On May 8, 2024, Minister Lutundula told diplomats in Kinshasa that President Kagame had stated to a foreign media outlet, “Rwandan troops will not leave the DRC until we bring back the Tutsi Congolese and until their rights are restored.”
These claims are in direct contradiction to President Kagame’s repeated statements to both Rwandan and international media. He has been highlighting that over 100,000 Congolese refugees currently in Rwanda fled due to persecution in their homeland.
President Kagame further noted that these refugees include relatives of M23 militants, who are fighting to reclaim their rights, underscoring the need for a resolution to the refugee crisis to facilitate their peaceful return.
The Rwandan government, including President Kagame, has firmly rejected the DRC government’s charges of Rwandan military presence in North Kivu province, asserting that Rwanda does not seek to meddle in Congolese affairs.
While Rwanda has voiced its condemnation of the ongoing genocide and targeted killings of Tutsi Congolese, Minister Lutundula has refuted these claims. He suggested that the conflict zones, primarily involve Hutus, ‘and might experience genocide’ instead.
Yolande Makolo sharply criticized Lutundula’s comments as “insane,” pointing to the DRC government’s backing of the FDLR militia, which she blames for significant violence against the Congolese.
This role of the FDLR in harming Congolese citizens was confirmed by DRC military spokesperson, Brig Gen Sylvain Ekenge, who stated on national television in April 2024 that the FDLR had played a major role in the deaths of “10 million Congolese in the past 30 years.”
In response to Lutundula’s remarks, Makolo said, “This is madness from the Foreign Minister of the only country in the world that allows a genocidal group [FDLR] to kill its people and spread genocide ideology in the DRC.”
She also accused the DRC government of continuing to arm and support the FDLR, responsible for Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, to perpetrate violence against Tutsi Congolese in North Kivu and the Banyamulenge in South Kivu.
Makolo emphasized that the spread of hate and genocide ideology and the ongoing genocide against Tutsi Congolese in the DRC should be universally condemned and not overshadowed by Minister Lutundula’s misrepresentations.
Echoing these sentiments, the Rwandan Ambassador to the Netherlands, Olivier Nduhungirehe, expressed his concerns about Lutundula’s statements but was not surprised, given the DRC government’s history of aligning with genocidal strategies similar to those of the former Habyarimana regime.
Amb. Nduhungirehe recalled that between 1990 and 1993, the Habyarimana government, through extremist factions within the CDR party and media like RTLM and Kangura, propagated the notion that Tutsis planned to exterminate the Hutus. He argued that such misinformation was aimed at justifying the subsequent Genocide against the Tutsi as an act of self-defense.
Amb. Nduhungirehe asserted that the international community should denounce the DRC government’s continued persecution of Tutsi Congolese, although he speculated that economic and political interests might lead to their silence.
In response, Rwanda suggested that instead, Congo should take Belgium to the same court, to compensate for all the atrocities, including the genocide committed by King Leopold II of Belgium during the colonial era.
This comes amidst a worsening atmosphere between Rwanda and Belgium, which intensified in July 2023 when Rwanda appointed Vincent Karega as its Ambassador to Belgium, only to be rejected by the host country.
Rwanda has stated that it will not send another ambassador as long as the one previously appointed is not accredited or unless Belgium provides a justified reason for the rejection.
What could be the implications of Belgium hiding behind the DRC to punish Rwanda? Tune in for an in-depth discussion “Tubijye Imuzi”.
Born in Uganda in 1977, the 47-year-old Rwandan grew up in Uganda when the National Resistance Army (NRA) prepared to topple Milton Obote’s administration.
Speaking during a recent interview on Sanny Ntayombya’s podcast ‘Long Form’, Habineza disclosed that he spent most of his childhood hiding alongside his family due to the political instability in the country at the time.
“I was born when there was war in Uganda. There were NRM rebels fighting Obote government and my region was called the Royal Triangle where the war taking place there. We used to see soldiers coming and taking our cows and we used to run,” he said, adding, “It was a sad moment but finally the war ended.”
Besides the political instability, Habineza also revealed that he and other Rwandan children had to endure constant bullying from local kids in the foreign land.
“It was a very difficult time to be in Uganda. We used to be beaten by other Ugandan kids who used to call us Banyarwanda as if Banyarwanda was a crime. I had this name of Habineza which couldn’t be hidden. Sometimes I felt like I was going to hide my name because every time they would call me Kanyarwanda,” he revealed.
“We used to fetch water from some piped water which would come from some springs in the mountains. So they find you there putting a jerrican there they hit you in the head. I could cry I say what is Munyarwanda. I go back crying. I knew that Munyarwanda was a crime. At first, I thought it was an abuse then I let it was a crime and then I said why don’t I change my name? They could tune my name and turn it into abusive words.”
He changed his name four times. First, he called himself Mugisha but faced opposition from his father. He later called himself Frasco, then Francis, and finally settled on Frank.
“I think Frank was more modern because we had some Congolese musicians like Franco,” he remarked.
When normalcy resumed in Uganda after the coup that saw President Yoweri Museveni of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) assume power, he was able to resume school, but sadly, he was forced to deal with the pain of losing his mother at an early age.
“It was a difficult process, and my mother died in between when I was in Primary 4. So that was a very difficult episode. We were three kids, so my father had a responsibility of taking care of us: three kids, one boy, and two girls. It was very difficult,” he said.
The challenging times forced him to get involved in activities of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) which was then preparing to liberate Rwanda in 1990. He was still in primary school.
“We used to attend youth meetings. The meetings were not public; we used to have them in the bushes. They also used to teach us Kinyarwanda dance. It was good,” he revealed.
In 1994 after the RPF took control of Rwanda following the 100 days of the Genocide against the Tutsi he was among Rwandans who returned home. They settled in Kayonza District in the Eastern Province.
“I was here in early October of 1994. We came in a big truck. The trucks that carry coffee,” he said.
However, he could not stay for long as schools were yet to reopen and he had to go back to Uganda to resume his high school studies.
“In March 1995, I had to go back to Uganda. I had left when I was in Form Three, and by the time I was leaving, schools were yet to reopen in Rwanda. I realized I could not find a job because as a Senior Three graduate, you don’t have a diploma or any certificate. There was also pressure to enrol us in either the army or local defence force. I realized going to the army when you don’t have even an O-level certificate would be a waste of much time here because you wouldn’t be much useful,” Habineza noted.
Back in Uganda, he benefitted from the foster care of renowned Ugandan writer John Nagenda’s family, where he developed a passion for politics and media. He was also a member of the Scouts Club, Wild Life Club and Chairman of the Red Cross Club.
“I had a lot of exposure there seeing newspapers every time watching TV and reading newspapers.”
It was while at high school that he thought of forming a political party to oppose Museveni’s government. He was about 17 years old.
But as fate would have it, he opted to join the National University of Rwanda in Butare, now the University of Rwanda, for his undergraduate studies after high school in 1999.
“When I went to Butare, knowing the history of the genocide in Rwanda, I thought, ‘What can I contribute in Rwanda?’ I said I would put much effort into environmental protection. I also had a passion for media, inspired by my uncle who used to have a column in the New Vision.
“When I came, I got accepted in the New Times. But I wrote like three, four articles, and none of my articles was published. When I went to Butare, they made me a correspondent for the News Line. I wrote for Rwanda News Line, Umuseso, and later the Rwanda Herald, and stopped in 2003.”
It’s while at Butare that he revived his idea of forming a political party in 2002.
“My love for the environment and the media pushed me into having another image of Rwanda. Seeing of what I wished new Rwanda to be. Later on that is when I decided to start a political party,” he added.
The path to starting a new party was, however, not smooth, as he was forced to shelve the idea after advice from government officials who thought he was not ready to run a party in just the second year of university.
“The officials heard me and said, ‘But you are still a young man and you have not finished university. I think I was in the second year then. You don’t even have money. Political parties are not a small thing. It requires money, it requires commitment.’ They also told me, ‘Maybe you are not seeing what is happening in the country. You see, there are these parties like MDR; they are having divisions, they are breaking up. But maybe when you start a new party, some people may misunderstand you and confuse you, or maybe you can become a new home for those people and they may bring trouble to you.’
“So they said, ‘Maybe it’s not a good time to start a new party as a young person.’ I thought the advice they gave me was genuine. I went and told my colleagues that this is the advice I got from the people in Kigali. They think that this is a wrong time for us. It’s too risky,” he revealed.
In 2005 he graduated from the university and was immediately appointed as a personal assistant to the minister of environment, forestry, water and mines.
When the minister was dropped from the Cabinet in 2006, he joined the National Coordinator for the Nile Basin Discourse Forum in Rwanda (NBDF), a civil society platform that had over 50 NGOs involved in the conservation of river Nile.
In 2007, he officially quit RPF and opted to form the Democratic Green Movement of Rwanda Party to oppose the government of the day. After six unsuccessful attempts, his party was finally registered in 2010.
He cited the decision to break ranks with President Paul Kagame’s RPF due to ideological differences, although he remained tight-lipped on details about his presidential manifesto and what he would do differently if elected president. He noted that it would be revealed at a later date, once sanctioned by the party delegates.
With two seats in parliament and one in the Senate, the MP insists that he is determined to run a non-violent opposition in the country.
He dismissed other opposition leaders, including former coalition member Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, for lacking the best interest of the country and promoting violent opposition ideologies.
“These people, when you say you want nonviolence, they don’t believe in nonviolence, most of them. They would want you to fight. There is a connotation from East Africa where people see opposition fighting here and there, causing trouble, breaking windows, destabilizing everything. So when we say no, we don’t want to do that. Although I was born in Uganda, I don’t want to copy and paste what I see happening in Uganda to here. We have seen a lot of violence in Rwanda, we have the Genocide against the Tutsi. I was not even born here because of those problems from before,” he stated.
“We want something different to do opposition politics, but not like the ones in Uganda or Kenya. But another one where the people of Rwanda will feel safe with you. I have been in a situation where people felt unsafe with me. They said, ‘When you join Franc’s party, you will have trouble and will be put in prison.’ This is what I feel is a better thing than now. People are comfortable being in the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda. People can see a future in the party, people can contribute to the state of the party. We have different ideas and we show them, and we are not killed because we have opposed the government.”
Mukuralinda made the disclosure on RTV while discussing the Rwandan government’s position on a statement from the U.S. State Department that accused Rwandan forces of firing on the Mugunga camp in Goma town.
He explained that the American stance aligns closely with that of the DRC government and is unfounded.
He said, “This narrative has been promoted by the Congolese Government, where leadership from the President of the Republic to all others deflects all issues onto the Rwandan Government or the Government of Rwanda.”
Leaders from the East African Community (EAC) and the Great Lakes region have decided that the DRC government should negotiate with armed groups like M23, but following President Félix Tshisekedi’s visit to these countries on another continent, it became clear that they support his resistance.
Mukuralinda criticized these distant countries for siding with the DRC and attributing its problems to Rwanda, noting that they lack a basis for their stance and do not understand the issues as well as those in the region because they feel the impact directly.
He said, “In these countries he visits, the different organizations seem to take sides like the Government of Congo, and they seem to speak in unison which is regrettable because those thousands of kilometers away do not understand or comprehend the issue unfolding at the doorstep of their countries, affecting the borders of their countries better than those here in the region. Those far away do not understand the situation better than those here.”
The Government of Rwanda has called for a credible investigation into the attack on the Mugunga camp to determine the truth about who was responsible.
The Rwandan government has rejected claims that it played any role in the bombings that resulted in significant casualties, arguing that these accusations are both unfounded and politically motivated.
Rwanda’s strong response comes on the heels of reports indicating that the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC) placed heavy artillery within the IDP camps, which Médecins Sans Frontières and other humanitarian organizations had previously warned against.
The subsequent shelling caused substantial damage and civilian casualties, raising serious questions about the FARDC’s conduct in a context already fraught with violence and instability.
Further complicating the situation are accounts of targeted shootings of protesters in the camps by both the FARDC and Burundian armed forces, creating a climate of fear and insecurity among the displaced populations.
In light of these events, Rwanda’s position is that a credible investigation should be conducted to establish the facts before blame is apportioned.
The U.S. government’s stance has been criticized for supporting the belligerent policies of the DRC government, which has formed coalitions with various militant groups, including the FDLR genocidal militia, Wazalendo, European mercenaries, SADC forces, and Burundian troops. Rwanda views this as a worrying development that undermines the U.S.’s role as a credible mediator in the region.
“The scapegoating of Rwanda by the U.S. government has become a predictable pattern. It endorses the belligerent position of the DRC government and their alignment with various militia groups, including the FDLR. This approach compromises the U.S.’s role as a mediator in the region and undermines prospects for a peaceful solution”, Rwanda’s statement reads in part.
The international community’s response to the escalating military build-up in eastern DRC and the resultant humanitarian crisis has also come under scrutiny. Despite expressing support for regional peace initiatives, many believe that the international community has failed to effectively address the root causes of the conflict, leaving millions of Congolese citizens in precarious conditions.
Given President Félix Tshisekedi’s threats to invade Rwanda and overthrow its government by force, Rwanda insists it must take necessary measures to defend its territory and protect its citizens.
While emphasizing its commitment to peace, Rwanda calls for a thorough investigation into the recent events and urges the international community to focus on de-escalating tensions and promoting genuine dialogue in the region.
In a recent interview with IGIHE, Khan revealed that the initiative will be implemented in collaboration with the private sector.
The ambassador said he is in talks with the Minister of Trade and Industry, Jean Chrysostome Ngabitsinze, as well as some companies, including the Bank of Kigali and the Africa Organization of Technology in Agriculture (AOTA), to ensure the initiative takes off.
“Whenever I visit Rwanda, I see people working manually in the agricultural fields. My observation is that farmers lack the resources to purchase machinery such as tractors or plows. Therefore, I am currently in discussions with organizations like AOTA, as well as several other entities including the Bank of Kigali and other banks, to facilitate Rwandan farmers to acquire agricultural machinery from Pakistan,” the ambassador stated.
If the initiative succeeds, farmers will be facilitated to buy advanced agricultural machinery from the South Asian country and pay the cost in affordable instalments.
“We are thinking that on a commercial level, something is already happening, but we want to offer a package for the farmers of Rwanda so that they can buy machinery on easy installments.
“For example, let’s say we a tractor priced at around $7,000 to $10,000 (RWF 8-10 million), which includes a plow, cultivator, harvester, and other necessary machinery. We can divide the total cost into different installments, allowing farmers to make a down payment and then pay the remaining amount monthly or every two months. We will involve banks, companies, and guarantors so that this becomes a reality,” Khan said.
Khan affirmed that the agricultural machinery in Pakistan is suitable for the Rwandan hilly topography, as attested by a 26-member delegation that visited the country for a three-day expo in January of this year.
“The agricultural machinery of Pakistan is very suitable for the Rwandan topography. Rwanda is known as a country of a thousand hills, with a climate often described as eternal spring.”
“With numerous water springs and ample rainwater, combined with the undulating terrain, our machinery is perfectly suited. It’s neither too large to navigate the mountains nor too small to be ineffective. We offer a medium-range machinery that aligns perfectly with Rwanda’s geography, soil, climate, and weather,” he stated.
At the same time, Ambassador Khan praised the strong trade ties between Rwanda and Pakistan, which have contributed to the growing export of tea to Pakistan since he assumed office about seven months ago.
“When I arrived here six to seven months ago, our bilateral trade was $30 million annually, and now it has reached $70 million in just six months due to our efforts. One of the major exports from Rwanda to Pakistan is tea. Pakistan is a nation of tea drinkers. We typically consume tea five times a day; it’s not just a habit but a ritual, a custom, and a tradition,” the ambassador explained.
He emphasized on the need for local traders to take advantage of Rwanda’s strong ties with Pakistan and the large population of 250 million people to export more products including avocado, coffee and legumes among other agricultural products.
“I am urging Rwandans to consider Pakistan as one of their destinations — to visit, explore business opportunities, and sell their products. While tea exports are already thriving, coffee and avocados have great potential. Avocado exports have begun, but there is room for growth. Currently, we are purchasing Rwandan avocados from other countries at high prices. Why not sell them directly to Pakistan?” he posed.
“Pakistan is a country of 250 million people so it’s a huge market for Rwandan business persons and they can bring good quality but cheap Pakistani products to Rwanda also. If you want to have textile, Pakistani textile is one of the world’s best textiles and the price is not that expensive as compared to other countries.”
While praising President Paul Kagame’s progressive leadership, the ambassador also noted that Pakistan is ready for research collaboration with the agriculture departments in Rwanda to facilitate the cultivation of rice varieties from Pakistan.
He also revealed that there are ongoing discussions about a Pakistani company setting up a free economic zone in Rwanda. He said he had identified and recommended two pieces of land in Musanze and Huye for the construction of the facility aimed at promoting economic growth, attracting foreign investment, boosting exports, and creating jobs.
During his campaign for presidency towards the end of 2023, he stated that if the M23 armed group were to attack the city of Goma, he would ask the Parliament for permission to declare war on Rwanda. He declared, “If their first bullet lands in Congo, in Goma or if an area is captured, I will convene Parliament and request permission to declare war on Rwanda.”
In March 2024, Tshisekedi indicated that he had paused the decision to declare war on Rwanda, choosing the path of dialogue instead, but he noted it was the last chance he was giving .
In an interview with Le Figaro on May 2, 2024, Tshisekedi claimed that M23 does not exist; instead, he alleged that they are Rwandan troops that invaded his country. This is an accusation the Rwandan government has consistently denied, maintaining that it does not interfere in the affairs of another country.
President Paul Kagame, in April 2023, explained that M23 is a group composed of Congolese who were deprived of their rights and labeled as foreigners, leading them to take up arms in 2012 to fight against a government that had abandoned them.
He pointed out that the resurgence of this group, which had disbanded in 2013, was due to unresolved issues.
In March 2024, representatives from Rwanda and the DRC met in Luanda, Angola, to discuss how to resolve the conflicts between the two countries and restore security in the Great Lakes region.
Tshisekedi announced that these representatives plan to meet again soon, but he emphasized that the DRC’s persistent demand is for Rwanda to withdraw its troops from their territory, as Rwanda has repeatedly stated that it does not send troops to another country illegally and respects its sovereignty.
He stated, “There is an ongoing dialogue initiative led by the President of Angola, João Lourenço. Our representatives will travel to Luanda in the coming days to seek a solution.My request is simple: that Rwanda withdraw its troops from Congolese soil.”
The journalist asked Tshisekedi if war with Rwanda is possible if the Luanda talks do not yield the desired solution by the DRC government, to which he replied that war is indeed possible.
Tshisekedi added, “Absolutely, war is possible; I cannot hide that. But I want to delay the deadline as much as possible, focusing our efforts and economy on developing the 145 territories of the DRC, rather than on military engagements.”
In a March 2024 interview with Jeune Afrique, when asked about Tshisekedi’s threat of war, President Paul Kagame responded that the President of the DRC is capable of implementing what he says, but he cannot control the consequences.
The head of state said, “Tshisekedi could do anything as long as he seems unaware of the consequences of his statements as President of the DRC. For me, I see it as a significant issue that I need to address. It means that one night he might wake up and do something you wouldn’t think was possible.”
The relationship between Rwanda and the DRC has been strained since the beginning of 2022, shortly after M23 militants resumed fighting in North Kivu.”
DRC has often claimed non-collaboration with FDLR, even though it eventually admitted its readiness to support anyone aiming to overthrow the Rwandan leadership. Rwanda insists that DRC’s dealings with FDLR should be seen as a national political issue rather than individual opportunism.
Various reports have shown close collaborations between the DRC military and FDLR, including weapon sharing and joint combat efforts. Some former FDLR members who chose to return to Rwanda, their country of origin, revealed significant motives behind the group’s close ties with the Congolese military.
Sergeant Tuyizere Mose, a former member of FDLR’s commando unit known as CRAP, disclosed that FDLR forces work closely with DRC’s government forces, suggesting that without them, the M23 rebel group would easily seize control. “Without FDLR’s involvement, M23 would be in Kinshasa overnight. Our CRAP soldiers could be stationed here for months without displacement due to the training we provide. Our only lack is a humane approach to coexist with the locals without discrimination,” he explained.
During his time in the DRC, Sgt. Tuyizere served in a heavy weaponry unit of the FARDC, fighting alongside M23. “We were trained by Israeli commandos, equipped with substantial training and powerful weaponry,” he added. Before battles, FDLR leadership would convince their troops they were fighting Rwandan soldiers instead of Congolese.
Sgt. Tuyizere highlighted the instrumental role of FDLR in controlling both the city and the Goma International Airport. “Since 2019, FDLR started managing the Goma International Airport, and from April 2023, this control became official. The DRC leadership explicitly allowed us to manage Goma to prevent its capture,” he stated.
Apart from managing the airport, FDLR also taxes goods from Bukavu and controls certain roads, profiting from the trade in valuable minerals. In 2023, when the DRC purchased military equipment, the first units to receive them were those belonging to CRAP, given the task of training state troops.
In November 2023, M23 decisively defeated FDLR and Congolese forces. The losses were blamed on Rwandan soldiers allegedly freshly trained in Israel. Following the defeat, Sgt. Tuyizere and his colleagues were deployed to the frontline, only to be encircled and significantly defeated by M23.
After witnessing the death and capture of his comrades by M23, Sgt. Tuyizere defected and surrendered to the UN mission, MONUSCO, exhausted by the conflict.
He urged other FDLR members, “Stop killing Congolese civilians accused of being Tutsis or spies for M23. Lay down your arms and join others in rebuilding the country.” He disclosed that FDLR’s orders before combat often involved targeting Tutsi Congolese as part of their operational strategy.
Born in 1998, Sgt. Tuyizere grew up within the ranks of FDLR but realized he had been exploited by those with hidden agendas, including property acquisition and evasion of justice, under the false promise of conquering Rwanda and claiming luxurious homes in Kigali.
The event began with a visit to the memorial on April 25, 2024, followed by discussions at the offices of Akagera Business Group and Toyota Rwanda in Karuruma, Jali Sector, Gasabo District. The discussions focused on the history of the Genocide against the Tutsi.
Faustin Mafeza, a researcher at the Ministry of Unity of Rwandans and Civic Engagement (Minubumwe), spoke about how the genocide against the Tutsi was not unexpected, as there had been a history of hate speech that dehumanized the Tutsi. He highlighted some of the ideologues of the genocide, including Joseph Gitera Habyarimana.
He said, “This Joseph Gitera Habyarimana spread the ideology of hatred against the Tutsi through the 18 Hutu commandments, which he concocted and announced during his party’s meetings in Butare on the date I mentioned, September 27, 1959.”
Nicole Mudenge, who survived the genocide and is the child of a former employee of ‘La Rwandaise’ commemorated today, reinforced that the Tutsi had been subjected to brutal acts even before the 1994 genocide. Mudenge, who was 10 years old during the genocide, shared how teachers did not hesitate to humiliate Tutsi children in front of their peers who were yet to understand ethnic divisions.
“I was in elementary school, I remember a teacher named Noëlle, who was my neighbor but also taught me at school. I don’t remember what lesson we were on, but I remember she called me out to the front of the class alone, not knowing why she had called me.”
“She put me in front of the students, I was wearing a blue dress the kind of uniform students wore back then, which had a belt. She tightened the belt around my stomach until it hurt, then told all the other students to look at me, saying, ‘this is what Tutsi children look like’.”
Solange Mukanizeyimana, the secretary of IBUKA in Gasabo District, who attended the event, noted that those who were not present during the planning and execution of the Genocide against the Tutsi might perceive it as distant history or an exaggerated story, possibly doubting its occurrence. However, the survivors are witnesses to its reality because they lived through those events.
Senthil Ganesh Shanbagamoorthy, the Managing Director of Akagera Business Group, emphasized that considering the history of the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, the world has a duty to teach young people to grow up with love and respect for fellow human being, avoid discrimination in all forms, and to ensure that such atrocities do not occur anywhere, again. He lauded and was extremely proud of the immeasurable efforts that the nation have put in to reconcile such a painful past, to make the glorious Rwanda that it stands today! Hats off.
According to the publication Africa Intelligence on April 25, 2024, this decision was made late 2023 when Nangaa was at a hotel in the Rutshuru territory in North Kivu province.
A drone was supposed to target Nangaa, who is considered a terrorist by the DRC government. However, the decision was changed to avoid the potential loss of civilian lives and property damage.
The decision was made after receiving information that Nangaa was at a hotel in the Rutshuru territory. Instructions were given for him to be targeted by a drone, but it was not carried out to prevent civilian casualties and damage.
After Tshisekedi’s order was not executed, the article stated that the DRC government is seeking to arrest Nangaa and his associates as the intelligence agencies are actively pursuing them.
Although capturing or killing Nangaa has not been possible, DRC recently received Eric Nkuba Shebandu, a special advisor to the AFC leader, who was arrested by security forces in Tanzania in January 2024.
During interrogation by military intelligence, Nkuba stated that Nangaa had communications with individuals including Joseph Kabila, the former president of the DRC, and Gen John Numbi, a former police chief in the country.
