Category: Politics

Speaking during a panel at the Africa CEO Forum in Abidjan, Ramaphosa responded to perceptions of a strained relationship, saying, “People may think that President Kagame and I are in conflict. Some of you may have expected fireworks as we sit close to each other.”

The South African Head of State’s remarks were part of a broader reflection on regional peace efforts in the DRC and the role of African-led initiatives.

Ramaphosa praised the continental mediation frameworks, including the Nairobi and Luanda processes, as essential to building confidence and laying the groundwork for ceasefires and troop withdrawals, including the recent pullout of SADC forces from eastern DRC.

“All these efforts have been building a very strong and firm foundation,” he said, adding that while international involvement is welcome, “we must also remember the principle that we have adopted as Africa: African solutions for African problems.”

President Kagame, who also took part in the session, acknowledged the multiplicity of peace efforts, including those led by Qatar and the United States, but cautioned that none had yet succeeded fully.

He called for greater coherence in African efforts and less dependence on external actors. “Much progress has been made. But there are things we still haven’t done,” Kagame said.

The remarks came months after the two leaders sharply differed on conflicting statements over the conflict in the eastern DRC.

Back in January, President Kagame accused South African officials, including President Ramaphosa, of distorting private conversations and misrepresenting Rwanda’s position on the conflict in eastern Congo, particularly regarding alleged warnings to Rwanda and the involvement of Rwanda Defence Forces (RDF) soldiers in the war between M23 rebels and Congolese forces.

“What has been said… contains a lot of distortion, deliberate attacks, and even lies,” Kagame posted on his X account in response to a message shared by Ramaphosa.

South Africa had deployed troops to the DRC under the Southern African Development Community Mission in the DRC (SAMIDRC), supporting Kinshasa’s military alongside various militias, including the FDLR—a group formed by the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.

Kagame took issue with remarks made by South African Defence Minister Angie Motshekga, who claimed that Ramaphosa had warned Rwandan forces that continued hostilities against South African troops would be viewed as a declaration of war, following the deaths of 14 soldiers in clashes near Goma.

SAMIDRC’s mission was terminated in March to allow for the resolution of the conflict through diplomatic means, and Rwanda has since granted safe passage to troops withdrawing from eastern DRC.

The revelation was made by Deputy Defence Minister Bantu Holomisa, who appeared before Parliament’s Joint Standing Committee on Defence on Friday, standing in for Defence Minister Angie Motshekga, who is currently in Russia.

The primary objective of the commission of inquiry is to investigate the circumstances that led to the deaths of 14 South African soldiers in Goma and to understand why others were held as prisoners of war for at least three months.

Appearing alongside senior officials from the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), Holomisa told Parliament that it was premature to assess whether the mission had been a success.

“It’s too early to declare this operation a success or failure because we were not acting alone. The SADC Secretariat must also provide input on the outcomes of this mission,” Holomisa said.

However, the committee expressed frustration over the limited information provided. Critics noted that, in the Minister’s absence, senior SANDF leadership shared only scant details, leaving lawmakers with more questions than answers.

Joint committee co-chairperson Malusi Gigaba said it was too soon for Parliament to decide whether it would initiate its own investigation into the deployment.

At least 18 SAMIDRC soldiers were killed early this year during clashes with the M23 rebel group in the battle to capture the cities of Goma and Sake. Among the dead were two Tanzanian and two Malawian soldiers, with dozens more sustaining injuries.

The SAMIDRC’s offensive mission to dislodge M23 rebels began in December 2023. Critics had long warned that the troops were under-equipped and ill-prepared for the complexities of the conflict.

South Africa is reported to have spent over R1.6 billion (approximately $88 million) on the operation.

Mounting pressure from lawmakers and civil society ultimately led to the termination of the SAMIDRC mission in March, allowing for a shift toward diplomatic efforts to resolve the conflict between the rebels and the administration of President Félix Tshisekedi.

Critics argue that the deployment exposed South African soldiers to unnecessary risk and suggest the mission may have been influenced by private interests rather than national security.

The withdrawal of South African troops began in recent weeks, with soldiers and equipment exiting the DRC via Rwanda.

Meanwhile, Zimbabwean activist Rutendo Matinyarare has called on the commission of inquiry to broaden its scope by examining the deeper causes of the conflict. He urged investigators to consider the findings in his recent documentary, which explores the historical factors fueling instability in the region, including the persecution of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities who have taken up arms to fight for their rights.

The joint declaration, signed earlier this month with Qatari mediation, aims to end years of armed conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The agreement has been welcomed by several African nations and civil society groups as a crucial step toward demilitarisation and economic reconstruction. However, behind closed doors, sources indicate that Belgium is growing increasingly concerned.

“Peace in the DRC, facilitated by Qatar, signifies a reduction in influence for those actors who have long exploited instability as a means of economic and political leverage,” stated a regional conflict analyst based in Nairobi.

“Belgium, in particular, has historically profited from the fragmentation of Congo and the presence of armed groups such as the FDLR.”

According to various regional observers, the FDLR has played a significant role in regional instability for over two decades, allegedly maintaining informal economic and logistical networks that align with certain Belgian interests. Analysts note that the presence of the FDLR has previously been tolerated by international actors, despite its connections to past atrocities and illicit economic activities.

The dismantling of the FDLR undermines a long-standing proxy arrangement that has served Belgium and other foreign agendas. Belgium’s discomfort is not only political; it is also strategic and economic.

In a formal statement issued shortly after the joint declaration, Belgium publicly welcomed the agreement, describing it as a “crucial step” and pledging support for the peace efforts led by Qatar, the East African Community (EAC), and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Belgium’s Foreign Minister announced an upcoming visit to the region to “express full support.”

However, analysts believe the statement appeared more performative than genuine.

Belgium’s response was diplomatically appropriate but strategically lacking. While it served as a necessary gesture to maintain appearances, their underlying discomfort is apparent. This peace process marginalises European influence, which is not something Belgium embraces.

“This is an African-led peace initiative, and that’s what makes it so threatening to the old colonial powers,” said a senior East African diplomat, who spoke on the condition of anonymity.

The joint declaration includes commitments to human rights, demilitarisation, and the restoration of state authority in the affected territories. Both parties have also agreed to collaborate on security sector reforms and transitional justice.

As the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) progresses, many are advocating for increased transparency, inclusive development, and the rejection of foreign interference in domestic affairs.

“This is an opportunity for Congo to reclaim its sovereignty and heal from decades of trauma,” said a civil society leader based in Kinshasa.

“However, this requires letting go of outdated alliances and allowing the Congolese people to determine their own future.”

Reports indicate that Kabila, who had been residing in South Africa, arrived in Goma on Friday afternoon. According to members of the AFC/M23, he entered the country via Rwanda.

Since leaving office, Kabila has spent most of his time in South Africa, though he has also lived in Zimbabwe.

Reports of Kabila’s return to the DRC began circulating earlier this month, with sources revealing that preparations to welcome him had been underway for several days.

He had pledged to return soon, citing the country’s serious security issues and challenges in all other sectors of national life, stating that he wanted to help find solutions.

The country has been facing a crisis due to the ongoing conflict between the government and the AFC/M23 rebels, who have recently taken control of large swathes of eastern DRC. The rebels accuse President Félix Tshisekedi’s administration of poor governance and the targeted persecution of minority groups, particularly Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese.

Kabila remains a powerful figure in Congolese politics and retains a strong base of supporters.

Olivier Kamitatu, a former minister and current spokesperson for Congolese businessman and politician Moïse Katumbi, recently posted on X, saying, “Joseph Kabila’s decision to go to the East, a region controlled by rebels, is not just symbolic: it’s a reminder of our shared future.”

“I drove through most parts of the city and could not see any signs of a humanitarian crisis,” Fahrenholtz revealed in a post on X on Tuesday, April 15, 2025.

“The streets are bustling with people and they seem very relaxed and feeling safe. The shops are full with foodstuff, imported goods, etc. The University reopened, electricity and water are supplied by the municipality 24 hours per day. There is even street lighting during the night.”

No humanitarian crisis in Goma. I drove through most parts of the city and could not see any signs of a humanitarian crisis. The streets are bustling with people and they seem very relaxed and feeling safe. The shops are full with foodstuff, imported goods etc. The University… pic.twitter.com/xAbuGTj3kT

— Peter Fahrenholtz, Ambassador rtd (@peterfahren) April 15, 2025

Fahrenholtz, who previously served as Germany’s ambassador to Rwanda and Bangladesh, praised the efforts to restore order in Goma, noting that law enforcement appeared effective and visible improvements in public services were evident.

“Almost no garbage to be seen in the streets. Police officers are doing their job, crime and corruption seem to be clearly less. Rule of law is beginning to be established,” he added.

During his visit, Fahrenholtz observed that the border crossing between Goma and Gisenyi, Rwanda, is fully operational, with UN World Food Programme trucks and NGO vehicles crossing smoothly to address humanitarian needs that may still exist in districts outside the city.

“I saw women walking across into Goma at 9 p.m.,” he noted.

In his visit, Fahrenholtz met with the Governor of North Kivu, Manzi Willy, who spoke of the ongoing genocidal acts targeting the Tutsi population in eastern DRC—atrocities also flagged by the UN Special Advisor on Genocide Prevention.

The governor stressed that the M23 movement aims to end these acts, protect civilians’ human rights, and work toward peace and stability in the region.

Describing M23 as an “inclusive and diverse Congolese movement” with members from various ethnic backgrounds, including Hutu, Fahrenholtz echoed concerns about the persecution and displacement of Tutsi communities over decades.

The former ambassador has previously criticized international responses to the conflict, particularly those of the European Union. He challenged comments made by EU High Representative Kaja Kallas, who in March accused Rwanda of backing the M23 rebellion. Rwanda has repeatedly denied involvement in the conflict, insisting that its primary concern is the continued presence in the DRC of the FDLR militia, which is linked to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.

“Are M23 not DR Congo citizens? Were there not European mercenaries fighting against them in DR Congo? Who will protect ethnic minorities in eastern DR Congo?” Fahrenholtz questioned.

He further criticized the Congolese government’s failure to resolve the root causes of the rebellion, including ethnic divisionism and genocidal ideology.

Fahrenholtz’s remarks add a diplomatic voice to the growing scrutiny of the conflict in eastern Congo since the takeover of Goma by the rebels in January, urging the international community to reevaluate its stance and prioritize protection of minority communities.

Nguema secured a commanding victory with 90.35% of the vote, Interior Minister Hermann Immongault confirmed. His closest rival, former Prime Minister Alain-Claude Bilie By Nze, garnered just 3.02%.

The election registered 920,200 eligible voters, including over 28,000 from abroad, and achieved a voter turnout of 70.4%, the minister added.

This marks Gabon’s first presidential election since the ousting of former President Ali Bongo Ondimba, and represents a key milestone in the country’s return to constitutional governance following the political transition.

The announcement was made on Saturday in the capital, Dodoma, by Ramadhani Kailima, Director of Elections at the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

While defending the commission’s tough stance, Kailima stressed that the code is a vital tool for ensuring fair and transparent elections at all levels—presidential, parliamentary, and local.

“The code of conduct is fundamental for guaranteeing integrity in the electoral process. All political parties were required to sign it,” Kailima stated, adding that Chadema was the only party out of 19 registered groups that refused to do so.

The code outlines expectations for ethical political behaviour ahead of the October polls, and failure to comply was previously flagged by the electoral body as grounds for disqualification.

Chadema’s rejection of the code stems from its longstanding call for sweeping electoral reforms.

The party has insisted that meaningful changes—such as constitutional amendments, the establishment of a genuinely independent electoral commission, and updated electoral laws—must be implemented before it agrees to participate in elections.

John Mnyika, Chadema’s Secretary General, reiterated the party’s “No Reforms, No Election” stance, arguing that the current framework is skewed in favour of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM).

Although the government enacted limited reforms in 2024, Chadema maintains these changes fall far short of addressing systemic imbalances.

The ban marks a deepening standoff between the opposition and the state, further complicated by the recent arrest of prominent Chadema figure Tundu Lissu.

A former presidential candidate and one of the party’s most vocal leaders, Lissu was detained after a public rally where he called for electoral reform.

On Thursday, the 57-year-old politician was charged with treason after being accused of inciting rebellion and attempting to disrupt the electoral process. The offence carries a potential death sentence.

The panel will engage with all stakeholders to enhance mediation efforts and support the full implementation of the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (R-ARCSS), the AU said in a statement issued Monday.

The AU calls on all parties to uphold all the provisions of the R-ARCSS, the statement said, adding that the pan-African bloc remains actively engaged with regional and international partners, including the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the East African Community (EAC) and the United Nations, to support South Sudan’s transition to durable peace and democracy.

It said that after cordial direct talks with President Salva Kiir of South Sudan, AU Commission Chairperson Mahmoud Ali Youssouf addressed the evolving political situation in South Sudan and the recent violence in Nasir County in the country’s Upper Nile State.

Dozens of people were killed, and several senior officials, including First Vice President Riek Machar, have been detained since clashes erupted in January between the South Sudan People’s Defense Forces and opposition fighters.

South Sudan, which became independent in 2011, signed a peace deal in 2018 that ended a civil war between forces loyal to Kiir and Machar. Nearly 400,000 people died in the civil war.

Relations between Kiir and Machar, who have dominated South Sudan’s politics for decades, remain strained. The clashes and latest political tensions between the two leaders have unsettled many citizens and the international community.

The move, announced on Tuesday by the presidency’s spokesperson Tina Salama, spares the lives of Marcel Malanga, a Utah-born U.S. citizen, and two other Americans who had faced execution following their conviction by a Kinshasa military court in September 2024.

According to Salama, the death sentences have been commuted to life imprisonment, following an executive order from Tshisekedi.

“They will not be executed, as the death penalty is commuted,” she stated, confirming the reprieve for Malanga and his co-defendants.

The motive behind the pardon remains unclear. However, the decision comes at a time when Tshisekedi is seeking closer security cooperation with the United States. Recently, he proposed a deal offering minerals in exchange for U.S. military support to counter the M23 rebel group, which has seized large swaths of territory in eastern DRC.

The three Americans were among 37 alleged coup plotters who were sentenced to death last September for their role in a failed coup attempt.

The attack targeted the residence of then-Vice Prime Minister Vital Kamerhe before shifting to the Palais de la Nation, the seat of the Congolese presidency.

The coup was thwarted by security forces, resulting in the deaths of six people, including the plot’s leader, Christian Malanga, a former Utah-based car dealer who had returned to the DRC and was father to one of the convicted Americans, Marcel Malanga.

During their trial, Marcel Malanga and his high school friend, Tyler Thompson Jr., both 21, claimed they were coerced into participating in the coup under threat from Christian Malanga. Despite these statements, they, along with a Canadian, a British citizen, and a Belgian national, were convicted and sentenced alongside several Congolese defendants.

The U.S. State Department previously acknowledged the case, and Utah Senators Mike Lee and Mitt Romney had engaged with diplomatic channels over the matter.