In recent days, President Ndayishimiye has made statements with warlike rhetoric, indicating that his country is prepared to attack Rwanda and confident of victory.
On February 11, 2025, during a visit to residents of Bugabira Commune in Kirundo Province, near the Rwandan border, Ndayishimiye said Burundians were ready to confront Rwandans.
He said, “Be prepared, do not be afraid. We know them well. In Bugesera, you know them. Since the era of the monarchy, they have never defeated us. Do you think they can now? Remind them, ‘Do you know where it all started in Kirundo?’”
On Sunday, February 16, President Ndayishimiye posted on X claiming he had intelligence suggesting Rwanda was planning an attack on him.
“After discussions with countries friendly to Rwanda, those who were expecting to benefit from a Rwandan attack on Burundi should abandon their hopes. But Burundians, stay alert because no one knows the day of a thief,” he wrote.
Rwanda’s Foreign Minister, Olivier Nduhungirehe, responded by saying that the Burundian president had gone beyond just making threats against Rwanda and had begun plotting for action.
“It is Burundians who sent soldiers to fight, to support the Congolese army, and to battle M23 while also targeting Rwanda. Their rhetoric about attacking Rwanda is not surprising,” he stated.
Speaking from Addis Ababa, where he is attending the African Union summit, Nduhungirehe said that security discussions on Saturday reaffirmed the resolutions of SADC and EAC meetings, emphasizing the urgent need for negotiations between M23 and the Congolese government and the immediate cessation of hostilities.
Burundi has strengthened its alliance with the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), committing to removing Rwanda’s influence. They have also reportedly enlisted armed groups, including FDLR and Wazalendo, to support their agenda.
Youssouf emerged victorious after a tense seven-round secret ballot, defeating Kenya’s former Prime Minister Raila Odinga and Madagascar’s former Foreign Minister Richard Randriamandrato.
The race was highly competitive, with Youssouf initially trailing Odinga in the first two rounds. However, he gained momentum in subsequent rounds and eventually secured the 33 votes needed for victory in the final round, becoming the sole remaining candidate.
The Djiboutian who celebrated his 60th birthday a week ago, replaces Moussa Faki Mahamat of Chad, who served two terms as AU Commission chief.
His election comes at a crucial time for the African Union, which faces mounting challenges, including military coups in West Africa and ongoing conflicts in eastern Congo.
The AU has often been criticised for its handling of security crises, and Youssouf’s leadership will be closely watched as he takes on these pressing issues.
{{Seasoned diplomat
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Born on September 2, 1965, in Djibouti City, Youssouf is a seasoned diplomat with over 30 years of experience in governance and international relations. He has served as Djibouti’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation since May 22, 2005, making him the longest-serving foreign minister on the continent.
He attended Djibouti High School, where he obtained his baccalaureate in 1985, to Lumière University Lyon 2 in France, where he pursued foreign languages between 1985 and 1990. He later studied business management at the University of Liverpool in 1988 before earning a master’s degree in management from Université Laval in Canada in 1995.
Youssouf began his diplomatic career in the 1990s at Djibouti’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, where he led the Arab Affairs Department. From 1997 to 2001, he served as Djibouti’s Ambassador to Egypt. His rise in government continued when he was appointed Minister-Delegate for International Cooperation in 2001, eventually becoming Foreign Minister in 2005.
Over the years, Youssouf has played a pivotal role in shaping Djibouti’s foreign policy and strengthening its diplomatic influence.
In 2008, he served as Chairman of the 129th Ordinary Session of the Council of Foreign Ministers of the Arab League. He has also been a key negotiator in regional security matters, particularly concerning the Horn of Africa.
Youssouf’s leadership at the AU is expected to focus on strengthening regional security, economic integration, and diplomatic partnerships.
In a 2008 interview with The New York Times, he spoke about Djibouti’s strategic importance, expressing ambitions to develop its economy along the lines of Dubai. He argued that Djibouti was even better positioned than Dubai due to its geographical advantage at the crossroads of Africa, the Middle East, and Asia.
As AUC chairperson, he will be tasked with implementing the AU’s Agenda 2063, which aims to transform Africa into a global powerhouse. His diplomatic expertise and extensive experience in foreign affairs will be crucial in navigating the continent’s geopolitical landscape.
{{Personal life
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Despite his public prominence, Youssouf maintains a private personal life. He is multilingual, fluent in Arabic, English, and French, but little is known about his family.
“I told President Tshisekedi multiple times, ‘The only way to end this conflict is through dialogue,’” Lourenço said in an interview with Jeune Afrique following the capture of Goma by the M23 rebels. “But each time, my advice was met with resistance.”
Lourenço warned that the conflict in eastern DRC risks spreading across the region without dialogue to address M23 grievances on, among others, persecution and marginalisation of Congolese Rwandophones.
“We cannot allow this war to escalate further. Every effort must be made to stop it,” he emphasized.
Reflecting on Angola’s own history, Lourenço drew parallels between the DRC crisis and Angola’s past conflicts.
“Even when we faced aggression, we sat down with our enemies. We negotiated with South Africa’s apartheid-era military and reached the 1988 New York Agreement,” he said.
“We also engaged in talks with UNITA to bring peace to Angola. Why should the DRC be any different?”
According to Lourenço, the December ministerial meeting between Rwanda and the DRC had made significant progress, with Rwanda agreeing to lift defensive measures and the DRC committing to dismantling the FDLR. However, he stressed that further steps were still needed.
“We must build on that progress and work toward a peace agreement signed by both leaders,” he urged.
As he prepares to assume the chairmanship of the African Union, Lourenço reaffirmed his commitment to resolving the crisis, stating that appointing a mediator for the Rwanda-DRC conflict would be a priority.
“Tshisekedi must understand that there is no other way,” Lourenço concluded. “If we truly want peace, we must be willing to talk.”
Speaking at a European Parliament session on Thursday, Rwanda’s Ambassador to Germany and Representative to the European Union, Igor César, condemned what he described as “lazy narratives” and called for a fact-based approach to addressing the crisis in eastern DRC.
César emphasized Rwanda’s vested interest in a stable DRC, pointing to significant trade relations between the two nations.
In 2021, Rwanda exported goods worth $683 million to the DRC, and by 2022, the DRC had become Rwanda’s top export partner, accounting for over 33% of total exports.
“Why would we jeopardize this?” he questioned, arguing that Rwanda’s economic growth depends on peace, not conflict.
The ambassador criticized the ongoing scrutiny of Rwanda, stressing that the real perpetrators of mineral smuggling and instability in the region are well-documented but remain largely unaddressed.
“The real smuggling networks are known. The real perpetrators are well-documented. And yet, the scrutiny always falls on Rwanda. Why?” he asked.
He attributed this to a blame-shifting strategy designed to avoid genuine accountability and reform in the DRC’s mining sector.
César also defended a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed last year between Rwanda and the European Union on critical raw materials, stating that the EU itself initiated the agreement.
“We engaged in this agreement in good faith because it aligned with our vision and pre-existing strategies,” he said, emphasizing that the demand for these minerals is a shared global interest.
The ambassador highlighted documented human rights violations within the DRC, citing reports from the U.S. Department of State and the UN Joint Human Rights Office.
He noted that Congolese security forces have long been identified as the leading perpetrators of human rights abuses in the region.
“This is not new. This is not accidental. It is a pattern,” he stated, criticizing the international community’s silence on such issues.
He also referenced past incidents, such as the 2021 assassination of Italian Ambassador Luca Attanasio, which was attributed to the Kinshasa-backed FDLR, and the hiring of over 2,000 European mercenaries by the DRC government in violation of international conventions.
“How long will your silence continue?” he asked, challenging the European Parliament on its selective response to regional issues.
César warned that the DRC government’s reliance on military solutions, including alliances with ethnic militias, the FDLR, and foreign mercenaries, undermines regional peace efforts.
“This reckless strategy—pursuing every possible option except genuine negotiations—continues to fuel instability,” he said while calling for a shift toward political dialogue.
The ambassador stressed that the only viable path forward is the implementation of the East African Community (EAC)-Southern African Development Community (SADC) joint summit’s recommendations, which include a cessation of hostilities, humanitarian action, and a return to negotiations.
“We now have a renewed opportunity to reset the political process and move towards a genuine resolution,” he said.
Reaffirming Rwanda’s commitment to peace, César dismissed accusations of expansionist ambitions.
“Rwanda has no expansionist agenda. We are not looking to redraw the borders we inherited from colonialism. All we want is credible, long-term peace for the development of our region,” he stated.
He concluded by calling on all stakeholders, including the European Union, to reject divisive narratives and support efforts aimed at achieving lasting stability in the Great Lakes region.
“Peace requires courage, accountability, and the rejection of the forces that fuel division and violence,” the ambassador remarked.
The ambassador’s remarks come amid concerns over the deteriorating security situation in eastern Congo, which recently culminated in the capture of Goma by M23 rebels. While the international community has accused Rwanda of supporting the rebels, Rwanda has denied the claims, instead stating that the M23 members are Congolese Rwandophones fighting against decades of persecution and marginalization by the government.
Despite repeated denials from the DRC government, the truth has gradually emerged. What was once concealed is now undeniable—the world has witnessed it unfold.
Recently, 288 mercenaries engaged by the DRC government were defeated in battle and granted safe passage through Rwanda to return to their home country, Romania.
The presence of foreign fighters in the conflict had long been suspected. Reports first surfaced in early 2023, alleging that the Congolese government was relying on mercenaries to combat M23. While Rwanda repeatedly pointed to this, Kinshasa dismissed the claims as propaganda.
At the time, residents of Goma reported seeing armed foreigners lodged at Hotel Mbiza. Many suspected they were members of Wagner, the infamous Russian mercenary group.
Curious about the allegations, IGIHE posed the question to Russia’s former ambassador to Rwanda, Karen Chalyan. He denied Wagner’s presence in the DRC but admitted hearing that the mercenaries came from Eastern Europe.
“I wish I had Rwf1000 for every time I’ve had to answer this question. Then, instead of doing international relations, I would be a very rich man spending his days in the world’s fanciest casinos.
“Let me say once again: there are no Wagner personnel in the DRC. And, to preempt another question, no agents of the Russian government are involved in any advisory capacity in eastern DRC—much less fighting,” the ambassador stated.
Three years later, it is no longer a rumour. IGIHE recently visited Goma and the very building where these mercenaries had stayed. The visit came after their surrender and evacuation through Rwanda.
At 6 AM on January 29, 2025, we arrived at the La Corniche border post between Rwanda and the DRC, expecting the mercenaries to be handed over by 10 AM. We waited for hours, only to learn that after surrendering to MONUSCO, negotiations were still ongoing.
M23 wanted them to leave the DRC in full military gear since they had been combatants, but the mercenaries refused.
At 3 PM, they crossed into Rwandan territory. Each one was thoroughly searched before being transported to Kigali, where they were later flown back to Romania.
Some of them wore United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) caps, raising questions about how a UN agency could allow such individuals to use its insignia.
This further reinforced allegations that during their time in the DRC, they were shielded by MONUSCO forces and even collaborated with them.
All of the mercenaries worked for Asociatia RALF, which UN experts identify as a Romanian enterprise composed of former Romanian soldiers from the French Foreign Legion.
They were reportedly paid around $5,000 per month—while regular Congolese soldiers earn as little as $100 or sometimes go unpaid. Their contracts stipulated an “indefinite period” of service, with a one-month break after every three months of deployment.
One recruit disclosed, “I am a fitness trainer by profession. I was in charge of the physical training of Congolese soldiers, preparing them for the battlefield.”
Another told us at the border that he had been in Goma for only two weeks after arriving from Tunisia. He even showed us his passport.
In Goma, they were housed in Quartier Les Volcans in a luxurious four-story apartment—one of the finest in the area. Inside, we found documents detailing their military strategy against M23, revealing plans to engage on multiple fronts.
Asociatia RALF is believed to operate across Africa, with contracts mentioning several “operational locations,” including Burkina Faso, DR Congo, Ivory Coast, Niger, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Gambia, and Guinea.
The presence of mercenaries in the DRC is not new. Between 1960 and 1965, the country became a battleground for foreign fighters.
One of the most infamous was Thomas Michael Hoare, who, along with his “4 Commando” unit, fought alongside Moïse Tshombe in Katanga’s secession war, serving Belgian interests.
In 1964, he returned to Congo as a military leader for Tshombe, commanding 300 South African fighters under the unit known as “Wild Geese.”
Meanwhile, in Kisangani, Pierre Mulele’s Simba rebels had taken 1,600 hostages, including European missionaries.
With the help of Belgian paratroopers, Cuban pilots, and CIA-backed mercenaries, Hoare defeated the Simba rebels in what became known as “Operation Dragon Rouge.”
Hoare often claimed that wars could be won even with a choir of church singers.
On July 7, 1967, Belgian mercenary Jean Schramme and his 120-man unit, alongside 2,500 Katangan fighters, took control of Bukavu, declaring the region an independent state—the “État des Volontaires Étrangers” (EVE).
Schramme aimed to overthrow Mobutu Sese Seko’s government and avenge the deaths of Patrice Lumumba and Pierre Mulele. However, his rebellion lasted only four months before being crushed.
Another notorious mercenary, Frenchman Bob Denard, first appeared in the DRC in 1961 to support Tshombe’s coup attempt against Mobutu.
He returned in 1964, this time fighting for Mobutu’s government alongside European and Katangan mercenaries.
Even revolutionary icon Che Guevara once set foot in Congo, reportedly seeking to expand his movement from Argentina.
The involvement of foreign fighters has continued into the modern era.
In June 2011, then-President Joseph Kabila hired DynCorp, a U.S.-based private military contractor known for deploying mercenaries to Iraq and Afghanistan. Kabila paid $17 million to train the Congolese army (FARDC).
Yet, history has shown that mercenaries have never brought lasting peace to the DRC. Instead, they have left behind devastation, plunder, and further instability.
Odinga is seeking to make history as the first Kenyan to hold the position of AU Commission Chair since the establishment of the body in 2002.
The election is set to be held on Saturday, February 16, where Odinga will face off against two other formidable candidates, including Djibouti’s Foreign Minister Mahmoud Ali Youssouf and Madagascar’s Richard Randriamandrato.
The longstanding opposition chief was endorsed by his political nemesis, President William Ruto, for the race, turning them into allies after their clash in the 2022 presidential election.
Having unsuccessfully contested for the presidency a record five times—in 1997, 2007, 2013, 2017, and 2022—this race could define his legacy as his retirement beckons.
The 80-year-old has previously held key positions in Kenya, including serving as a Member of Parliament for Lang’ata Constituency for two decades and as Prime Minister between 2008 and 2013 in a power-sharing government following the disputed 2007 presidential election.
With just a few days before 49 African heads of state convene in Addis Ababa to elect the next AUC chairperson, Odinga exudes a mix of confidence and pragmatism—a reflection of decades spent in the political trenches.
The AU Commission chairmanship presents the octogenarian an opportunity to cement his legacy beyond Kenya’s borders, positioning him as a continental leader at a time when Africa faces complex governance, economic, and security challenges.
Odinga has spent months crisscrossing Africa, rallying support from heads of state, foreign ministers, and diplomatic envoys. His campaign has emphasized his experience in governance, his deep-rooted Pan-African ideals, and his ability to foster unity within the AU, where he served as High Representative for Infrastructure Development from October 2018 to February 2023.
“I have spoken to all the leaders across Africa. If they agree, I will be the AUC chairperson. The vote will be cast on Saturday,” Odinga said on Monday, February 10 during an interdenominational prayer service organized by Kenya’s ODM Women’s Chapter.
With the AU’s rotational leadership principle in play, East Africa, where both Kenya and Djibouti belong, is seen as the preferred region to produce the next chair. This makes Youssouf Odinga’s strongest rival.
To secure a first-round victory, Odinga needs at least 33 votes out of 49 eligible heads of state. The election is conducted via secret ballot, meaning alliances and loyalties will be tested in the voting room. Despite his campaign efforts, Odinga knows that nothing is guaranteed.
“If I am elected, well and good; if I am not, that is also fine. Don’t I have my home?” Odinga told his supporters in Nairobi on Monday.
For Odinga, the AU Commission role represents more than just a new political chapter, it is a chance to shape Africa’s future on a grand scale. If he wins, he will oversee policies on economic integration, conflict resolution, and governance reforms across the continent. If he loses, it could mark the end of an era for one of Africa’s most resilient political figures.
Among his pledges if he wins the coveted seat is the rollout of a continental visa.
According to Odinga, the introduction of an AU visa would significantly enhance the free movement of people and goods across the continent, thereby promoting intra-Africa trade.
Speaking during the launch of his campaign in Nairobi in August last year, Odinga lamented that traders and businesspeople in Africa are required to obtain numerous visas to travel across the continent, while their foreign counterparts can do so freely.
“My friend Aliko Dangote says that to travel across the continent, he needs 35 visas. His French competitor does not need a visa to travel with a French visa in Africa. What a shame. In Europe, you only need a Schengen visa to travel across the entire continent without a problem,” Odinga said.
He pledged to introduce the AU visa to remove the bottlenecks that have hindered free movement for decades.
If elected AU Commission Chair, Odinga also promised to pursue a Continental Air Control System to streamline air travel by reducing bureaucratic hurdles, improving efficiency, and enhancing coordination between countries.
Despite Odinga’s robust campaign, Djbouti’s Youssouf remains a strong contender, backed by historical voting patterns where Francophone countries often support their own.
However, Odinga has garnered support from Anglophone and reformist AU blocs, leaving the outcome uncertain and potentially hinging on last-minute alliances.
Iohannis, a pro-EU centrist, had initially planned to remain in office until his successor was elected. However, his position was fiercely criticized by far-right politicians and their supporters, who gained significant ground in the first round of December’s election. That vote was later annulled by Romania’s top court due to allegations of Russian state interference.
The cancellation triggered widespread unrest, with tens of thousands of Romanians taking to the streets last month to protest what they saw as an attack on democracy.
Opposition lawmakers, capitalizing on the growing dissatisfaction, renewed their push to suspend Iohannis, putting forward a motion in parliament that could have led to his impeachment.
Faced with the prospect of a divisive political battle, Iohannis announced on Monday that he would step down voluntarily, arguing that his resignation would spare the country from further turmoil.
“In order to spare Romania and its citizens from crisis, I resign from the office of president,” he said in a press conference at Cotroceni Palace. “I will leave office the day after tomorrow, on February 12.”
His departure leaves Senate Speaker Ilie Bolojan, leader of the ruling coalition’s Liberal Party, as interim president with limited powers until the election.
Meanwhile, the political landscape remains highly polarized, with the far-right gaining influence. NATO-critic Calin Georgescu, a little-known figure before last year’s vote, has emerged as a key contender.
The European Union and NATO member state, which shares a border with Ukraine, has been thrown into institutional uncertainty since Georgescu’s unexpected success in the December election.
With mainstream pro-European parties divided and the far-right gaining traction, analysts believe some centrist lawmakers may have been willing to back the impeachment effort, further fueling Romania’s political crisis.
Crin Antonescu, the candidate backed by the ruling coalition, said Iohannis’ resignation was the “preferable outcome” compared to impeachment, which he argued would have only distracted from key national issues.
With the election re-run just months away, Romania now faces an uncertain political future, with its democratic institutions under scrutiny and growing concerns about external influence in its electoral process.
The Israeli delegation for the talks in Qatar over the Gaza ceasefire returned to Israel on Monday morning, according to the statement.
The delegation traveled to Doha on Sunday for indirect negotiations between Israel and Hamas concerning the second phase of the fragile ceasefire, following Netanyahu’s visit to Washington last week.
However, according to Netanyahu’s office, the delegation focused only on technical matters, not major issues that have yet to be agreed upon, including the administration of Gaza after the war.
Under the ceasefire, which took effect on Jan. 19 after 15 months of devastating war, 21 hostages — 16 Israelis and five Thais — were released from Gaza in exchange for hundreds of Palestinian detainees freed from Israeli jails. More than 70 hostages are still in Gaza.
Under the first phase of the agreement, which spans six weeks, a total of 33 hostages and about 2,000 detainees are expected to be released.
Speaking at the South African National Assembly on Monday during a debate on the deaths of 14 South African National Defence Force (SANDF) soldiers in eastern DRC, Malema condemned the government’s decision to send troops under the Southern African Development Community Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (SAMIDRC).
Malema argued that the mission was not a peacekeeping effort but a direct combat operation against the “well-equipped” and strategic M23 rebels. He accused the government of deploying soldiers without essential military assets, such as drones and fighter jets, leaving them vulnerable.
“Our government has deliberately misled the people. The reality is that our soldiers are fighting an enemy with superior weaponry, resources, and intelligence,” he remarked.
Malema also blamed the recent casualties on SANDF’s failures in intelligence and coordination, particularly during the M23 offensive on Goma.
According to him, intelligence lapses left South African forces unprepared, while poor coordination with regional allies and the Congolese military led to a weak and fragmented response.
The lack of clear directives from leadership, he added, resulted in disorganized retreats and unnecessary casualties, which also led to the deaths of two soldiers from Tanzania and two from Malawi under SAMIDRC.
The EFF leader further attributed SANDF’s declining capability to years of government neglect and corruption. He noted that budget cuts have crippled the military, grounding aircraft and helicopters due to lack of maintenance.
Despite the deployment costing the government R2.3 billion since it began, he argued that mismanagement and corruption have severely weakened the army’s effectiveness.
“Officials have looted and mismanaged funds, sending South Africa’s defence technology to foreign entities. This is nothing short of crazy,” he said.
Additionally, Malema criticized the Department of Defence for wasting over R250 million outsourcing IT services while ignoring internal capabilities, calling it blatant theft of state resources at the expense of soldiers.
Some of the fallen soldiers were killed in the battle for Goma City, while others died in clashes in Sake involving M23, the Congolese military, and allied coalition forces.
The United Nations peacekeeping mission in the DRC (MONUSCO) transported their remains to Uganda through the main Rwanda-DRC border crossing, La Corniche, around noon on Friday, following days of delays.
Upon arrival in Kampala, the decomposing bodies were scheduled for preparation before being flown to South Africa via Entebbe International Airport. However, as of Monday afternoon, they were yet to be repatriated, with final arrangements expected this week.
Malema expressed outrage over the delays, calling the situation “unacceptable.”
“We must be clear. The deployment of our soldiers in the DRC is not about achieving peace. It’s about sacrificing our soldiers for a war with no end in sight. This government continues to send them to die in a foreign land, and when they do, their bodies are not even repatriated with the dignity they deserve,” he lamented, adding that the delays had subjected the families of the fallen soldiers to severe anguish.
M23 accuses the Congolese government of decades-long persecution and marginalization of Congolese Rwandophones.
Malema called for the immediate withdrawal of South African troops, arguing that no more lives should be lost in a “senseless conflict.”
He urged the government to bring the troops home, echoing calls for a ceasefire made during discussions at the recent joint Southern African Development Community (SADC) and East African Community (EAC) summit in Tanzania.
During the EAC-SADC summit on Saturday, regional Heads of State called for a political solution rather than a military one. The Congolese government has been urged to prioritize meaningful and honest dialogue with M23 and other rebel forces in the country to silence guns in the eastern region.
The summit, held on February 8, 2025, focused on the deteriorating security situation in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), where clashes between a coalition fighting alongside the Congolese army and the M23 rebel group continue.
Footage from the Tanzanian President’s office showed Faki attending the summit’s official opening alongside heads of state and representatives from various organizations.
He had been invited by Kenya’s President and EAC Chairperson, Dr. William Samoei Ruto, representing a key bloc in the discussions.
However, before the summit moved into a closed session, the Master of Ceremonies (M.C.) requested Faki to leave.
A diplomat attending the summit told Kenyan Foreign Policy that Faki complied but raised concerns about who had instructed the M.C. to make the request.
Jevin Pillay Ponisamy, SADC’s Ambassador to the AU, said it is customary for invited guests to leave once the closed-door discussions begin.
Although this protocol was cited, Faki’s exclusion created unease among some participants, leading organizers to invite him back.
According to the diplomat, Faki initially refused to return.
The DRC government recently expressed disagreement with Faki regarding his views on security in the country’s eastern region, after he suggested engaging in dialogue with a “political group with a military wing.”
