Category: Politics

The Imbonerakure, the youth wing of Burundi’s ruling CNDD-FDD party, were trained at the Makamba military camp. They originate from regions including Kabarore, Bukinanyana, Mabayi, Mugina, and Rugombo, formerly part of Cibitoke Province in northwestern Burundi.

The FLN operates mainly in South Kivu Province in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the Kibira Forest in Burundi. Both groups are said to collaborate in operations targeting the Rwandan government, particularly in Minembwe and other parts of Fizi Territory.

Between 2018 and 2019, the FLN launched a series of attacks in southwestern Rwanda, killing and injuring civilians and destroying property, including vehicles. These assaults were reportedly launched from bases in the Kibira Forest, where the group had been hosted by Burundian authorities.

According to credible reports, FLN fighters operating in the Kidote area of Lemera Group, Uvira Territory, recently received over 200 Imbonerakure members under the command of Colonel Fabien Mukeshimana, also known as Kamayi. Another 200 recruits were reportedly dispatched to Lubarika in Uvira, where they joined FLN units led by Major General Dieudonné Hategekimana, alias Théophile.

In mid-August 2025, Burundian military intelligence officials are said to have met Major General Hategekimana, urging him to collaborate with them and the DRC Armed Forces (FARDC) in Uvira and other areas bordering Rwanda. Sources indicate that the FLN commander was assured the cooperation would lead to financial and logistical support from the DRC government.

A senior Burundian intelligence officer alleged that both President Ndayishimiye and his predecessor Pierre Nkurunziza had long supported the FDLR and FLN, citing ideological alignment rooted in ethnic animosity.

“Ndayishimiye and Nkurunziza supported FDLR and FLN because they shared the ideology of hating the Tutsi,” the officer said. “The ruling CNDD-FDD party still promotes this tribalist agenda and believes supporting these groups can destabilise Rwanda’s FPR-led government.”

Burundian photojournalist Teddy Mazina echoed similar sentiments during an August 2025 interview on The Long Form, asserting that the CNDD-FDD and the FDLR share a long-standing anti-Tutsi ideology, which underpins their cooperation.

Mazina said that under Ndayishimiye’s administration, the Burundian government has allowed FDLR elements to operate freely — providing them with resources and enabling them to trade, settle, and organise within the country. He further recalled that during the May 2015 coup attempt against Nkurunziza, FDLR fighters from the DRC reportedly intervened to defend his government.

“We have FDLR in Bujumbura,” Mazina said. “There is testimony that they came to defend Nkurunziza’s government when the coup failed. Cooperation has never stopped. In Bujumbura, there are Rwandans identifying as FDLR civilians who have lived in Burundi since 2010, owning many shops. The money they make from Congo flows into Burundi.”

Reports further indicate that around 20,000 Burundian troops are currently stationed in South Kivu Province, particularly in Uvira Territory, maintaining active coordination with the FDLR and facilitating the movement of leaders from both groups between Bujumbura and other locations.

Born on January 7, 1945, in Maseno, Nyanza Province, Raila Odinga was the son of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Kenya’s first Vice President and a key figure in the country’s independence movement. His father’s legacy shaped Raila’s political consciousness from an early age.

Odinga pursued technical studies in East Germany in the 1960s, training as a mechanical engineer before returning to Kenya to teach and later work at the Kenya Bureau of Standards. His professional career soon gave way to political activism, as he became increasingly involved in the struggle for democracy during the one-party era.

Odinga was arrested and charged with treason after being accused of being among the masterminds of the 1982 coup attempt to overthrow the government of then-President Daniel Arap Moi.

He was released six years later in February 1988, but detained again in August that year to be released in June 1989.

In the 1990s, Odinga was elected Member of Parliament for Lang’ata and emerged as one of the most vocal proponents of multi-party democracy. His persistence positioned him at the heart of Kenya’s pro-reform movement, earning both admiration and criticism for his defiance of entrenched political power.

Odinga’s first presidential bid came in 1997, marking the beginning of a long series of campaigns for the country’s highest office. His 2007 election battle against then-President Mwai Kibaki was one of Kenya’s most contested polls, sparking post-election violence that claimed more than 1,200 lives. The crisis was resolved through a power-sharing deal that made Odinga Prime Minister under a coalition government from 2008 to 2013.

During his tenure, Odinga played a crucial role in the formulation and adoption of Kenya’s 2010 Constitution, a landmark reform that devolved power and strengthened democratic institutions. Despite further presidential bids in 2013, 2017, and 2022, he never attained the presidency but remained an enduring symbol of opposition and reform.

From 2018 to 2023, Odinga served as the African Union High Representative for Infrastructure Development in Africa, further cementing his influence on the continental stage.

In 2022, he contested the presidency against William Ruto and challenged the results in court. The outcome was upheld, sparking protests from the opposition.

At the height of Gen Z economic-related protests in 2024, Odinga joined forces with President Ruto to form a broad-based government, resulting in several of his allies being appointed to key positions. In response to growing criticism, he later explained that his decision was motivated by the need to quell potential political instability.

He also campaigned for the African Union Commission Chairperson position in 2024–2025 but lost to Mahamoud Ali Youssouf of Djibouti.

Raila Odinga is survived by his wife, Ida Odinga, and their children: Rosemary, Raila Jr., and Winnie. His eldest son, Fidel Odinga, passed away in 2015.

Raila Odinga’s passing marks the end of an era in Kenyan politics, that of a resilient statesman whose quest for democracy, social justice, and good governance reshaped his country’s political landscape.

“If one makes an issue of noise of an empty drum, they also have a problem! Better to let it pass or walk away from it!!!” President Kagame wrote on X following remarks by DRC President Félix Tshisekedi at the Global Gateway Forum 2025 in Brussels on Thursday, October 9, 2025.

At the forum, which was also attended by President Kagame, Tshisekedi accused Rwanda of supporting the M23 rebel group, a claim Rwanda has repeatedly denied.

He called on Rwanda to give the order for the M23 troops, which he claimed were backed by Rwanda, to halt the escalation in eastern DRC.

Tshisekedi, while calling for peace in the eastern DRC, also claimed that his country has never been belligerent towards its neighbours, despite his repeated threats to invade Rwanda, bombard Kigali, and overthrow Rwanda’s leadership, threats that can be validated through multiple pieces of evidence.

Meanwhile, Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Olivier Nduhungirehe, also swiftly responded to Tshisekedi’s claims, describing them as false and misleading.

“No, you are wrong on all counts. The only person who can stop this escalation is President Tshisekedi, and HE ALONE,” Nduhungirehe said, adding that Tshisekedi himself must cease his belligerent attitude, halt threats against Rwanda, and stop supporting armed militias, including the FDLR genocidaires and Wazalendo groups.

The Minister further condemned the DRC president for deploying foreign mercenaries and using international platforms for political manoeuvring, describing Tshisekedi’s statements at the Forum as a “ridiculous political farce.”

Diplomatic relations between Rwanda and the DRC have been tense since the resurgence of the M23 rebel group in 2021, which identifies as representing marginalised Congolese Tutsi and Banyamulenge communities.

Kigali has repeatedly denied allegations of supporting the M23, instead pointing to the DRC’s own security lapses and its involvement with armed militias, including the FDLR, a group formed by perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

Despite multiple mediation efforts, including a peace deal in Washington and dialogue facilitated by Qatar, Rwanda has criticised the DRC for obstructing agreements and lacking the political will to ensure lasting peace in the region.

This includes the recent last-minute refusal to sign the Regional Economic Integration Framework, an agreement expected to mark a major step forward in bilateral and regional cooperation following months of U.S.-mediated negotiations.

He encouraged them to invest in modern and larger buildings to transform the district’s image.

CP Hatari made these remarks on Saturday, October 4, 2025, during the official opening of La Briella Hotel, which will complement existing hospitality facilities and increase the number of available accommodation rooms.

“We want Rubavu to become the second among the country’s secondary cities. We have everything it takes. Our security is guaranteed. We have a market for our produce.

“You have seen that during festive seasons or when big events take place, many visitors struggle to find places to stay and end up sleeping in cars, yet you have the means. Use this good ambition and build new structures. Play your part in renewing the city,” he urged.

CP Hatari reminded business owners and investors that while expanding into other districts can be valuable, they should first prioritize building essential investments within their own communities.

“Look at how Musanze has been modernized without having better opportunities than Rubavu. You should stand up and join efforts to build an exemplary nation. Security alone is not enough without economic activity and development,” he added.

CP Hatari commended Rubavu’s private sector for the progress they continue to make in transforming the town.

Rubavu District Mayor, Prosper Mulindwa, who attended the inauguration of La Briella Hotel, also reminded local entrepreneurs that their investments benefit not only themselves but the entire country.

“Everything you do, you do it for the country, not just for yourselves. You build for the present and the future generations. This new hotel will contribute to taxes and revenue.
The courage you showed to invest is rare because many people only keep ideas without bringing them to life,” he said.

Mulindwa praised Antoine Habarurema, the investor behind the newly built hotel, highlighting his determination.

“Many will learn from you. As the district leadership, we appreciate your contribution to renewing a town that has long needed modernization,” he stated.

For his part, Antoine Habarurema, the hotel owner acknowledged that his achievement was made possible by Rwanda’s inclusive and fair governance.

“If it weren’t for the country’s good leadership that doesn’t discriminate based on origin or region, I would not have been able to complete this project. I thank our national leadership for giving everyone equal opportunities to work and invest. Without this fair system, I would not be doing business here. This hotel is a fruit of good governance,” he said.

Delegations from both countries had worked tirelessly, day and night. Everything was in order; all that remained was to put pen to paper. But on October 3, 2025, when the day finally arrived, everything changed.

In an unexpected turn of events, President Félix Antoine Tshisekedi instructed his delegation not to sign the agreement with a precondition of “withdrawal of 90% of Rwandan troops.”

Rwanda has repeatedly denied the Kinshasa administration’s claims of troops in the DRC, insisting that its defensive posture along the border is necessary due to the security threat posed by the DRC-backed FDLR militia, formed by the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

Meanwhile, Rwanda was stunned by President Tshisekedi’s U-turn. Throughout all the previous discussions, not once had the issue of troops been raised. What was meant to be a historic step towards peace and cooperation suddenly became a story for another day.

Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe, said, “They [the delegations] were ready to initial the document the following morning, but President Tshisekedi instructed, at the last minute, his delegation NOT to sign, fearing the negative reaction of his internal public opinion.

Ambassador Nduhungirehe added that the agreement was purely economic and did not touch on security matters.

“Indeed, negotiations on the REIF are purely economic and don’t consider security matters, which are handled by the Joint Security Coordination Mechanism (JSCM),” the minister added.

He explained that the DRC’s last-minute decision caused confusion after months of intense mediation efforts led by Massad Boulos and the U.S. Department of State, who had worked tirelessly to ensure both sides reached an understanding.

Minister Nduhungirehe recalled that in September 2024, it was again Tshisekedi who prevented his Foreign Minister from signing an agreement on dismantling the FDLR militia group and lifting Rwanda’s defensive measures, even though the military representatives of both countries had already agreed on those terms.

{{President Kagame had foreseen it}}

Those closely following Rwanda–DRC relations were quick to recall President Paul Kagame’s remarks during his interview with Mario Nawfal in March 2025 after witnessing Tshisekedi’s latest behaviour.

President Kagame revealed that he had held several discussions with President Tshisekedi since the latter assumed office, but found it difficult to reach a lasting understanding with him, as Tshisekedi often went back on their agreements.

“I have no problem speaking with President Tshisekedi, but making deals is the most difficult thing. You agree on something, but once he steps out of the room, it’s completely different—either forgotten, changed, or he’ll say we never said that,” President Kagame stated.

When asked what he would tell President Tshisekedi if they were sitting together at that very moment, President Kagame responded: “I would tell him I wish he wasn’t president of that good country,” he responded when asked what he would tell the DRC Head of State if they met.

“Next time I meet him, I will tell him that,” he added.

Tshisekedi’s sudden reversal on the agreement has now left many questioning whether he genuinely intends to honour the commitments made under the Washington peace accord between Rwanda and the DRC.

At a time when the world had placed its hopes on this deal as the dawn of a new era of cooperation, President Tshisekedi’s decision has once again cast a shadow of uncertainty over relations between the two nations.

Speaking at a high-level meeting on R2P held on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York on September 23, Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Olivier Nduhungirehe, stressed that unchecked hate speech in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is laying dangerous ground for mass violence.

“These exchanges are not merely academic, they are part of our collective responsibility to prevent genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity,” he said.

Nduhungirehe’s intervention comes amid escalating threats against Tutsi communities in eastern DRC, where armed groups, including the FDLR—formed by remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi—continue to operate with backing from Kinshasa. He said the current patterns of ethnic incitement bear troubling similarities to the build-up to the genocide in Rwanda.

“Rwanda knows more than most the cost of inaction,” he warned. “Yet in the Great Lakes region today, we see once again the rise of hate speech, identity-based violence and a fast-spreading genocide ideology—warning signs we cannot afford to ignore.”

The Rwandan minister underscored that while the R2P framework, adopted in 2005, tasked states with protecting their citizens and empowered the international community to intervene when they failed, implementation has fallen short.

He criticised the selective application of the doctrine, saying that ignoring structural injustices and “buying into fabricated narratives that invert the roles of victims and perpetrators” undermines the UN’s moral authority.

“Sovereignty must be understood as a responsibility, not a shield for inaction,” he said. “When states fail to protect their own populations, the legitimacy of international action should not be in question. Lives lost because of our hesitation in the name of sovereignty are lives betrayed by the very UN Charter we swore to uphold.”

Nduhungirehe urged the UN to shift from statements to concrete preventive measures, calling for early warning systems to translate into early action and for clear accountability mechanisms against incitement.

“Hate speech is not free speech when it lays the foundation for genocide,” he said, stressing that actors who fuel violence should face institutional consequences and lose international support.

While acknowledging progress such as the creation of the UN Office on Genocide Prevention and early warning tools, he insisted that gaps remain, particularly in the consistency and timeliness of responses.

“R2P will be judged not by the eloquence of our debate, but by whether it prevents the next mass atrocity. Rwanda, therefore, proposes concrete actions,” he said, adding that the doctrine must be rooted in the historical realities of the Great Lakes region, where land disputes, exclusion and historical injustice continue to drive conflict.

At the beginning of 2025, the Belgian government spearheaded a campaign urging European Union member states and other wealthy nations to impose sanctions on Rwanda, accusing Kigali of supporting M23.

Prévot, who also serves as Deputy Prime Minister, argued at the time that sanctions would pressure Rwanda to “withdraw its troops” from eastern Congo. In his view, such punitive measures, which also extended to some leaders of the AFC/M23, could end the decades-long conflict in the DRC once and for all.

This stance led Rwanda in March 2025 to sever ties with Belgium, accusing the former colonial power of pitiful attempts to sustain its neocolonial delusions.

However, in a recent interview with Jeune Afrique, Minister Prévot acknowledged that dialogue is the only path to resolving the conflict. This position echoes Rwanda’s consistent call for the Congolese government to engage in direct talks with M23 instead of shifting the blame.

Asked why his government no longer views sanctions as a viable solution, Prévot explained that although they may exert pressure on targeted individuals or entities, sanctions are not a “miracle cure” for ending conflicts like the one in eastern Congo.

“What seems important to us is to be able to respond to the humanitarian emergency, knowing that the diplomatic resolution of the conflict is now in the hands of Qatar and the
United States,” he stated.

The Belgian minister added that his country would not interfere with the peace initiative led by the United States and Qatar. He warned, however, that if fighting resumes in the DRC and more cities fall, Belgium could renew its call for punitive measures.

“These are processes that we must support, not interfere with. Only if they were to fail or if military logic took over again, with, for example, new captures of cities, could the question of sanctions arise again,” he added.