Speaking during a press conference at ACT-Wazalendo headquarters on Thursday, January 16, 2025, the party leader outlined several critical issues driving her decision to seek the highest office including declining economic growth, the rising cost of living, youth unemployment, and alleged mismanagement of the country’s natural resources.
“Tanzania needs new leadership that will protect national interests, foster a strong economy, promote equal opportunities, and ensure transparent governance,” Semu stated.
Semu claimed that Tanzania’s economic downturn was a key concern, citing the World Bank’s 2024 report, which recorded a decline in growth from 6.8% in 2019 to 4.6% in 2023. She attributed the slowdown to unstable investment policies and the ineffective implementation of development projects.
She also emphasized the impact of inflation, which stood at 3.1% in December 2024 according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), and lamented over what she termed as the country’s failure to invest in job-creating sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology.
Semu has over a decade of political experience and previously served in public administration for 17 years.
In 2022, she was appointed Prime Minister of the party’s shadow cabinet, which was created to ensure accountability within the government.
She expressed confidence in her readiness to lead Tanzania, saying “I am not entering this race to lose.”
“I have been groomed for this role, and my party is equipped with the vision and strategies needed to build a prosperous Tanzania,” she stated.
Semu also expressed openness to collaborating with other opposition parties to challenge CCM, which has been in power for nearly five decades since its formation in 1977.
“We are ready to work with serious opposition parties, but first, we must ensure our own house is in order,” she said.
Semu’s announcement follows ACT-Wazalendo’s recent call for party members to declare their candidacy for the upcoming polls, as well as a similar declaration by party chairperson Othman Masoud Othman, who seeks to run for Zanzibar’s presidency.
If nominated by ACT-Wazalendo, Semu will face President Suluhu, who is expected to seek re-election under CCM.
President Suluhu ascended to the presidency in March 2021 following the death of her predecessor John Magufuli.
The late Magufuli had secured a second term in the October 2020 presidential election with a landslide victory, garnering over 84% of the vote. His main opponent, Tundu Lissu of Chadema party, received just 13% of the vote.
Addressing members of the diplomatic corps during a luncheon hosted at the Kigali Convention Center, the Head of State reiterated the necessity for global powers to align their actions with the values they advocate.
“If you have taken responsibility, global responsibility, to say there are certain values you are going to insist on and push for as hard as you can, that’s fine. But it also gives you the responsibility to really walk the talk,” President Kagame remarked.
He questioned the integrity of some of the Western nations’ commitment to principles like democracy, human rights, and peace when their actions, especially in Africa, seem to contradict the ideals.
“The values you talk about must not be incompatible with the truth, with the facts, or with evidence. If you want peace, there’s a way to get peace by addressing the root causes and doing things the right way. But we see double standards and hypocrisy that add up to really nothing,” he stated.
The president drew specific attention to the persistent security and humanitarian crisis in Eastern Congo, where he criticized the international community, particularly the UN and Western nations, for their failure to resolve longstanding issues.
He pointed out the prolonged presence of UN peacekeepers in the country, now nearing three decades, without significant progress in stabilizing the troubled region.
“After nearly 30 years, what are the returns for that investment?” Kagame posed, insisting that the continued turmoil reflects a failure to address the root causes of the conflict, including the presence of genocidal ideologies and armed groups, such as FDLR, which enjoys support from the Congolese government.
Kagame dismissed allegations of Rwanda’s involvement in the instability in Congo. He termed the claims as a distortion of facts used as an excuse by some to evade responsibility.
He challenged those criticizing Rwanda to look beyond superficial narratives and understand historical contexts, such as colonial border drawing, which has led to the persecution of Congolese Tutsis in the neighbouring country and contributed to the rise of the M23 rebel group, fighting against marginalization.
The President also accused the Western leaders of selective application of values, pointing out the inconsistency in how Western nations treat different African leaders and nations.
“The person causing problems between Rwanda and the DRC has never been elected, and you know it,” he remarked, referring to the leadership in the Democratic Republic of Congo under President Felix Tshisekedi.
“So what values are you talking about that you beat others for and others you don’t know what to do?” he added.
Moreover, Kagame recounted Rwanda’s experiences with international trade policies, like the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), where he felt Rwanda was unfairly punished for decisions aimed at protecting its own industries, contrasting with how other countries with different resources or geopolitical leverage were treated.
Citing the blame game and threats against Rwanda, the President called for a partnership based on mutual respect and genuine commitment to shared values, emphasizing that Rwanda will not be forced back into the suffering it endured 30 years ago during the Genocide against the Tutsi, regardless of external pressures.
“We have paid the highest price ever in our lives. I don’t think we can be made to suffer in any other way. We will never go back to paying that same price we paid 30 years ago. It doesn’t matter who anyone is,” he stated.
“We can work together to examine the causes if we are to talk to each other and address the problem the right way,” he added.
The condemnation follows a statement released on January 16, 2025, by the U.S. Bureau of African Affairs, which stated, “issues caused by M23 and FDLR should be urgently addressed.”
Minister Nduhungirehe stressed that equating threats arising from M23 and FDLR is “inappropriate” and that the U.S. should not compare a genocidal group to M23, which fights for civilians targeted by genocidal forces.
“This narrative of equating the ‘threats of M23 and FDLR’ is inappropriate. It’s even offensive for the outgoing U.S. administration to compare a genocidal force with a movement that defends a community threatened and persecuted by the same genocidal force,” he wrote on X.
In October 2023, the FDLR and groups from the Wazalendo coalition, in collaboration with the DRC army, fought against M23, burning down homes of Congolese Tutsis in Nturo village, located in the Masisi territory, which were completely destroyed.
Minister Nduhungirehe explained that when FDLR and these groups carried out this attack, both the DRC and Burundian forces were present, and pointed out that the U.S. Bureau of African Affairs did not comment on the incident.
“I recall that when 300 homes of Congolese Tutsis were burned down in October 2023 in Nturo village, Masisi territory, by the FDLR, the Wazalendo, and the Nyatura militias, in the presence of FARDC and Burundian forces, a statement or a tweet from the Bureau of African Affairs was nowhere to be seen,” he added.
He stressed that the U.S. and the international community should stop making statements that deliberately ignore the root causes of the security issues in Eastern DRC.
“It is time for the U.S. and the international community to stop recycling these formulas and focus on the root causes of the crisis in Eastern DRC,” he said.
M23 has been active since 2012 when it launched an armed struggle demanding that the DRC government honour the agreements made with the former CNDP (National Congress for the Defense of the People). These agreements were meant to restore the rights of Congolese, particularly Tutsis, and end the violence they were subjected to.
From 2012 to 2013, M23 captured large areas in North Kivu province, including the city of Goma. However, these gains were reversed following a decision by the regional heads of state, who promised that the DRC government would address the issues faced by the Congolese in the east.
The promise made to M23 was never fulfilled, as the DRC government failed to honour it. After eight years of waiting, former M23 fighters were attacked by DRC forces in November 2021, sparking renewed fighting.
M23 clarifies that it does not kill civilians or commit any form of abuse. Instead, it ensures their safety, which contrasts sharply with the DRC government’s forces, who are supposed to protect civilians but end up killing them. M23 continues to call on the government to respect the terms of the agreements.
Chapo, 48, won the elections with 65.15% of the vote in the poll conducted in October 2024. However, his victory has faced strong opposition from rivals, sparking widespread protests across the country.
Opposition leader Venancio Mondlane, who returned from self-imposed exile a few days ago, vowed to “paralyze” the country ahead of Chapo’s inauguration.
Chapo and the ruling FRELIMO party continue to call for calm as efforts for dialogue between the rival camps continue.
Meanwhile, Rwanda and Mozambique share strong bilateral relations in areas such as trade, justice, and security.
Since 2021, Rwanda’s security forces have been deployed in Mozambique to combat insurgents who had destabilized the northern Cabo Delgado province.
Following Rwanda’s intervention to fight the Al Sunnah wa Jama’ah terrorist group, many of its leaders have been eliminated. Over 90% of the residents of Cabo Delgado have returned to their homes as security has been restored, and economic and social services have resumed.
Chapo has expressed his commitment to strengthening efforts to restore security in Cabo Delgado. This aligns with his predecessor, President Filipe Nyusi’s approach, signalling a continued partnership with Rwanda’s security forces.
The arrest follows his controversial declaration of martial law in December, which was quickly reversed by the National Assembly.
Reports indicate that Yoon was taken into custody at 10:33 a.m. local time (0133 GMT) by a joint investigation team from the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials (CIO), the National Office of Investigation (NOI), and the defense ministry’s investigative unit.
TV footage showed Yoon being transported in a black vehicle to the CIO office in Gwacheon, south of Seoul, before being moved to the Seoul Detention Center in Uiwang, located just 5 km away.
The CIO now has 48 hours to decide whether to request an additional warrant for Yoon’s detention, which could last up to 20 days for further questioning or if he will be released.
Yoon’s arrest follows an earlier failed attempt on January 3, when his security forces prevented the execution of the arrest warrant.
On January 7, a Seoul court approved an extension of the warrant.
This action comes after Yoon repeatedly ignored calls from investigators to voluntarily appear for questioning.
In a pre-recorded statement, Yoon condemned the arrest, claiming the warrant was illegal and executed through force.
He stated that his acceptance of the procedure was to prevent further conflict.
The arrest took place after Yoon’s supporters, legal team, and ruling party lawmakers blocked investigators for over two hours at the main gate of the presidential residence.
Despite this, the investigators from the CIO and NOI were able to break through the security cordons.
The martial law declaration on December 3, which was swiftly revoked by the National Assembly hours later, led to charges of insurrection against Yoon.
Following the martial law incident, the National Assembly voted to impeach the president on December 14, and the case is now under review by the constitutional court, which has up to 180 days to deliberate.
Yoon’s impeachment trial began with its first formal hearing on January 14, but it lasted only four minutes as Yoon failed to appear.
A new justice, appointed by the opposition Democratic Party, was included in the hearings despite Yoon’s objection.
With two out of three vacancies filled on the nine-member bench, there is increasing speculation that Yoon’s impeachment could be upheld.
For Yoon to be removed from office, at least six justices must support the motion.
The court is scheduled to hold further hearings on January 16, 21, 23, and February 4.
From economic strategies to security concerns, Trump’s policies impacted African nations in ways that left some leaders hopeful for continuity while others are more cautious.
Now, as Trump prepares to re-enter the political arena, African leaders—particularly from Rwanda, South Africa, and other key nations—are closely monitoring the shifts they expect in U.S. engagement with the continent.
{{A shift in approach?}}
Among the most notable African leaders expressing cautious optimism is Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame, who has pointed out that while the political transformation in the U.S. is significant, it is likely to bring changes in the approach to African affairs.
Speaking at a press conference on January 9, 2025, Kagame expressed hope that the new administration would take a more nuanced approach to regional conflicts, particularly in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).
President Kagame acknowledged that U.S. foreign policy would inevitably evolve, with potential shifts in how the U.S. handles African geopolitical issues.
Kagame’s remarks reflect a broader sense of anticipation across the continent. After Trump’s first term, which many African leaders felt was marked by a lack of meaningful engagement, there is now a renewed hope that his second term could recalibrate U.S. policy toward Africa.
While concerns linger about U.S. interventionism, leaders are hopeful that Trump will focus on diplomatic efforts to resolve conflicts and enhance economic partnerships, particularly in countries experiencing unrest, like the DRC.
President Kagame has consistently emphasized that Rwanda is not the cause of the ongoing insecurity in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). He points to historical events, particularly the drawing of boundaries and the FDLR terrorist group’s presence in Congo, as the major contributors to the current conflict.
Kagame has often expressed concerns about the DRC’s internal governance, which has led to the persecution of Congolese Tutsis, the rise of the M23 rebel group, and refugee flows into neighbouring countries, including Rwanda. He argues that such internal issues within the DRC contribute to regional instability.
Additionally, the Head of State has raised concerns about the security threat posed by the FDLR terrorist group, which comprises remnants of those who participated in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and fled to the neighbouring DRC. Kagame insists that the group, now collaborating with the Congolese government, continue to be a source of instability despite ongoing mediation efforts.
“The FDLR question has to be answered,” he said in a past address, urging the international community and the media to be objective and not to view the crisis through biased lenses.
{{Economic and trade relations}}
One of the areas of greatest interest to African nations is the future of U.S.-Africa trade relations. Trump’s first term saw a push for renegotiated trade agreements, including the U.S.-Kenya Free Trade Agreement (FTA), which was part of a broader strategy to encourage trade over aid.
The Prosper Africa initiative, launched in 2018, sought to increase trade and investment flows between the U.S. and African nations. While these policies were seen as a move away from traditional aid and toward economic partnerships, African leaders are watching to see whether these trends will continue.
Under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), African countries benefit from preferential trade access to the U.S. However, concerns remain about Trump’s “America First” rhetoric, which could impact trade flows.
With rising economic challenges across the continent, African leaders are keen to ensure that U.S. policies do not disrupt vital trade ties. African leaders hope that Trump’s second term will foster an environment that promotes mutually beneficial economic growth, including foreign direct investment in key sectors like infrastructure and technology.
{{Security and counterterrorism}}
Security remains a primary concern for many African nations, especially in regions plagued by terrorism and insurgency. Trump’s first term was marked by a sustained U.S. military presence in Africa, particularly in the Horn and Sahel regions, where the U.S. played a significant role in counterterrorism efforts.
The Trump administration supported African military forces, especially in countries like Somalia, where the Al-Shabaab militant group has been a persistent threat. U.S. military involvement included intelligence-sharing, direct strikes, and training African security forces to combat extremist groups.
Africa’s leaders will be closely monitoring whether Trump maintains or strengthens these security commitments during his second term. Leaders from the East African Community and the Sahel region, will be watching to see if the U.S. continues its counterterrorism efforts and assists African countries with the resources needed to fight groups like Al-Shabaab, Boko Haram, and ISIS affiliates.
Given the ongoing instability in places like Somalia and Mali, African nations are keen to ensure that Trump’s foreign policy continues to prioritize regional security.
{{Health and humanitarian policy}}
Trump’s “America First” stance extended to foreign aid policy, with significant cuts proposed for U.S. development assistance during his first term. His administration’s approach to health aid, particularly the continuation of the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), was scrutinized, with critics worried that the U.S. might pull back support for vital health programs across Africa. The global gag rule, which restricts U.S. foreign aid funding for organizations that provide or advocate for abortion services, remains a point of concern for many African nations.
As Trump begins his second term, African leaders, especially those from countries with pressing health challenges, are apprehensive about the continuation or expansion of the global gag rule and whether Trump will reduce U.S. aid further. The implications of such policies on maternal health, HIV/AIDS treatment, and overall healthcare could have serious consequences for African nations already facing health crises.
{{Climate change and international cooperation}}
Trump’s scepticism toward climate change and his decision to withdraw from the Paris Agreement during his first term raised alarms, particularly in Africa, where the effects of climate change—such as droughts, floods, and food insecurity—are increasingly pronounced.
African leaders are concerned that a continuation of Trump’s climate policies could further undermine global efforts to address climate challenges. As many African nations are heavily reliant on international partnerships for climate funding and adaptation, Trump’s approach to environmental issues will be closely scrutinized.
In addition to climate concerns, African leaders are paying attention to how Trump will handle international cooperation on global challenges. The growing influence of China in Africa, particularly in terms of infrastructure development and investment, adds another layer of complexity.
Many African countries are navigating a delicate balancing act between U.S. foreign policy, Chinese investments, and their own aspirations for economic development. Trump’s stance on global alliances and international agreements will likely have a significant impact on the way African countries engage with both the U.S. and China.
As President Kagame mentioned in his recent press conference, Africa finds itself at a moment of global flux, with changes occurring at a rapid pace.
While African leaders, including Kagame, remain hopeful that Trump’s second term will bring about meaningful engagement on key issues, they are also pragmatic. The real test will be in the tangible actions the Trump administration takes in relation to Africa.
Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro was sworn in for a third six-year term on Friday, following a contentious election marked by claims of voter fraud.
His opponent, Edmundo González, had declared victory in the July election, alleging widespread irregularities.
Maduro’s inauguration defied mounting international pressure and sanctions, particularly from the United States, which has recognized González as the winner of the presidential race.
“May this new presidential term be a period of peace, of prosperity, of equality and the new democracy,” Maduro declared, pledging to uphold the laws of Venezuela.
The swearing-in ceremony came a day after a rare public appearance by opposition leader María Corina Machado, who led a protest against Maduro’s rule.
According to Machado’s team, she was briefly detained during the demonstration, adding to the ongoing tensions.
Maduro, a former bus driver, rose to power following the death of left-wing leader Hugo Chávez in 2013.
His leadership has been plagued by accusations of authoritarianism, along with severe economic and political crises that have deeply affected the country.
The July 28 presidential election sparked widespread protests, with many Venezuelans contesting the results.
However, a heavy-handed government response quickly quelled the demonstrations. During the unrest, an estimated 2,000 people were arrested, and at least 25 lost their lives.
The conflict, which erupted in April 2023, involves the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), both of which are battling for control amid a power struggle. The war has triggered one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, with millions displaced and widespread hunger.
At a United Nations meeting, U.S. Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield directly accused Russia of playing both sides in the conflict to advance its geopolitical goals.
“Russia chose obstruction: standing alone as it voted to imperil civilians while funding both sides of the conflict – yes, that’s what I said: both sides,” she told the UN Security Council.
The comments marked a significant escalation from the U.S.’s earlier position, which suggested that Moscow was manipulating the situation to further its own interests.
Thomas-Greenfield’s comments followed Russia’s veto in November of a UN Security Council resolution that called for an immediate ceasefire in Sudan and the delivery of humanitarian aid.
The other 14 members of the council voted in favour of the resolution, highlighting Russia’s isolation on the issue.
When asked for more details, a U.S. spokesperson elaborated, claiming that Russia’s involvement in Sudan’s gold trade played a key role in funding the warring factions.
“We believe Sudanese authorities’ gold mining cooperation with sanctioned Russian entities and individuals could prove inimical to Sudan’s long-term interests and the aspirations of the Sudanese people for an end to the war,” the spokesperson said.
Washington condemned any form of material support to the fighters, whether through illicit trade or military assistance.
In response, Russia’s Deputy Ambassador Dmitry Polyanskiy rejected the U.S. claims, accusing America of hypocrisy.
“It’s obvious that in the Pax Americana which our American colleagues try to preserve at any price, relations with other countries are built only on their exploitation and criminal schemes aimed at U.S. enrichment,” Polyanskiy said.
Russia’s UN Ambassador, Vassily Nebenzia, had earlier dismissed similar accusations in December, labelling them “fabrications” and accusing Western nations of distorting the truth for political gain.
As the meeting concluded, Thomas-Greenfield, who is nearing the end of her tenure, expressed her emotional disappointment over the lack of meaningful action in Sudan.
“For all the disappointment that I couldn’t do more, that we – all of us – didn’t do more – I still remain hopeful,” she said, adding that she was hopeful future UN representatives would continue their efforts to resolve the crisis.
The Uganda Law Society confirmed the new development on Monday, January 6, 2025, following a previously unsuccessful attempt by Karua to secure the crucial document in December last year.
The decision by the council came after an appeal lodged through the Uganda Law Society.
“FINALLY: The Law Council has granted a temporary Practicing Certificate to Hon. Martha Karua, following her reapplication through the Uganda Law Society,” the society said in a post on X.
The Uganda Law Council had initially declined Karua’s application to represent Besigye and his close associate Obeid Lutale at the General Court Martial, citing incomplete documentation and questioning the necessity of Karua’s involvement in the trial.
Both the Uganda Law Society and the Law Society of Kenya strongly protested the Uganda Law Council’s decision to deny Karua the document.
In a statement issued on December 10, 2024, Kenya’s premier bar association described the decision as a setback for regional cooperation in legal practice.
“It is inconceivable that the Law Council of Uganda would hold such little regard for Kenyan practitioners, especially a reputable and long-standing member of the Senior Counsel Bar,” LSK stated.
In its response, LSK expressed its intention to take immediate action to resolve the situation. The society called for urgent engagement with the Kenyan Attorney General to address the issue and ensure a fair, reciprocal agreement on cross-border legal practice.
LSK also threatened to suspend the admission of Ugandan lawyers to Kenya until Uganda demonstrates a commitment to fostering mutual legal cooperation.
“Kenya has been a leader in promoting regional cooperation in legal practice, but the lack of reciprocity from Uganda is unacceptable,” the LSK statement read.
“We must either find a mutually beneficial, reciprocal arrangement or withdraw from one-sided agreements that undermine the dignity of Kenyan legal practice.”
Karua, a former Justice Minister in Kenya and one of the senior lawyers in the country, had been appointed to lead a team of 50 lawyers in the case where Besigye and Lutale, face charges related to alleged activities undermining Uganda’s security and the illegal possession of firearms.
The two were apprehended in Nairobi, Kenya, on November 16, 2024, while attending the launch of a book by Karua. They spent Christmas and New Year festivities in custody and are expected to be arraigned in court tomorrow, January 7, 2025, for the mention of their case.
Tshisekedi, who had been informed about 10 hours earlier that Kagame would not be attending the Luanda meeting, decided to go to Angola on the scheduled day, even though he was aware the talks had been postponed. His intent was to create the impression that Rwanda’s president was unwilling to resolve the insecurity issues in eastern DRC and the region.
The leader of M23, Bertrand Bisimwa, told researcher Bojana Coulibaly that the DRC government aimed to defeat M23 fighters before the December 15 meeting. This, they believed, would pressure Rwanda into signing agreements favourable to Kinshasa.
Tshisekedi accuses Rwanda of supporting the M23 armed group, which Kigali denies, arguing instead that M23 is fighting for legitimate reasons and that the DRC needs to address its issues to prevent the group from remaining a persistent source of tension between the two nations. Every time M23 resurfaces, the DRC blames Rwanda.
Bisimwa stated, “The DRC government sought a victory before December 15. They put pressure on us, aiming for a success that would position them well to force Rwanda into signing Kinshasa’s terms or delaying the Luanda meeting. That was their goal.”
The DRC government allegedly devised a plan and deployed over 22,000 soldiers, supported by the FDLR (a rebel group) and Wazalendo militia, to launch attacks on M23. Bisimwa explained that M23 became aware of this and prepared adequately to defend itself.
Bisimwa noted that M23’s defensive operations stem from events starting in November 2021, when a coalition of government forces and militias attacked its positions in Lubero territory. M23 pushed them back and captured additional areas.
{{Rubaya was seized to prevent a looming threat
}}
In early May 2024, M23 announced it had seized Rubaya, an area rich in Coltan minerals, located in Masisi territory in North Kivu province.
Bisimwa explained that before taking Rubaya, M23 had learned that Burundian forces were training the Imbonerakure militia and other armed groups in the area, preparing them to attack civilians in regions under M23 control.
Initially, M23 had no plans to seize Rubaya, fearing it might be misconstrued as a bid for mineral wealth rather than protecting eastern DRC residents.
“We reported that Burundian forces were training Imbonerakure in Rubaya, teaching Congolese youth to use traditional weapons, intending to send them to areas we control to kill and cause suffering,” Bisimwa said. “When no action was taken to address the issue, we decided to intervene because the situation threatened to cause more harm than good.”
Upon taking Rubaya, M23 expelled all armed individuals operating in the mines, including children and pregnant women exploited in mining activities.
Bisimwa stated that no M23 fighters were allowed in the mines, which are now operated by the same mining companies active before May 2024.
{{The FDLR’s exploitation of Virunga park
}}
Virunga National Park, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, is currently under M23’s control in partnership with ICCN, a DRC government agency overseeing the park.
Bisimwa explained that M23 intervened because the FDLR rebel group was destroying the park by cutting down trees to produce charcoal, generating $100 million annually.
“Before our arrival, the FDLR controlled the park and engaged in charcoal production. A UN report confirmed they made $100 million annually from this illegal activity,” he said.
DRC soldiers and other armed groups also exploited the park, hunting its wildlife and felling trees. “Had they remained, the park would have been left barren,” Bisimwa noted.
Bisimwa told Coulibaly that local residents had begun encroaching on parkland, disrupting its ecosystems. In addition to securing the park, M23 educated residents on its conservation benefits.
“Now, we see wildlife returning, including hippos, antelope families, and gorillas. It’s a positive transformation,” Bisimwa said.
He added that, besides being a UNESCO heritage site, Virunga is a gift from God to the Congolese people, deserving of protection and preservation.
