Category: Politics

The United States was among the nations that voted to reduce the UN peacekeeping force in Rwanda during the genocide, significantly hampering the peacekeepers’ ability to effectively intervene and protect civilians.

The Genocide against the Tutsi began in April 1994, 13 years and two months after Jimmy Carter—who passed away on Sunday, December 29, 2024—had left office as President of the United States.

Despite the international community’s inaction during those dark days, Carter demonstrated through his organization, the Carter Center, that there was still a role to play in preventing similar atrocities.

Carter was among the influential Americans who led efforts to engage leaders from the Great Lakes region to address the plight of Rwandan refugees who fled during the genocide, as well as génocidaires operating near Rwanda’s borders and launching sporadic attacks.

In an article titled “Hope is Not Lost” published on the Carter Center’s website on September 19, 1995, Carter emphasized that, after abandoning the Tutsi, the international community needed to prioritize Rwanda’s challenges as much as those in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

He wrote that the world looked the other way the previous year when Rwandans died in the worst case of genocide since World War II.

Carter further stated that another 100,000 people had been killed in Burundi the year before.

“Instead of increasing its efforts to resolve this crisis, the international peace-keeping force is being withdrawn,” he noted.

“Two million exiles, mostly Hutus, now live in crowded camps in Zaire and Tanzania. They are restive and afraid—and a few are armed and aggressive. Militant Hutu refugees conduct night raids into Rwanda and return to their camps in Zaire before daybreak.”

Post-genocide security concerns in Rwanda, as well as ongoing violence in Burundi, prompted Carter to hold talks with leaders from the countries and mediators to seek solutions.

On October 8, 2024, Vince Farley, Carter’s Africa advisor, recounted Carter’s diplomatic efforts in the Great Lakes region. In November 1995, Carter visited Goma, a city hosting many Rwandan refugees.

Farley explained that the purpose of Carter’s visit was to meet with representatives of Rwandan refugees, including those based in the city and others from Europe.

During a meeting in a refugee camp, Carter addressed the Rwandans, explaining the Carter Center’s role in resolving conflicts in the Great Lakes region and recounting his visit to Rwanda, where he toured genocide memorial sites.

Farley recalled that, after outlining these efforts, Carter turned to the refugees and stated that some individuals in the room were architects of the Genocide against the Tutsi, warning them that justice would catch up with them.

Carter said to the génocidaires: “I know many of the leaders of this genocide are in this room, and I want to assure you that you will be brought to justice.”

His words, though seemingly delayed, eventually came to fruition as many génocidaires were apprehended through the efforts of international bodies, including Interpol, and brought to justice. However, more than 1,000 génocidaires remain in hiding worldwide to this day.

The 39th President of the United States, who served from 1977 to 1981, passed away at his home in Plains, Georgia, at the age of 100.

Carter, born in 1924, had a diverse career as a naval officer, farmer, and governor of Georgia before serving as president from 1977 to 1981.

While the exact cause of his death has not been publicly disclosed, it is understood that his passing was due to natural causes associated with his advanced age and ongoing health issues.

He had in February 2023 opted to receive hospice care at his home following a series of health challenges, including a 2015 diagnosis of melanoma that had metastasized to his brain and liver.

During his election campaign two years ago, Ruto criticized the previous administration of President Uhuru Kenyatta for alleged abductions and extrajudicial killings, vowing to end such practices. However, recent events have raised concerns about the fulfilment of the pledge.

Since the Gen-Z-led protests in June, which forced the government to shelve plans to introduce additional taxes, dozens of young people have been reported missing, with human rights groups accusing the police of being behind their disappearances. The police continue to deny these claims.

In the latest wave of abductions, some of which have been captured on camera by witnesses and surveillance footage, at least three young people were recently abducted after sharing AI-generated images of Ruto in a casket that some considered offensive.

Among those abducted is popular cartoonist Kibet Bull, whose real name is Gideon Kibet. His images of the president went viral.

Kibet disappeared after meeting opposition senator Okiya Omtatah on Christmas Eve.

Kibet’s younger brother, Ronny Kiplangat, who has also been missing for several days, is believed by their family to have been used as bait by security forces to lure Kibet.

“(Kibet) boarded a matatu after my driver dropped him off in the city centre. As they have done with others, they must have blocked the matatu and snatched him from it,” said Omtatah, who harbours presidential ambitions for the 2027 elections.

“If you look at the attitude of the police, they know what is happening. The state is simply allowing it or acquiescing to it.”

Like many young Kenyans, Kibet was once an ardent supporter of President Ruto but has, in recent years, become a critic of the government, accusing it of corruption, failing to address unemployment, and not fulfilling its promises to turn around the economy.

Both the National Police Service and the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) have denied abducting or arresting the trio. However, former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, who was impeached in October for allegedly sabotaging President Ruto’s administration, insists the government is behind the abductions.

Addressing the press in Nairobi on Friday, Gachagua claimed that the abductions were being carried out by a secret unit, not under the command of the Inspector General of Police.

According to Gachagua, the unit, with officers drawn from various departments, operates from a building in Nairobi’s Central Business District.

“There’s a building in Nairobi, the 21st floor in the city centre, where the unit operates from, led by a certain Mr. Abel. Abel is a cousin to a very senior official in this government,” Gachagua revealed.

The former Deputy President threatened to expose more details about the secret unit if the abducted individuals are not released.

He added that Kenyan citizens are angry with Ruto’s administration, saying, “Killing our children will not quell the anger of the Kenyan people.”

“Abducting young people is not a solution; you must address the cause of discontent. Why are people aggrieved with this administration?”

A few hours later, President Ruto, accompanied by opposition leader Raila Odinga—whose allies have joined Ruto’s Cabinet in a broad-based government formed after the Gen-Z protests—promised to end the abductions.

Odinga had criticized the state-linked abductions of critics, saying the country cannot tolerate a “gangster state.”

Widely recognized as Kenya’s second liberation hero, Odinga was a victim of the brutal regime of the late President Daniel Arap Moi during the fight for multiparty democracy in the 90s. He warned that allowing the abductions to continue could risk taking the country back to the dark days of “Nyayo Torture Chambers”.

Ruto acknowledged the concerns but also warned the youth to be “disciplined.”

“What has been said about abductions, we will stop them so Kenyan youth can live in peace, but they should have discipline and be polite so that we can build Kenya together,” Ruto said at a stadium in Homa Bay, in the west of the country.

In addition to the abductions of young Kenyans, the abduction of Uganda’s opposition chief Kizza Besigye in Nairobi by Ugandan security agents recently also drew widespread condemnation.

Besigye and his close associate Hajj Obeid Lutale were picked up in Nairobi while attending the launch of a book written by former justice minister Martha Karua and whisked back home, where they were locked up in a military facility before being produced in a martial court.

The duo faces charges of undermining national security and illegal possession of firearms.

Various rights groups and lawyers have criticized Kenya’s complicity in the abductions, saying it tarnishes Kenya’s image as a democratic safe haven. They accuse its authorities of failing to prevent or investigate the incident, thereby jeopardizing regional stability and the rule of law.

This comes against the backdrop of the postponement of a meeting between President Paul Kagame and his DRC counterpart Félix Tshisekedi, which was expected to culminate in the signing of an agreement to help end the conflict in the troubled region of eastern DRC.

Rwanda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs expressed frustration over the failure to reach a consensus, particularly regarding the involvement of the M23 rebel group in peace discussions, which led to the talks stalling on December 15, 2024.

The two sides had previously agreed on measures, such as dismantling the FDLR militia and addressing Rwanda’s security concerns. However, progress faltered midway through the discussions.

In an interview with IGIHE, various analysts stressed that meaningful dialogue is essential for lasting peace despite the DRC’s reluctance to engage with M23.

Ambassador Joseph Mutaboba pointed out that in negotiations aimed at resolving conflicts, all opposing sides must sit down and have frank discussions.

“Talking with M23 is a necessity in negotiations, in inter-country relations, and in governance. When there’s an issue in a household, the husband and wife must sit down to discuss it. Similarly, when it’s a family matter, such as between a father and child, they must have a conversation. At the community level, mediators may step in. Problems often need to be solved from the ground up,” he stated.

“If Congolese leaders fail to recognize M23 as their own citizens with grievances and a history that needs to be addressed, and if they refuse to sit down and resolve these issues, other, potentially less favourable, solutions may emerge,” he added.

Mutaboba emphasized that no external party could provide a solution if the DRC itself does not engage with M23 to find a lasting resolution.

“Rwanda, the region, and the world cannot impose solutions unless they begin at home. Sustainable answers must address the root of the problem, not just its symptoms,” Ambassador Mutoba reiterated.

He also suggested that certain individuals might benefit from the ongoing instability, explaining why Tshisekedi’s government continues to shift its stance on the issue. If dialogue fails, he warned, some may resort to military means to resolve the conflict.

“When words fail to bring peace, the sound of guns might take over, as some are accustomed to such approaches,” he noted.

Me Gasominari Jean Baptiste argued that the DRC’s refusal to engage with M23—a group of Congolese Tutsi fighting for their rights and against ongoing persecution—demonstrates its lack of will to address the security crisis.

“The DRC’s unwillingness to engage in dialogue with M23 shows a lack of commitment to resolving the security problem. They consider negotiations with M23 a red line they cannot cross. Yet, M23 currently controls nearly three-quarters of North Kivu province due to military strength. If the government can neither defeat them militarily nor engage in dialogue, what is their end goal?” he posed.

He suggested that the DRC might have hidden political or economic motives for maintaining instability in its eastern region.

“The DRC may not want to resolve the crisis in the east because it could serve other hidden interests. The government might also use the conflict as an excuse for failing to deliver on its promises to citizens,” Gasominari explained.

Instead of focusing on resolving the eastern security crisis, DRC leaders have been more focused on tarnishing Rwanda’s image on the international stage, he added.

The M23 movement was formed in 2012 by former CNDP members who accused the DRC government of failing to honour a 2009 peace agreement. Fighting erupted in 2012, halted in 2013, but resumed in November 2021.

In April 2022, M23 participated in peace talks in Nairobi with the DRC government and representatives of armed groups. However, they were later expelled from the negotiations and accused of reigniting the conflict.

The mercenaries, part of the Agemira group from Bulgaria and RALF from Romania, have been collaborating with DRC forces since 2022 to fight the M23 armed group in the volatile North Kivu province.

The DRC government insists that the fighters are not mercenaries but rather instructors training its army in various skills, including warfare and the use of modern weapons. Additionally, they are among those safeguarding the cities of Goma and Sake.

In a post on X on Monday, December 16, 2024, General Muhoozi threatened decisive action against the “white mercenaries”.

“I’m going to give only one warning to all white mercenaries operating in eastern DRC. From 2nd January 2025, we will attack all mercenaries in our area of operations.”

The Ugandan army general added, “In the name of Jesus Christ, the God of all Bachwezi, there shall not be left one white mercenary in DRC this time next year!”

Since November 2021, Ugandan forces have been conducting operations named “Shujaa” to combat the ADF terrorist group in North Kivu and Ituri provinces, in collaboration with DRC forces.

It is unclear whether the mercenaries operating in eastern DRC have reached areas controlled by Ugandan forces. However, reports by UN experts confirm that the mercenaries operate primarily in Goma and Sake.

The Sunday talks, expected to address ongoing tensions between the two nations, were cancelled due to the DRC’s refusal to negotiate with the M23 rebel group. This decision contradicts commitments made earlier by the DRC to enter discussions with armed groups, including M23, as part of regional peace efforts.

Minister Nduhungirehe stated, “The DRC refused discussions with M23, in direct contradiction to what they had agreed to just a few days earlier.”

Angola, serving as the mediator in these talks, had notified both parties on November 30, 2024, that the DRC had agreed to dialogue with M23, but the decision was later reversed.

The talks were planned as a follow-up to a series of meetings between officials from Rwanda, DRC, and Angola, aimed at creating a framework for addressing insecurity in eastern Congo.

Rwanda maintains that meaningful peace efforts in the region require the inclusion of M23, as it remains one of the key players in the ongoing conflict in eastern DRC.

Despite the postponement, Angola hosted discussions between Tshisekedi and President João Lourenço, along with an invitation extended to former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, who has been mediating between the DRC government and armed groups through the Nairobi process.

The M23 group, active since resuming fighting in late 2021, has called for negotiations to address grievances, including alleged persecution of Congolese Tutsi communities.

In earlier peace talks convened in Nairobi in 2022, M23 representatives were expelled after being accused of reigniting hostilities, further complicating the conflict resolution process.

In a social media post on Saturday, Makolo attributed the claims to a small group of individuals who resist change and seek to maintain the economic dominance of a few wealthy nations in global sports.

Makolo’s response came after renowned Kenyan media personality Jackie Lumbasi questioned the meaning and use of “sportswashing” in relation to Rwanda’s growing sports presence.

“Hi Jackie, these people brought this term ‘sportswashing’—it’s a cabal that swims against the tide. They want all the benefits of the sports business to remain the preserve of the few rich countries that have historically reaped the profits. But this is 2024—things have taken a different turn,” Makolo wrote on X.

Bite Jackie, hawa watu walileta this term “sportswashing” ni cabal ina swim against the tide. Wanataka benefits zote za business of sports, zibaki the preserve of those few rich countries that have historically reaped the profits. Lakini this is 2024 – ibintu byafashe indi ntera.…

— Yolande Makolo 🇷🇼 (@YolandeMakolo) December 14, 2024

The term “sportswashing” surfaced after Rwanda made history on Friday, December 13, 2024, by hosting the 2024 FIA Awards, the first to be held in Africa. The prestigious awards ceremony brought together key figures in motorsport, including four-time Formula 1 World Champion Max Verstappen, to Kigali.

Rwanda’s critics often use the term “sportswashing” to discredit the government’s initiatives that have placed the country on the world map, especially through high-profile sports partnerships and events. These include significant sponsorship deals with global football clubs like Arsenal and Paris Saint-Germain (PSG) through the “Visit Rwanda” branding.

In addition to football, Rwanda has invested heavily in basketball, with the country hosting events such as the Basketball Africa League (BAL) and focusing on strengthening its ties with the NBA.

Other notable events Rwanda has bid for include the IRON MAN 70.3 race, the ATP Challenger 50 Tennis Tour, the Kigali International Marathon, and the Rwanda Mountain Gorilla Rally.

The government disputes the ‘sportswashing’ narrative and has often affirmed that Rwanda’s involvement in sports is not about hiding wrongdoing but rather about boosting the country’s international profile and capitalizing on the opportunities that hosting sports events presents.

The talks are being mediated by Angolan President João Lourenço, who has been acting as a facilitator in efforts to resolve tensions between the two nations.

The discussions aim to address ongoing conflicts and foster lasting peace, particularly in light of strained relations between the DRC and Rwanda. Angola, committed to mediating the situation, hopes the talks will lead to agreements, including a ceasefire and strategies to restore security in the eastern regions of the DRC.

This meeting follows preliminary discussions held on Saturday, December 14, 2024, when representatives from both countries met in Luanda.

Ministers of Foreign Affairs from Angola, Rwanda, and the DRC worked on a draft agreement that will be reviewed by the heads of state during the summit.

President Tshisekedi’s trip to Angola comes days after he accused Rwanda of displacing Congolese citizens in North Kivu and replacing them with foreigners. His remarks, delivered on December 11, 2024, to a joint session of the Congolese parliament, were met with strong criticism from Rwanda.

Rwandan Foreign Minister Amb. Olivier Nduhungirehe described Tshisekedi’s comments as inflammatory, expressing concern that they could incite hatred against Congolese Tutsis in eastern DRC.

Rwanda also refuted the allegations, emphasizing that Congolese refugees returning to North Kivu—estimated at over 1.45 million—had fled violence during clashes between the DRC armed forces and the M23 rebel group. Rwanda reiterated its stance that those individuals are Congolese citizens and not foreigners.

The peace talks follow agreements from the sixth ministerial meeting held on November 25, 2024, which outlined a three-month strategy to dismantle the FDLR, a militia group comprising individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. This operation will proceed in three stages: assessing the militia’s threats and resources, launching direct operations against the FDLR, and reviewing the progress of these measures.

Both parties have expressed cautious optimism that these efforts could lead to a breakthrough in resolving the security crisis in the region.

Angola’s leadership remains central to coordinating these efforts and encouraging the neighboring nations to prioritize peacebuilding over conflict.

Museveni’s remarks come amid heated debates surrounding the ongoing trial of opposition leader Kizza Besigye and his associate, Obeid Lutale, in the Makindye-based General Court Martial.

President Museveni, in a detailed statement on Thursday, December 12, 2024, praised the role of the Court Martial system, referring to it as “eyokyeero,” a Runyankore term meaning reinforcement.

He attributed the establishment of military trials for civilians to the increasing activities of criminals and terrorists who have wielded weapons indiscriminately to harm Ugandans.

Museveni argued that the civilian court system, overwhelmed with a backlog of cases including murders, assaults, and land disputes, could not efficiently handle gun-related crimes.

“For stabilization, you need speed,” Museveni argued, adding that military courts provide the necessary swiftness and decisiveness to deal with armed offenders.

He stressed that such offenders, though civilians, become “soldiers” in a sense by taking up arms and should therefore face the jurisdiction of the Court Martial, which is specifically designed to handle cases involving weapons.

The president’s comments were a direct response to legal and public criticism, particularly from opposition voices, about the legality and morality of trying civilians in military courts.

Lawyers for Besigye and Lutale have described the Court Martial proceedings as illegitimate, with lead counsel Erias Lukwago labeling it a “kangaroo court.”

Besigye, a retired army officer turned opposition leader, has long been a thorn in Museveni’s side, having run against him in four contested presidential elections.

Besigye and Lutale were recently charged with endangering national security and illegal possession of firearms and ammunition. Their detention followed their controversial abduction by Ugandan intelligence agents in Nairobi, Kenya, last November.

Despite protests, the two remain in custody, with their case adjourned until January 7, 2025.

Critics, including Besigye’s legal team, have argued that Ugandan law does not permit civilians to be tried in military courts, making their trial unconstitutional. They have refused to apply for bail, maintaining their stance against the court’s legitimacy.

However, Museveni defended the practice, stating that the military court system operates as a subordinate to civilian courts, with opportunities for appeal and oversight to rectify any miscarriages of justice.

“If the Court Martial judges badly, the superior courts will rectify the issue,” Museveni stated.

He also argued that military trials provide a pragmatic solution to keeping dangerous individuals off the streets.

Citing his recent tour of Karamoja, Museveni pointed to the effectiveness of military courts in addressing crime in the region. He noted that over 900 Karamojong youth, detained for gun-related crimes, were being processed by military tribunals.

The president credited this approach for the restoration of peace in the region, contrasting it with what he termed as the inefficiency of civilian courts where offenders are often “granted bail or kept on remand endlessly where they form part of the backlog of the general court system.”

Museveni proposed a referendum in districts like Karamoja to gauge public support for the military court’s jurisdiction over civilians, expressing confidence that such a measure would receive overwhelming approval.

The Besigye case, however, remains a lightning rod for dissent, with opposition leaders and activists accusing the government of weaponizing military courts to suppress political opponents.

While it remains unclear if Xi has accepted, the mere possibility of his presence is generating significant buzz in political circles and even on social media.

Inviting a foreign leader—particularly one representing a major geopolitical rival—to a U.S. presidential inauguration is highly unusual. Historically, foreign dignitaries have attended these events, but never has a leader of Xi’s stature been asked to witness the transfer of power firsthand.

CNB, citing multiple sources, reported on Wednesday, December 11, 2024, that President-elect Donald Trump extended the invitation to Xi Jinping shortly after his November 5 election victory. The Chinese embassy in Washington has not commented on the matter, leaving analysts and observers speculating about Xi’s potential response.

What is certain, however, is that Trump’s relationship with Xi, while complex, seems to be entering a new phase. Shortly after his election victory, Xi congratulated Trump, expressing hope for a “stable, healthy, and sustainable” relationship between the U.S. and China.

“China and the U.S. will benefit from cooperation and lose from confrontation,” Xi stated.

Proponents argue that Trump’s move could signal a willingness to reset relations between the world’s two largest economies.

Indian tech influencer Manoj Kumar reacted on X, saying, “Interesting move by Trump! Inviting Xi Jinping could signal an intent to improve or at least stabilize U.S.-China relations right from the start of his new term. It will be key to see if Xi accepts and how this impacts international dynamics.”

During Trump’s first term between 2017 and 2021, the U.S.-China trade war heightened tensions, with tariffs and accusations of unfair trade practices dominating the bilateral agenda. Trump has vowed stricter tariffs in his second term, including a 10% levy on Chinese imports unless Beijing takes action on fentanyl trafficking.

Despite this history, Trump maintains that he shares a “good rapport” with Xi, recently revealing that they had communicated earlier this week.

Critics, however, remain sceptical. Shahzad Saleem, a netizen, commented, “Trump’s invitation to Xi Jinping is a bold move, but it’s hard to ignore the irony. For a leader who campaigned on being tough on China, this feels more like rolling out the red carpet for geopolitical theatre.”

This development comes amid heightened tensions in U.S.-China relations, with ongoing trade disputes, restrictions on critical exports, and clashes over technology policies. Beijing has cautioned against “mutually destructive tariff wars,” while Xi continues to call for “peaceful coexistence.”

Whether Xi Jinping accepts Trump’s invitation or not, the gesture underscores Trump’s unpredictable diplomatic strategies. As inauguration day approaches, the global community will watch closely to see how this bold overture unfolds—and what it means for U.S.-China relations moving forward.

However, this potential is accompanied by significant challenges, including high unemployment rates, an outdated education system, and political exclusion. Despite these hurdles, Africa’s youth, particularly Generation Z, are determined to play an active role in shaping their societies.

Unemployment remains one of the most pressing issues facing Africa’s young population. With 40% of the youth unemployed, the situation is dire. The lack of job opportunities not only affects economic stability but also fuels social unrest, crime, and substance abuse.

Observers say that this youth unemployment crisis has far-reaching consequences. When young people are excluded from the job market, they become disillusioned and often turn to protests and uprisings.

The frustration of Generation Z, which constitutes 31% of Africa’s population, is palpable. These young people are demanding more than just promises. They want action. A major part of the solution lies in reforming the education system to better align with today’s economic demands.

At the ongoing African Education and Youth Employability Forum in Nouakchott, Mauritania, President Paul Kagame has called for urgent need to reform Africa’s education systems. He shares the view that Africa’s growing youth population is a critical driver of economic growth, this opportunity cannot simply just go to waste.

“In just a decade from now, young Africans will represent the biggest share of the global population entering the workforce. This generation has the potential of becoming a powerful engine for growth and prosperity—not just for Africa, but for the rest of the world,” he said.

Experts believe that many African countries still offer curricula that fail to prepare students for the modern job market. Graduates often lack the practical skills needed to thrive in industries that are rapidly evolving due to technological advancements.

It means Africa must invest in industry-based education and ensure that young people graduate with skills that directly correlate with the needs of employers. More importantly, the education system must shift from preparing students for traditional, white-collar jobs to cultivating entrepreneurs.

Aby Agina, a financial journalism expert says that young Africans today are not just looking for employment, they are eager to create opportunities for themselves and their communities.

“But the power of Africa’s youth does not stop at economics. Young people across the continent are also calling for more political engagement. They are rejecting the outdated notion that they are “leaders of tomorrow. They are the “leaders of today,” Agina says.

According to him, Rwanda stands out as an example of positive youth integration into governance. With young people holding key positions in both the public and private sectors, Rwanda has demonstrated that youth inclusion is not only possible but also essential for national progress.

Technology has also become a powerful tool for Africa’s youth in driving change. Many young people are using digital platforms to launch businesses, access global markets, and push for social justice.

The rise of artificial intelligence (AI) presents a unique opportunity for Africa’s youth to leapfrog traditional barriers to success. Rather than fearing AI as a threat to employment, young people can use it to enhance productivity, conduct research, and improve their businesses.

Social media, too, has become a platform for youth to raise awareness on critical issues, mobilize for social change, and build entrepreneurial ventures. By embracing technology, Africa’s youth can redefine the continent’s economic and social landscape.

The private sector and civil society also have crucial roles to play in empowering Africa’s youth. The private sector is the largest source of employment on the continent, and by creating more job opportunities and supporting youth-focused initiatives, businesses can help tackle the unemployment crisis.

Similarly, civil society organizations are essential in mobilizing young people and providing them with the tools and platforms to advocate for change. Governments must collaborate with these sectors to create a conducive environment where youth can thrive, innovate, and contribute to national development.

The power of Africa’s youth lies in their ambition, resilience, and drive to create a better future. However, to unlock their full potential, African governments, private sectors, and civil society must provide the right opportunities, resources, and platforms for engagement.

If this happens, Africa’s youth can lead the way in driving transformative change—not just in their own countries, but across the continent and globally.

Africa’s future lies with its bold, tech-savvy youth. With the right support, they can drive progress and create a brighter, more prosperous continent for all.