastern DRC. However, she claimed that Rwanda distanced itself from the initiative, citing President Paul Kagame’s absence from the Luanda Summit in December 2024 as “evidence”.
Phee also noted that the extension of the Lobito Corridor project heavily relied on Kinshasa’s commitment to combat (FDLR), a terrorist group comprising remnants of persons responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. According to Phee, the Congolese government failed to act decisively, forcing the United States to reset its approach.
This "information" provided by the outgoing US Assistant Secretary of State for Africa is totally false. Rwanda was NEVER associated in any way in the negotiations for the Lobito Corridor. Therefore, our country NEVER opposed any extention of this corridor to the eastern DRC and… https://t.co/xiXn6GoCSl
The security situation in eastern DRC remains volatile due to the ongoing conflict between government and allied forces and the M23 militia group, which accuses the Congolese government of marginalizing and persecuting Congolese Tutsis.
M23 first emerged in 2012, launching an armed struggle to demand that the DRC government honour agreements made with the former National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP). The agreements aimed to restore the rights of Congolese Tutsis and end the violence they had endured.
Between 2012 and 2013, M23 captured significant areas in North Kivu province, including the city of Goma. However, these territorial gains were reversed following a decision by regional heads of state, who assured M23 that the DRC government would address the grievances of the Congolese in the east.
Despite these promises, the DRC government failed to fulfil its commitments. After eight years of waiting, former M23 fighters came under attack by DRC forces in November 2021, reigniting the conflict.
M23 maintains that it does not kill civilians or commit any form of abuse. Instead, the group claims to ensure civilian safety—a sharp contrast, it says, to the DRC government’s forces, who are accused of harming the very civilians they are meant to protect. M23 continues to urge the government to respect the terms of the agreements.
Speaking during a press conference at ACT-Wazalendo headquarters on Thursday, January 16, 2025, the party leader outlined several critical issues driving her decision to seek the highest office including declining economic growth, the rising cost of living, youth unemployment, and alleged mismanagement of the country’s natural resources.
“Tanzania needs new leadership that will protect national interests, foster a strong economy, promote equal opportunities, and ensure transparent governance,” Semu stated.
Semu claimed that Tanzania’s economic downturn was a key concern, citing the World Bank’s 2024 report, which recorded a decline in growth from 6.8% in 2019 to 4.6% in 2023. She attributed the slowdown to unstable investment policies and the ineffective implementation of development projects.
She also emphasized the impact of inflation, which stood at 3.1% in December 2024 according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), and lamented over what she termed as the country’s failure to invest in job-creating sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology.
Semu has over a decade of political experience and previously served in public administration for 17 years.
In 2022, she was appointed Prime Minister of the party’s shadow cabinet, which was created to ensure accountability within the government.
She expressed confidence in her readiness to lead Tanzania, saying “I am not entering this race to lose.”
“I have been groomed for this role, and my party is equipped with the vision and strategies needed to build a prosperous Tanzania,” she stated.
Semu also expressed openness to collaborating with other opposition parties to challenge CCM, which has been in power for nearly five decades since its formation in 1977.
“We are ready to work with serious opposition parties, but first, we must ensure our own house is in order,” she said.
Semu’s announcement follows ACT-Wazalendo’s recent call for party members to declare their candidacy for the upcoming polls, as well as a similar declaration by party chairperson Othman Masoud Othman, who seeks to run for Zanzibar’s presidency.
If nominated by ACT-Wazalendo, Semu will face President Suluhu, who is expected to seek re-election under CCM.
President Suluhu ascended to the presidency in March 2021 following the death of her predecessor John Magufuli.
The late Magufuli had secured a second term in the October 2020 presidential election with a landslide victory, garnering over 84% of the vote. His main opponent, Tundu Lissu of Chadema party, received just 13% of the vote.
Addressing members of the diplomatic corps during a luncheon hosted at the Kigali Convention Center, the Head of State reiterated the necessity for global powers to align their actions with the values they advocate.
“If you have taken responsibility, global responsibility, to say there are certain values you are going to insist on and push for as hard as you can, that’s fine. But it also gives you the responsibility to really walk the talk,” President Kagame remarked.
He questioned the integrity of some of the Western nations’ commitment to principles like democracy, human rights, and peace when their actions, especially in Africa, seem to contradict the ideals.
“The values you talk about must not be incompatible with the truth, with the facts, or with evidence. If you want peace, there’s a way to get peace by addressing the root causes and doing things the right way. But we see double standards and hypocrisy that add up to really nothing,” he stated.
The president drew specific attention to the persistent security and humanitarian crisis in Eastern Congo, where he criticized the international community, particularly the UN and Western nations, for their failure to resolve longstanding issues.
He pointed out the prolonged presence of UN peacekeepers in the country, now nearing three decades, without significant progress in stabilizing the troubled region.
“After nearly 30 years, what are the returns for that investment?” Kagame posed, insisting that the continued turmoil reflects a failure to address the root causes of the conflict, including the presence of genocidal ideologies and armed groups, such as FDLR, which enjoys support from the Congolese government.
Kagame dismissed allegations of Rwanda’s involvement in the instability in Congo. He termed the claims as a distortion of facts used as an excuse by some to evade responsibility.
He challenged those criticizing Rwanda to look beyond superficial narratives and understand historical contexts, such as colonial border drawing, which has led to the persecution of Congolese Tutsis in the neighbouring country and contributed to the rise of the M23 rebel group, fighting against marginalization.
The President also accused the Western leaders of selective application of values, pointing out the inconsistency in how Western nations treat different African leaders and nations.
“The person causing problems between Rwanda and the DRC has never been elected, and you know it,” he remarked, referring to the leadership in the Democratic Republic of Congo under President Felix Tshisekedi.
“So what values are you talking about that you beat others for and others you don’t know what to do?” he added.
Moreover, Kagame recounted Rwanda’s experiences with international trade policies, like the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), where he felt Rwanda was unfairly punished for decisions aimed at protecting its own industries, contrasting with how other countries with different resources or geopolitical leverage were treated.
Citing the blame game and threats against Rwanda, the President called for a partnership based on mutual respect and genuine commitment to shared values, emphasizing that Rwanda will not be forced back into the suffering it endured 30 years ago during the Genocide against the Tutsi, regardless of external pressures.
“We have paid the highest price ever in our lives. I don’t think we can be made to suffer in any other way. We will never go back to paying that same price we paid 30 years ago. It doesn’t matter who anyone is,” he stated.
“We can work together to examine the causes if we are to talk to each other and address the problem the right way,” he added.
The condemnation follows a statement released on January 16, 2025, by the U.S. Bureau of African Affairs, which stated, “issues caused by M23 and FDLR should be urgently addressed.”
Minister Nduhungirehe stressed that equating threats arising from M23 and FDLR is “inappropriate” and that the U.S. should not compare a genocidal group to M23, which fights for civilians targeted by genocidal forces.
“This narrative of equating the ‘threats of M23 and FDLR’ is inappropriate. It’s even offensive for the outgoing U.S. administration to compare a genocidal force with a movement that defends a community threatened and persecuted by the same genocidal force,” he wrote on X.
In October 2023, the FDLR and groups from the Wazalendo coalition, in collaboration with the DRC army, fought against M23, burning down homes of Congolese Tutsis in Nturo village, located in the Masisi territory, which were completely destroyed.
Minister Nduhungirehe explained that when FDLR and these groups carried out this attack, both the DRC and Burundian forces were present, and pointed out that the U.S. Bureau of African Affairs did not comment on the incident.
“I recall that when 300 homes of Congolese Tutsis were burned down in October 2023 in Nturo village, Masisi territory, by the FDLR, the Wazalendo, and the Nyatura militias, in the presence of FARDC and Burundian forces, a statement or a tweet from the Bureau of African Affairs was nowhere to be seen,” he added.
He stressed that the U.S. and the international community should stop making statements that deliberately ignore the root causes of the security issues in Eastern DRC.
“It is time for the U.S. and the international community to stop recycling these formulas and focus on the root causes of the crisis in Eastern DRC,” he said.
M23 has been active since 2012 when it launched an armed struggle demanding that the DRC government honour the agreements made with the former CNDP (National Congress for the Defense of the People). These agreements were meant to restore the rights of Congolese, particularly Tutsis, and end the violence they were subjected to.
From 2012 to 2013, M23 captured large areas in North Kivu province, including the city of Goma. However, these gains were reversed following a decision by the regional heads of state, who promised that the DRC government would address the issues faced by the Congolese in the east.
The promise made to M23 was never fulfilled, as the DRC government failed to honour it. After eight years of waiting, former M23 fighters were attacked by DRC forces in November 2021, sparking renewed fighting.
M23 clarifies that it does not kill civilians or commit any form of abuse. Instead, it ensures their safety, which contrasts sharply with the DRC government’s forces, who are supposed to protect civilians but end up killing them. M23 continues to call on the government to respect the terms of the agreements.
Chapo, 48, won the elections with 65.15% of the vote in the poll conducted in October 2024. However, his victory has faced strong opposition from rivals, sparking widespread protests across the country.
Opposition leader Venancio Mondlane, who returned from self-imposed exile a few days ago, vowed to “paralyze” the country ahead of Chapo’s inauguration.
Chapo and the ruling FRELIMO party continue to call for calm as efforts for dialogue between the rival camps continue.
Meanwhile, Rwanda and Mozambique share strong bilateral relations in areas such as trade, justice, and security.
Since 2021, Rwanda’s security forces have been deployed in Mozambique to combat insurgents who had destabilized the northern Cabo Delgado province.
Following Rwanda’s intervention to fight the Al Sunnah wa Jama’ah terrorist group, many of its leaders have been eliminated. Over 90% of the residents of Cabo Delgado have returned to their homes as security has been restored, and economic and social services have resumed.
Chapo has expressed his commitment to strengthening efforts to restore security in Cabo Delgado. This aligns with his predecessor, President Filipe Nyusi’s approach, signalling a continued partnership with Rwanda’s security forces.
The arrest follows his controversial declaration of martial law in December, which was quickly reversed by the National Assembly.
Reports indicate that Yoon was taken into custody at 10:33 a.m. local time (0133 GMT) by a joint investigation team from the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials (CIO), the National Office of Investigation (NOI), and the defense ministry’s investigative unit.
TV footage showed Yoon being transported in a black vehicle to the CIO office in Gwacheon, south of Seoul, before being moved to the Seoul Detention Center in Uiwang, located just 5 km away.
The CIO now has 48 hours to decide whether to request an additional warrant for Yoon’s detention, which could last up to 20 days for further questioning or if he will be released.
Yoon’s arrest follows an earlier failed attempt on January 3, when his security forces prevented the execution of the arrest warrant.
On January 7, a Seoul court approved an extension of the warrant.
This action comes after Yoon repeatedly ignored calls from investigators to voluntarily appear for questioning.
In a pre-recorded statement, Yoon condemned the arrest, claiming the warrant was illegal and executed through force.
He stated that his acceptance of the procedure was to prevent further conflict.
The arrest took place after Yoon’s supporters, legal team, and ruling party lawmakers blocked investigators for over two hours at the main gate of the presidential residence.
Despite this, the investigators from the CIO and NOI were able to break through the security cordons.
The martial law declaration on December 3, which was swiftly revoked by the National Assembly hours later, led to charges of insurrection against Yoon.
Following the martial law incident, the National Assembly voted to impeach the president on December 14, and the case is now under review by the constitutional court, which has up to 180 days to deliberate.
Yoon’s impeachment trial began with its first formal hearing on January 14, but it lasted only four minutes as Yoon failed to appear.
A new justice, appointed by the opposition Democratic Party, was included in the hearings despite Yoon’s objection.
With two out of three vacancies filled on the nine-member bench, there is increasing speculation that Yoon’s impeachment could be upheld.
For Yoon to be removed from office, at least six justices must support the motion.
The court is scheduled to hold further hearings on January 16, 21, 23, and February 4.
From economic strategies to security concerns, Trump’s policies impacted African nations in ways that left some leaders hopeful for continuity while others are more cautious.
Now, as Trump prepares to re-enter the political arena, African leaders—particularly from Rwanda, South Africa, and other key nations—are closely monitoring the shifts they expect in U.S. engagement with the continent.
{{A shift in approach?}}
Among the most notable African leaders expressing cautious optimism is Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame, who has pointed out that while the political transformation in the U.S. is significant, it is likely to bring changes in the approach to African affairs.
Speaking at a press conference on January 9, 2025, Kagame expressed hope that the new administration would take a more nuanced approach to regional conflicts, particularly in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).
President Kagame acknowledged that U.S. foreign policy would inevitably evolve, with potential shifts in how the U.S. handles African geopolitical issues.
Kagame’s remarks reflect a broader sense of anticipation across the continent. After Trump’s first term, which many African leaders felt was marked by a lack of meaningful engagement, there is now a renewed hope that his second term could recalibrate U.S. policy toward Africa.
While concerns linger about U.S. interventionism, leaders are hopeful that Trump will focus on diplomatic efforts to resolve conflicts and enhance economic partnerships, particularly in countries experiencing unrest, like the DRC.
President Kagame has consistently emphasized that Rwanda is not the cause of the ongoing insecurity in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). He points to historical events, particularly the drawing of boundaries and the FDLR terrorist group’s presence in Congo, as the major contributors to the current conflict.
Kagame has often expressed concerns about the DRC’s internal governance, which has led to the persecution of Congolese Tutsis, the rise of the M23 rebel group, and refugee flows into neighbouring countries, including Rwanda. He argues that such internal issues within the DRC contribute to regional instability.
Additionally, the Head of State has raised concerns about the security threat posed by the FDLR terrorist group, which comprises remnants of those who participated in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and fled to the neighbouring DRC. Kagame insists that the group, now collaborating with the Congolese government, continue to be a source of instability despite ongoing mediation efforts.
“The FDLR question has to be answered,” he said in a past address, urging the international community and the media to be objective and not to view the crisis through biased lenses.
{{Economic and trade relations}}
One of the areas of greatest interest to African nations is the future of U.S.-Africa trade relations. Trump’s first term saw a push for renegotiated trade agreements, including the U.S.-Kenya Free Trade Agreement (FTA), which was part of a broader strategy to encourage trade over aid.
The Prosper Africa initiative, launched in 2018, sought to increase trade and investment flows between the U.S. and African nations. While these policies were seen as a move away from traditional aid and toward economic partnerships, African leaders are watching to see whether these trends will continue.
Under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), African countries benefit from preferential trade access to the U.S. However, concerns remain about Trump’s “America First” rhetoric, which could impact trade flows.
With rising economic challenges across the continent, African leaders are keen to ensure that U.S. policies do not disrupt vital trade ties. African leaders hope that Trump’s second term will foster an environment that promotes mutually beneficial economic growth, including foreign direct investment in key sectors like infrastructure and technology.
{{Security and counterterrorism}}
Security remains a primary concern for many African nations, especially in regions plagued by terrorism and insurgency. Trump’s first term was marked by a sustained U.S. military presence in Africa, particularly in the Horn and Sahel regions, where the U.S. played a significant role in counterterrorism efforts.
The Trump administration supported African military forces, especially in countries like Somalia, where the Al-Shabaab militant group has been a persistent threat. U.S. military involvement included intelligence-sharing, direct strikes, and training African security forces to combat extremist groups.
Africa’s leaders will be closely monitoring whether Trump maintains or strengthens these security commitments during his second term. Leaders from the East African Community and the Sahel region, will be watching to see if the U.S. continues its counterterrorism efforts and assists African countries with the resources needed to fight groups like Al-Shabaab, Boko Haram, and ISIS affiliates.
Given the ongoing instability in places like Somalia and Mali, African nations are keen to ensure that Trump’s foreign policy continues to prioritize regional security.
{{Health and humanitarian policy}}
Trump’s “America First” stance extended to foreign aid policy, with significant cuts proposed for U.S. development assistance during his first term. His administration’s approach to health aid, particularly the continuation of the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), was scrutinized, with critics worried that the U.S. might pull back support for vital health programs across Africa. The global gag rule, which restricts U.S. foreign aid funding for organizations that provide or advocate for abortion services, remains a point of concern for many African nations.
As Trump begins his second term, African leaders, especially those from countries with pressing health challenges, are apprehensive about the continuation or expansion of the global gag rule and whether Trump will reduce U.S. aid further. The implications of such policies on maternal health, HIV/AIDS treatment, and overall healthcare could have serious consequences for African nations already facing health crises.
{{Climate change and international cooperation}}
Trump’s scepticism toward climate change and his decision to withdraw from the Paris Agreement during his first term raised alarms, particularly in Africa, where the effects of climate change—such as droughts, floods, and food insecurity—are increasingly pronounced.
African leaders are concerned that a continuation of Trump’s climate policies could further undermine global efforts to address climate challenges. As many African nations are heavily reliant on international partnerships for climate funding and adaptation, Trump’s approach to environmental issues will be closely scrutinized.
In addition to climate concerns, African leaders are paying attention to how Trump will handle international cooperation on global challenges. The growing influence of China in Africa, particularly in terms of infrastructure development and investment, adds another layer of complexity.
Many African countries are navigating a delicate balancing act between U.S. foreign policy, Chinese investments, and their own aspirations for economic development. Trump’s stance on global alliances and international agreements will likely have a significant impact on the way African countries engage with both the U.S. and China.
As President Kagame mentioned in his recent press conference, Africa finds itself at a moment of global flux, with changes occurring at a rapid pace.
While African leaders, including Kagame, remain hopeful that Trump’s second term will bring about meaningful engagement on key issues, they are also pragmatic. The real test will be in the tangible actions the Trump administration takes in relation to Africa.
Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro was sworn in for a third six-year term on Friday, following a contentious election marked by claims of voter fraud.
His opponent, Edmundo González, had declared victory in the July election, alleging widespread irregularities.
Maduro’s inauguration defied mounting international pressure and sanctions, particularly from the United States, which has recognized González as the winner of the presidential race.
“May this new presidential term be a period of peace, of prosperity, of equality and the new democracy,” Maduro declared, pledging to uphold the laws of Venezuela.
The swearing-in ceremony came a day after a rare public appearance by opposition leader María Corina Machado, who led a protest against Maduro’s rule.
According to Machado’s team, she was briefly detained during the demonstration, adding to the ongoing tensions.
Maduro, a former bus driver, rose to power following the death of left-wing leader Hugo Chávez in 2013.
His leadership has been plagued by accusations of authoritarianism, along with severe economic and political crises that have deeply affected the country.
The July 28 presidential election sparked widespread protests, with many Venezuelans contesting the results.
However, a heavy-handed government response quickly quelled the demonstrations. During the unrest, an estimated 2,000 people were arrested, and at least 25 lost their lives.