Category: Politics

  • Rwanda, Road to 2017 Political Term Revision: A call to avoid confusion

    Rwanda, Road to 2017 Political Term Revision: A call to avoid confusion

    Recently, I followed closely what is being said in the media and various political declarations on the presidential term in the preparation of the 2017 elections in Rwanda. Through these, I have observed certain ignorance whether real or deliberate on the content of the concept of political term, allowing misinterpretation of Articles 101 and 193 of the Rwandan Constitution by some political actors and their allies.

    According to them, article 101 is irrevocable and article 193 is only about the length of the presidential term and not the number of terms. Such arguments can lead the audience into confusion, which would favor some political opportunist interests. This opinion piece seeks to shed light on the scientific content of the concept of political term in the light of political science.

    According to Maurice Duverger, the political term is essentially a prerogative given to citizens to confer power to one of them to exercise on their behalf and for their fundamental and strategic interests for a specified period of time and such times they consider it. The notion of political term refers to both the period and length to exercise power and the frequency or number of times the invested person may be authorized to exercise power. This translates into a social contract in traditional societies and in a constitutional text in modern societies. For example we do say that the President of a country is elected for a five year term (length of the term), renewable once or several times (times of the term). Therefore, the notion of length and frequency are inseparable when it comes to political term or specifically to the presidential term.

    Regarding the case of Rwanda, the legislator respected this practice. The article 101 of the Constitution stipulates that the President of the Republic is elected for a term of seven years renewable only once. This is clear that the notion of political term is considered both into the duration (seven years) and the number of times (twice) that the elected President may be permitted to preside over the country. When paragraph 2 of Article 101 stipulates that no person may serve more than two presidential terms, it reinforces the notion of the number of times within the concept of political term. However, Article 193 of the Constitution speaks of the procedure for the amendment of the presidential term, which procedure requires a decision of citizens through referendum.

    Contrary to interpretations of some political actors and their allies, when Article 193 states that “if the amendment concerns the term of the President of the Republic …. It must be passed by referendum after adoption by each chamber of parliament”; this article does not specify that the revision concerns the length of the term of office of the President of the Republic ie the period of seven years. As the notion of political term evokes both the length and number of terms, it is the primary sovereign, ie the people to choose whether they want to make the amendment concerning the length (the period of seven years), or rather the number of times to exercise the term (ie consecutive two terms), or both.

    In my humble opinion, the voices of citizens that express themselves across the country and the substantial number of petitions to parliament opt for the opening of the number of times a President of the Republic may exercise the power conferred by the population. This is not in contradiction with the scientific content of the concept of political term and thus of Article 101 and 193 of the Constitution of the Republic of Rwanda. Finally, let me say that it would be respectable for political actors and their allies who oppose the revision of Article 101 to bow down to the will of the citizens that will be reflected by the results of the polls during the referendum as provided for by the Rwandan constitution. After all the will of the people will prevail.

    { {{Pierre Damien Habumuremyi, PhD in Political Science}}. }

  • Miss Colombe supports Rwanda Constitution amendment

    Miss Colombe supports Rwanda Constitution amendment

    {Miss Rwanda 2014 Akiwacu Colombe is supporting the amendment of the Rwandan Constitution so that President Paul Kagame continues to be the head of State because she refers him as a leader that Rwandans still want.}

    The Beauty Queen has emphasized that president Paul Kagame is a wonderful leader who managed to take Rwanda to a great development and he can still do it as far as he is given the opportunity.

    On her Instagram she said, “He took the country far towards development. He can take it further if allowed. HE Paul Kagame is the leader Rwanda still needs. I don’t see any reason of not giving ourselves more chances to changes by giving him more time to lead us to a brighter future”.

    Akiwacu Colombe is hardly supporting that the Rwanda Constitution amendment changes for the better future of Rwanda as a country.

    Besides the beauty Queen of Rwanda 2014, many Rwandeses are supportive to the Rwanda Constitution amendment so that President Paul Kagame continues to lead the country.

  • What UK Can learn from countries like Rwanda

    What UK Can learn from countries like Rwanda

    {What do Rwanda, Senegal, Seychelles and South Africa have in common? The answer is that these four African nations are among the 10 countries with the highest number of women in their parliaments. Rwanda heads that list: 64% of its MPs are women. Seychelles is fifth, with 44%, while Senegal comes seventh, with a parliament that comprises 43% women and South Africa is ninth, with 42% of its parliament women.}

    The UK doesn’t show up well in this particular set of statistics from the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU). Women hold 148 of the UK’s 650 parliamentary seats, putting the country at 56th in the list, just below Kyrgysztan. The US fares even worse, coming joint 72nd with Panama. While Sweden (6th) and Finland (8th) unsurprisingly score well, it is tiny Andorra (3rd), with 50% female MPs, that is the highest ranked European country.

    Worldwide, only one in five MPs are women and this week, more than 400 female parliamentarians from around the world meet in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa to address the complex issue of getting more gender parity into our elected assemblies.

    Of the 46 countries in the world where women account for more than a quarter of parliamentarians, 14 are in Africa. One possible reason for there being more female MPs in countries not otherwise best known for equal society or female employment is that often these countries have accepted the need for quotas for female candidates in elections, whereas many western countries, including the UK, prefer other tactics. In Rwanda, 30% of all candidates in elections must be women, while in Senegal, since 2012, it is 50%.

    According to the IPU, electoral quotas, which have been used in more than 120 countries have underpinned much of the global rise in women MPs to date. But last year saw the slowest increase so far (0.3%) and the IPU says other measures are needed to complement the use of quotas, if progress is to be sustained.

    But the conference in Addis Ababa is about more than just numbers and getting women into power. The real isssue is what women do with that power once they have it and the potential impact of female leadership on policy-making.

    The sessions at this year’s conference range include the practical, such as media training for female politicians (or “how to answer stupid questions”), but mainly focus on the complex and interrelated challenges that face us all as global citizens. How can we make sure that prosperity benefits everyone? What kind of leadership will best help us tackle growing security risks around the world?

    As Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, who chairs the African Union Commission, put it in her welcome to this year’s conference, we are beginning to see a difference in the laws and policies in parliaments where we have a critical mass of women.

    Implementing those policies depends on public managers as much as politicians. There isn’t as much data on the number of women in public leadership roles as for political roles, but figures collated by consultants EY (formerly Ernst and Young) on the G20 countries show that countries that tend to be strong on one indicator do well on both. South Africa is relatively high for women in senior positions in politics, public sector leadership and private sector leadership: a testament, according to EY, to the country’s strong framework of targets and affirmative action, while Canada, which has the highest number of female public leaders in the world (45.9%), has a long history of taking positive action to promote under-represented groups in public services.

    Perhaps it’s time for the UK to start learning from other countries about how to improve gender parity. Only one female parliamentarian, MEP Linda McAvan, is at the Addis conference. Before International Women’s Day on 8 March, journalist Michael Crick drew up a list of just over 30 of the most influential posts in the UK that have never yet been held by a woman, ranging from chancellor of the exchequer and mayor of London to head of the civil service, archbishop of Canterbury and head of the CBI. If nearly half of cabinet ministers and half of the supreme court justices in Rwanda are women, surely the UK can do better than this.

    {{The Guardian}}

  • Israel Elections: Brief profiles of the leaders of the main political parties

    Israel Elections: Brief profiles of the leaders of the main political parties

    JERUSALEM ({{AFP}}) – Israel holds its second general election in just over two years on Tuesday, after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu dissolved parliament following the breakdown of his coalition government.

    Here are brief profiles of the leaders of the main political parties.

    {{BENJAMIN NETANYAHU}}

    Known as “Bibi”, Netanyahu heads the rightwing Likud party and is seeking a third consecutive term, his fourth overall.

    Polls show the centre-left Zionist Union slightly ahead of Likud but analysts say Netanyahu, 65, is best placed to form a parliamentary majority with support from ultra-nationalist and ultra-Orthodox parties.

    The son of a Zionist historian, Netanyahu presents himself as the guardian of Israeli security against Iran and radical Islam.

    Educated in the United States, he served in Israel’s special forces and is considered close to the American school of neo-conservative politics.

    {{ISAAC HERZOG}}

    The head of the opposition Labour Party, Herzog has joined forces with the centrist HaTnuah to form the Zionist Union.

    A 54-year-old lawyer and son of Israel’s sixth president, Herzog has been a member of parliament since 2003 and held several cabinet posts. A social rights activist, he has repeatedly called for the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel.

    Despite his political pedigree, critics accuse Herzog of lacking charisma.

    {{TZIPI LIVNI}}

    A former justice minister and chief peace negotiator, Livni was sacked by Netanyahu in December for “acting against the government from within” after opposing a controversial bill aimed at enshrining Israel’s status as the Jewish state in law.

    Livni, a 56-year-old lawyer, is a former undercover agent for the Mossad spy agency and a one-time foreign minister who cut her political teeth with Likud.

    Often described as Israel’s most powerful woman and compared with former prime minister Golda Meir, Livni has defied her staunch nationalist background and become convinced that the only way to preserve Israel as a Jewish state is to relinquish at least some of the land occupied in the 1967 Six Day War.

    {{NAFTALI BENNETT}}

    The head of the far-right Jewish Home party, Bennett, 42, is a champion of the settler movement and a key challenger of Netanyahu to head Israel’s rightwing.

    A slick communicator, he is a savvy user of social media who is fluent in Hebrew, English and French. He held the economy portfolio in the outgoing government.

    He openly opposes a Palestinian state and pushes his own “peace plan” which would see Israel annexing 60 percent of the West Bank.

    Born to American immigrants, he served as a commando with the special forces before starting a lucrative career in high-tech.

    {{AVIGDOR LIEBERMAN}}

    The outgoing foreign minister and head of the hard-right Yisrael Beitenu party, Lieberman is known to his critics as the “doberman”.

    A firebrand with ambition to lead the right, Lieberman, 56, has been dogged by corruption allegations for nearly two decades but in 2013 was acquitted on charges of fraud and breach of trust.

    Born in what is now Moldova, he immigrated to Israel at 20 and worked as a nightclub bouncer before entering politics.

    He is known for his blistering attacks on Israel’s Arab minority as well as on the Palestinian leadership.

    {{YAIR LAPID}}

    The former finance minister and head of the centrist Yesh Atid party, Lapid was sacked by Netanyahu in December alongside Livni.

    A former news anchor and newspaper commentator, the telegenic 51-year-old entered politics in 2012 pledging to defend Israel’s middle class, his party storming to success in elections a year later.

    Despite his economics-driven campaign, Lapid failed as finance minister to tackle the soaring cost of living and reduce spiralling rent prices.

    {{MOSHE KAHLON}}

    A popular former Likud minister who left politics before the previous election two years ago, Kahlon returned to set up his centre-right Kulanu party in late 2014.

    Kahlon, 54, earned fame as communications minister for smashing Israel’s mobile phone monopoly, cutting prices for consumers.

    The son of immigrants from Libya, Kahlon says he backs a two-state solution but sees “no partner” on the Palestinian side.