Category: Opinion

  • The devil you feed: How the West fuels genocide ideology in DR Congo

    But instead, the world — through UN bodies like MONUSCO and regional actors like SAMIDRC — continues to flirt with these ideological arsonists in the name of geopolitical convenience and “stability.”

    The result is an outlandish miscarriage of justice and a transgenerational fertilization of hatred that threatens peace in the Great Lakes Region of Africa and the moral integrity of the international system.

    This is not just a failure of policy. It is the appeasement of evil. The legitimization of murderers. The burial of truth under the rubble of Realpolitik.

    And at the center of this moral decay stands the FDLR — a movement that is not simply a ragtag band of rebels, but the reincarnation of the genocidal machine that annihilated over a million Tutsi in their country of origin in 1994.

    The world’s inability — or unwillingness — to see and name this evil for what it is has allowed the ideology of genocide not only to survive but to metastasize.

    A movement of genocidal persistence

    The name FDLR is a lie. This group is not about liberation or democracy. It is a coalition of génocidaires, genocide deniers, and ideological foot soldiers committed to finishing what they started in 1994.

    To call the FDLR “rebels” is to grant them the language of legitimacy. They are not rebels and more than a militia. They are ideological descendants of Hitlerian logic — exterminationists wrapped in the rhetoric of victimhood.

    What began in the Zairean refugee camps after the genocide was not a humanitarian crisis alone — it was a carefully orchestrated regrouping of the machinery of death.

    The same commanders, propagandists, and killers who organized the slaughter of the Tutsi reorganized under new names: first the RDR, then PALIR, then ALIR, and finally the FDLR.

    At each stage, they retained their ideological DNA: denial of the Genocide Against the Tutsi, racial supremacism, and the ambition to return to power by force and blood.

    MONUSCO and others: The international enablers of hate

    There is no way to sugarcoat it: MONUSCO has, at various times, worked alongside units of the Congolese army (FARDC) that are allied with or composed of FDLR elements.

    This is not a theoretical accusation; it is a documented fact found in multiple UN reports. And now, with SAMIDRC (the Southern African Development Community Mission in DRC) deployed under the pretext of fighting M23, the same pattern is repeating — grotesquely and predictably.

    The AFC/M23, regardless of what one thinks of its origins or composition, is not advocating genocide. It is not denying history. It is not calling for the extermination of an ethnic group.

    Yet, MONUSCO and SAMIDRC align themselves with FARDC-FDLR coalitions — not because they are morally blind, but because it is politically expedient.

    Rwanda is demonized because it refuses to remain silent in the face of a threat that nearly wiped out an entire people. Meanwhile, the genocidaires are treated by President Tshisekedi as “Congolese patriots” or “freedom fighters.”

    It is as though the world has learned nothing from the last century — as though the Holocaust and the Genocide Against the Tutsi never happened.

    In what other universe would descendants of SS officers be armed and supported to help quell unrest in Europe?

    Yet here we are, in 2025, watching UN-sanctioned missions collaborate with men who still sing the praises of Juvénal Habyarimana and refer to genocide as a “misunderstood political event.” It is a shame!

    The devil’s long memory

    Genocide has now become a family legacy. The FDLR has outlived its founders not because it is militarily strong, but because it is ideologically supported.

    This is a movement where genocide is not merely history — it is doctrine. It is taught in the bush, transmitted in exile communities, preserved in denialist literature, and sanctified in the toxic echo chambers of diaspora politics.

    Young men and women born after 1994 are indoctrinated to believe that Tutsis are their eternal enemies, that Rwanda was “stolen” from them, and that killing in the name of Hutu Power is a sanctified duty.

    The FDLR camps in the DRC are not military training grounds; they are ideological seminaries of hate.

    And every time the international community chooses to “dialogue” with them, every time their political wings in Europe are granted visas, airtime, or op-ed space, the message is clear: genocidal ideology is not a red line — it is negotiable and acceptable.

    This is not about “understanding both sides.” It is about refusing to tolerate one side — the side of exterminationism. There are no two sides to genocide. There are no legitimate grievances that justify it. And there are no excuses for letting its disciples grow their ranks under international protection.

    When genocidaires become ‘opposition leaders’

    One of the likes of FDLR’s most insidious victories has been the corruption of language. Through decades of propaganda, they and their allies have rebranded themselves as political dissidents, exiled intellectuals, and human rights advocates.

    The case of Victoire Ingabire is instructive. Upon her return to Rwanda in 2010, she immediately cast doubt on the singularity of the Genocide Against the Tutsi — a hallmark of denialism.

    Her party, FDU-Inkingi, was not a grassroots democratic movement. It was built on the scaffolding of genocide ideology and denial. Its founding members include known collaborators of the RDR and FDLR.

    Yet Ingabire is praised in many Western circles as a “brave voice for democracy.” Brave? No. Dangerous. Not because she dared to oppose Rwanda’s government, but because she echoed the ideological talking points of those who still dream of finishing what they started in 1994.

    When the world embraces people like Ingabire as freedom fighters and platforms like Jambo Asbl as civil society organizations—and human rights activists, it becomes complicit in the laundering of genocide ideology.

    These are not harmless opinions. They are weapons of rhetorical warfare, designed to obscure, reframe, and ultimately justify the extermination of a people.

    The price of appeasement

    The FDLR has raped, killed, and plundered its way through eastern Congo for over two decades. Their mission is violence without end. It has massacred Tutsi civilians, forcibly recruited child soldiers, and entrenched itself in mining operations to fund its ideology.

    And, using terror— has turned many Congolese into slaves in their own country. But, despite all this, the international response has been tepid. Arrests of leaders like Ignace Murwanashyaka came far too late.

    Other genocidaires or their sympathisers — like Charles Ndereyehe, Gaspar Musabyimana, Justin Bahunga and Colonel Aloys Ntiwiragabo— have lived comfortably in Europe for years, organizing, fundraising, and spreading their gospel of hate.

    Meanwhile, the people of eastern Congo suffer. Not just the Tutsi, but Hutu communities too — those who refuse to support the FDLR’s cause.

    And every time peace talks are held without the explicit exclusion of genocidal actors, every time FARDC units are permitted to operate alongside FDLR elements, another generation learns that the world has no spine, that it rewards evil with recognition, and that mass murder has no lasting consequences.

    This isn’t just bad policy — it’s suicidal. Because the ideology that underpins the FDLR is not content to stay in the bush. It has cousins in Europe, protégés in the DRC’s political class, and apologists in global media.

    Left unchecked, it will infect future generations — and when the next genocide happens, the world will act surprised, once again.

    The truth must be told

    The international community must stop hiding behind euphemisms and failed diplomacy. It must name the FDLR for what it is—even when it hurts: a genocidal organization that should be dismantled, delegitimized, and criminalized in every jurisdiction.

    Those who fund it, speak for it, or carry its ideology should be treated with the same contempt we reserve for neo-Nazis, Khmer Rouge loyalists, and ISIS or Al-Qaeda recruiters.

    It is time for international arrest warrants to mean something. Time for European countries to close the offices of these genocidaires’ affiliates masquerading as political organizations. Time for MONUSCO and SAMIDRC to be held accountable for aiding and abetting ideology-driven terror. And time for international aid to be contingent on zero tolerance for genocide ideology.

    There is one choice: Justice or repetition

    History will judge us — not by how we speak about peace, but by whom we choose to sit with at the table. Peace built on lies, on the silence of survivors, and on the empowerment of genocidaires is no peace at all. It is merely an intermission before the next horror.

    To honor the victims of 1994, to protect the vulnerable today, and to safeguard our collective future, the world must stop appeasing the devil. The FDLR is not a rebel group. It is the reincarnation of genocidal intent.

    Its ideology is not old — it is reborn daily in classrooms, WhatsApp groups, and pseudo-academic conferences. And as long as we refuse to confront it with the moral clarity it demands, we remain co-authors of the next atrocity.

    Attack the FDLR as an ideological hydra

    The FDLR is not a movement aging into irrelevance — it is a transgenerational machine of hate. Its leaders may grow old, but their ideology is taught, refined, and exported to younger recruits and to diaspora communities abroad.

    It is an ideological hydra: for every military head severed, another one grows in the minds of indoctrinated youth and digital propagandists scattered across Europe, America, and the Great Lakes.

    As long as the international community continues to tolerate genocide denial, overprotect its propagandists, and mislabel the FDLR as mere rebels, the risk of future atrocities remains perilously high.

    Appeasing the devil has never produced peace; it only grants evil the time it needs to sharpen its knives.

    If Holocaust denial is rightly met with moral outrage and legal redress, then Genocide Against Tutsi denialism deserves no less.

    True peace demands the de-legitimization of ideology that glorifies genocide. The line must be drawn — not in sand, but in principle. No compromise with the malevolent.

    The blood of the past cries out. The danger of the present is real. And the duty of the future is ours to embrace — or to betray.

    The FDLR has raped, killed, and plundered its way through eastern Congo for over two decades. The terrorist group was formed by remnant perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

  • China and Africa: Partnership for an AI-powered future

    As H.E. President Paul Kagame rightly pointed out when addressing the Summit, “The potential for innovation and creativity on our continent is immense. Let’s continue working together, and driving AI to reduce inequality, and allow more and more of our citizens to benefit from the good AI can deliver to all of us”.

    The Summit serves as a crucial platform to highlight Africa’s growing role in the global AI ecosystem. It showcased Rwanda’s leadership in Africa’s endeavor for AI development.

    The Summit adopted the Africa Declaration on AI, endorsed the establishment of the Africa AI Council, and decided to raise a fund of 60 billion US$ for AI. Along with the Continental AI Strategy approved by the African Union last year, and the vision for a single digital market by 2030, Africa’s AI development is gaining strong momentum.

    Africa is the youngest continent in the world, with 60% of its population aged below 25. Africa also has the largest and fastest-growing workforce on our planet. This provides a huge demographic dividend for AI development in Africa. Africa has much to offer in the global AI ecosystem, among which is data diversity.Africa’s unique socioeconomic, cultural, and environmental datasets provide invaluable resources for training AI models that are more inclusive and accessible.

    Many of the perspectives articulated at the Summit resonate in China. Two outstanding examples are: The first is on AI governance. Many delegates highlighted the imperative task to strengthen AI governance. While making full use of AI to enable economic and social development, we should prevent potential negative effects, such as aggravation of social inequity and technology abuses.

    In line with true multilateralism, China plays an important role in facilitating international dialogues and cooperation on AI governance. In 2023, China put forward the Global AI Governance Initiative. It calls on the international community to develop open, fair and effective governance mechanisms in a bid to promote AI technologies for common good of the mankind.

    The second is on AI capacity-building. Much attention was paid to this issue at the Summit, given the gap of Africa in hard & soft wares, talents, skills and experience in AI. In the eyes of China, AI is a common asset of humanity and should not be monopolized by any country.

    China sponsored the resolution on Enhancing International Cooperation on Capacity-Building of Artificial Intelligence. It was adopted by consensus at the United Nations General Assembly in 2024. To translate words into actions, China proposed the AI Capacity-Building Action Plan for Good and for All, and hosted the first global Workshop on AI Capacity Building. Many seminars, workshops and training courses are unfolding in the future.

    The cooperation between China and Africa in AI is gaining momentum, fostering a partnership for shared growth and sustainable progress.

    In agriculture, Chinese technology firms have introduced AI-powered drones and data-driven farming techniques to enhance crop yields and food security in countries like Kenya and Nigeria.

    In healthcare, AI-driven diagnostics are helping remote African communities gain access to timely and accurate medical evaluations, bridging the gap in healthcare accessibility. Rwanda has embraced AI-powered medical imaging and diagnostics to improve health outcomes, an area where China stands ready to work more closely with African partners to deliver more tangible benefits for the peoples.

    The future of China-Africa AI cooperation brims with opportunities. China and Africa could jointly build a digital ecosystem that is by its nature ethical, sustainable, and inclusive. We may promote knowledge exchange, foster AI talent, and work on solutions tailored to local challenges. Our partnership in AI can serve as a model of South-South cooperation. The synergy between China’s technical expertise and Africa’s untapped potential, could pave the way for AI innovations that are not only transformative for both sides, but also impactful on a global scale.

    In an era where technology is redefining the future, the cooperation between China and Africa in AI is much more than an economic endeavor. It is a shared vision of progress, equity, and a smarter world for all.

    The author, Mrs. Lin Hang serves as Chargé d’Affaires ad interim at the Chinese Embassy in Rwanda.

    The recent first-ever Global AI Africa Summit, hosted by Rwanda served as a crucial platform to highlight Africa's growing role in the global AI ecosystem.

  • The drama of the absurd at the United Nations

    If the world needed a reminder that reckless rhetoric still finds a comfortable seat in high places, it came crashing down on April 16, 2025, at the 9,899th meeting of the United Nations Security Council. Standing before the most powerful diplomatic body in the world, Therese Kayikwamba Wagner, the Foreign Minister of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to the UN, delivered a jaw-dropping statement: there was a genocide against the Hutu in 1994.

    This wasn’t some fringe Twitter conspiracy or the rant of a YouTube keyboard historian. This was a topmost diplomat of a sovereign state—one sitting on a continent still reeling from the scars of real genocide—speaking in the most consequential diplomatic chamber in the world. The shamelessness is overwhelming. The implications, deeply disturbing.

    Yes. She said that. In the very chamber that should be the world’s pinnacle of historical integrity, a top diplomat of a UN member state stood up and rewrote one of the most thoroughly documented genocides in modern history. Not a slip of the tongue. Not a misinterpretation. A full-throated, unapologetic revision of history.

    Kayikwamba chose to trample on established historical fact, echoing one of the most toxic talking points of genocide deniers and ideologues who have long sought to rewrite the past and shift blame onto the victims. It was a calculated move, the kind that feeds into the twisted narrative of those who continue to defend or justify the 1994 genocide and its perpetrators.

    It’s not just that her statement was a lie — it was a dangerous, reckless, and deeply offensive one. A ludicrous erasure of the Genocide Against the Tutsi in Rwanda, which was recognised by the UN itself and in which over a million people were slaughtered in just 100 days.

    There is no ambiguity. No scholarly controversy. No nuance to hide behind. And yet, here we are, with a Congolese minister pontificating as though history were a tabula rasa upon which she could scrawl whatever ideological graffiti she pleases.

    And yet, no gavel dropped. No stern rebuke came from the UN Secretary-General. No member of the Council demanded a retraction. Silence. Deafening silence.

    Because apparently, when it comes to the DRC and its officials, even the most insulting, historically revisionist fabrications can pass as legitimate political speech. It has now become a morbid tradition: Congolese officials never disappoint when it comes to saying anything, no matter how shameful, embarrassing, or grotesquely false.

    Not all is craziness and interruptions

    Two days later, sanity made a brief appearance on the X platform. Burundian diplomat Fred Ngoga took issue with Kayikwamba’s grotesque distortion of the truth and called her out publicly:

    “My sister @RDCongoMAE this is factually wrong. Our President at the time was Sylvestre Ntibantunganya, a Hutu. On the other hand, read the U.N. report. There was no genocide against our Hutu population in Burundi, period. Are you trying to mount our communities one against the other? Please withdraw this statement!”

    Ngoga’s post was dignified, precise, and rooted in historical accuracy. He did not mince words. He upheld the truth in a region that has bled far too long because of political lies and ethnic incitement.

    But then came the real theatre of the absurd. In swooped Burundi’s Ambassador to Ethiopia and the African Union, Willy Nyamitwe, not to applaud his compatriot’s defence of truth and regional harmony, but to rebuke him. Yes, rebuke him.

    “Mr @NgogaFred is serving at the @_AfricanUnion’s Political Affairs, Peace & Security Department (@AUC_PAPS). He should stand for the AU’s impartiality and dedication to diplomacy and conflict prevention. His duty is not to fuel political rhetoric against a sovereign Member State.”

    So here we are. A seasoned diplomat is told off not for lying, but for telling the truth. According to Nyamitwe, truth has now become “political rhetoric,” and sovereignty — that convenient shield — is the fig leaf behind which impunity and dishonesty should be protected. One is left wondering: Is the AU now an altar where facts are sacrificed to protect incompetence?

    What should have triggered immediate reprimand from the Security Council Chair or a statement of correction from the UN Secretary-General was met with nothing. No clarification. No rebuke. No concern. When the DRC is the actor, it seems that the world gives mediocrity a free pass.

    Trying to understand the absurd

    What we’re witnessing here may be a textbook case of dissociative delusion compounded with ideological psychosis.

    According to Robert J. Lifton and Eric Markusen’s studies on genocidal mentality, such delusion is often accompanied by ‘psychic numbing,’ where the perpetrator or sympathiser becomes desensitised to facts, replaces trauma with myth, and substitutes real history with fantasy in order to justify hatred. The minister’s assertion suggests she’s operating not in a fact-based reality, but in a parallel Congo-verse.

    From what I have observed for a while, we must recognise DRC’s foreign policy as a masterclass in the weaponisation of nonsense. Under President Félix Tshisekedi, the foreign ministry has evolved into a linguistic war machine, designed to distract from national failures by assaulting basic truths.

    If roads are impassable, if the economy is burning, and the east of the country is held hostage by militias, then blame Rwanda. And if Rwanda’s response is too grounded in reality, then invent a historical genocide in Burundi to balance the moral scorecard. Because nothing screams ‘regional credibility’ like historical fabrication.

    A friend of mine who is an International Lawyer observed, “Genocide denial is a crime under international law. So is genocide trivialization. What Madame Wagner did was attempt the diplomatic equivalent of arson — tossing a Molotov cocktail into a region already plagued by ethnic wounds. She didn’t merely misspeak. She violated the 1948 Genocide Convention’s very spirit by equalising the perpetrator and victim in the Genocide Against the Tutsi. This should alarm every UN official who still thinks Kinshasa is just quirky and not dangerously unhinged.”

    Let me be as clear as history allows. In 1994, there was a genocide in Rwanda. The victims were Tutsis. It was planned, executed, and documented. In Burundi, there was no genocide against the Hutus in 1994.

    The President of Burundi at the time was Sylvestre Ntibantunganya — a Hutu. To claim otherwise is not merely mistaken. It’s historical vandalism. If someone stood up at the UN and said there was a genocide against Germans in World War II, they’d be escorted out and referred to a psychiatrist. Why is it different in Africa?

    What Minister Kayikwamba said is what happens when foreign policy is outsourced to Twitter populism and genocidaire sympathisers. It’s not about Burundi. It’s not even about Hutus. It’s about demonising Tutsis — particularly Rwandan Tutsis — and constructing a moral equivalence between Rwanda’s liberation and genocidal violence.

    Some DR Congo’s elite have bought into the delusion that if you yell ‘Rwanda!’ enough times, the world will forget about the FDLR, the corruption, the mass rape, and the stolen billions. It worked for a while. Now they’ve turned to historical hallucination.

    Indeed, even an amateur Googler would find that the Genocide Against the Tutsi is well-documented by the United Nations, human rights organisations, academic institutions, and post-genocide courts. It has memorials. Survivors. Convicted perpetrators. It is not a contested event — unless you happen to be Charles Onana or the DRC Foreign Ministry.

    But Therese Kayikwamba Wagner is not an average Facebook troll. She is a Harvard graduate and the chief diplomat of a country with over 100 million people. And she had the gall—no, the strategic gall—to invent a genocide in the name of diplomacy.

    So, we must ask the question: what possessed her?

    Was it a psychotic break? Did the spirit of conspiracy rise up through the presidential palace like a bad stench and infect every cabinet member with an anti-Rwandan hysteria? No! This is a coordinated campaign to normalise the denial of the Genocide Against the Tutsi by equating it with fictitious crimes.

    In any other country, this kind of statement would spark resignations, corrections, even parliamentary inquiries. But in Congo, the silence that followed was deafening. Not a single correction from her president. No official statement to blame Russian or Chinese hackers or a malfunctioning AI. Not even the usual scapegoat performance about Rwanda hijacking the microphone via WiFi.

    No. What followed was a slow, suffocating silence. As if the whole Congolese state had taken a collective oath: when we lie, we lie as one.

    Ngugi’s lessons

    What’s worse is Nyamitwe’s intervention, which gave credence to Kayikwamba’s fabrications. He didn’t simply ask for institutional neutrality — he endorsed the kind of silence that emboldens falsehood.

    In his post, one can almost hear the echoes of complicity whispering from the pages of Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s book Devil on the Cross, where he warned:

    “The Devil, who would lead us into the blindness of the heart and into the deafness of the mind, should be crucified, and care should be taken that his acolytes do not lift him down from the Cross to pursue the task of building Hell for the people on Earth.”

    That is precisely what these diplomats are doing: unfastening the Devil from the Cross, dressing him up in diplomatic suits, and letting him loose to turn international institutions into carnival grounds of hellish deceit. This isn’t neutrality. It’s not diplomacy. It’s not sovereignty. It’s the abdication of moral responsibility in favour of tribal solidarity and political cowardice.

    It also raises a troubling question: if such blatant revisionism is tolerated in global institutions like the UN and the AU, what hope is there for justice or peace in the Great Lakes region? How can reconciliation take root in soil poisoned by lies?

    Kayikwamba’s statement isn’t just a historical insult — it is a dog whistle to genocidaires and hate-mongers everywhere. It is an invitation to those who want to weaponise ethnicity for political ends. And Nyamitwe’s response shows how little appetite there is among some African diplomats to defend the truth when it challenges fellow political elites.

    The Congolese government, with its bloated roster of ineffective ministers and war-mongering rhetoric, has repeatedly used ethnic scapegoating to mask its own failures. Instead of solving domestic issues — insecurity, corruption, economic stagnation — its officials fabricate international crises, accuse neighbours, and deny established facts. It’s a dangerous political strategy wrapped in the language of victimhood and sovereignty.

    Burundi, for its part, has long suffered under the weight of internal contradictions and political impunity. But when its diplomats choose to shield mediocrity and criminality, they betray not just their people, but the entire region. They become enablers of Hell, builders of infernos where truth and justice are consumed.

    In the end, the sad spectacle at the Security Council and the performance that followed online was not just about one woman’s gaffe. It was about a continent still struggling with the demons of its past and the cowards of its present. It was about the Devil on the Cross being lifted down again, not by the hands of imperialism or foreign greed, but by African hands too eager to defend each other’s lies.

    A regional farce in full bloom

    What more can be said about Congolese and Burundian politicians, those masterful architects of embarrassment, who continue to treat statecraft like an improvised comedy show performed on the world stage? When one makes a fool of themselves in New York, another trips over decency in Addis Ababa.

    It’s almost as though mediocrity were a regional competition, DRC and Burundi reaching the final, and the grand prize is awarded to whoever can defend idiocy with the straightest face.

    Kayikwamba strolled into the UN Security Council like an amateur playwright crashing a Broadway show, rebranding genocide as a punchline for Pan-African sovereignty. Not to be outdone, Nyamitwe came swinging to protect her honour — not with facts or reason, but with a sermon on neutrality that could make Pontius Pilate blush.

    And all the while, the institutions meant to safeguard truth — the UN, the AU — politely looked away, as if hoping this absurd play would end before intermission.

    What are we to make of this double-act? Is this the quality of leadership that DRC and Burundi believe the region deserves? Leaders who revise history, dodge accountability, and applaud each other for doing so? Ngugi’s Devil must be laughing from the Cross as he watches his acolytes undo the nails with government seals and diplomatic immunity.

    Perhaps the real tragedy isn’t that Kayikwamba said something outrageous, or that Nyamitwe defended her. It’s that nobody is surprised. The bar is now so low that truth-telling seems revolutionary. In this political farce, it’s not the liar who is called to order — it’s the honest man. Welcome to the Great Lakes political circus: come for the falsehoods, stay for the applause. Hell isn’t coming — it’s already on the guest list.

    Fairly speaking, when it comes to irresponsible speech, ideological confusion, and the shameless abuse of international platforms, there are countries whose politicians are often in a league of their own.

    For example, on one side, we have DRC’s Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner, Foreign Minister by title, propagandist by practice, who marched into the UN Security Council and casually threw historical truth under the bus as if it were some minor diplomatic prop.

    On the other, we have Burundi’s Ambassador Willy Nyamitwe, who, instead of congratulating a compatriot for daring to stand up for truth and regional sanity, chose to scold him for daring to correct a white lie.

    Together, they form a diplomatic vaudeville act, where reality is expendable and nonsense is protected under the sacred cloak of “sovereignty.”

    Here are diplomats who cannot tell genocidal fiction from documented fact, smartly dressed ambassadors who attack decency while defending denial, and a UN that nods along politely as history is rewritten by loud and proud incompetents.

    Maybe, we should start handing out awards. Kayikwamba can get the “Golden Gaffe for Historical Revisionism,” and Nyamitwe, the “Diplomatic Tap-Dance Trophy for Defending the Indefensible.”

    It’d be amusing if it weren’t so dangerous. Because what they do isn’t just shameful—it is harmful. It fuels hate, distorts memory, and undermines every honest effort at peace in the Great Lakes region.

    When your politics is so perverted that genocide denial becomes a policy position, and when your diplomacy is so broken that veracity itself is treated as a threat, you are not leading nations. You are curating chaos. And it is high time someone called it out for what it is: not statesmanship, but state-sponsored stupidity.

    A closing word

    If African leaders and international institutions do not have the spine to call out genocide trivialization when it happens in their own halls, they should not be surprised when those lies turn into future violence.

    To the DRC: stop playing games with genocide. Your people deserve better than a government that peddles fiction to hide its failures and crimes.

    To Minister Kayikwamba: History will remember your words as a disgraceful betrayal of the facts and an affront to the victims of one of the most horrific crimes of the 20th century.

    To Fred Ngoga: Thank you for standing tall when others remained seated.

    To Willy Nyamitwe: Diplomacy without principle is just cowardice in a suit.

    And to the UN and AU: if you won’t defend truth in your own house, don’t be surprised when lies burn it down.

    DRC Foreign Affairs Minister, Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner, addresses the UN Security Council during a past session.

  • How to build money habits that stick with Kigali flair

    Whether you’re dodging moto taxis in Kimironko or running your beauty salon in Remera, money has this sneaky habit of disappearing faster than airtime during a gossip call. One minute it’s there, the next—puff—gone. But why?

    Let’s rewind to January—you know, back when we were still full of hope, life plans, and printed vision boards from Instagram templates.

    “This is my year to save, invest, and level up!” we said.

    Well… Q2 just tapped us on the shoulder like, “Yoh, how’s that going?”

    For me, it all started with an episode of The Boss Lady Africa. Just Ivy Africa was talking about self-sabotaging money habits. I had my earbuds in, minding my own business, until she said something that hit me harder than a “you up?” text from your broke ex.

    That’s when it clicked: if any of my Pinterest-inspired financial goals were going to happen, I needed to do the real work and get honest about my money habits. So I did what any curious person would do—I started asking my friends awkward questions about their finances. And oh, did things get juicy!

    One friend didn’t miss a beat:
    “I don’t get paid enough to manage my money well.”
    Ma’am. Sir. Beloved. The paycheck might be small, but the damage is mighty.

    Another friend, a champion of budget-dodging, pivoted faster than a motard at a roadblock:
    “Budget? Hmm… have you considered starting another side hustle?”
    Nice deflection, Delphine.

    But then came the brave one. The one who staged what I now call “The Budget Intervention” in a café:

    “Let’s go through your budget,” they said.
    I nearly dropped my phone.
    Attacked? Yes.
    Exposed? 100%.
    Relieved? Weirdly, also yes.

    For the first time, I wasn’t just hoping money would magically behave—I had a plan.
    Did I follow it? Of course not. I’m a proud, card-carrying member of the “avoid it and it will go away” club.

    But hey, awareness is the first step, right?

    From village mindset to victory mindset

    Here’s a spicy truth: Everyone wants to be in a village, but no one wants to be a villager.

    We want support systems, accountability partners, and community—but are we showing up for that same community? Are we building what we’re desperate to belong to?

    Same applies to money. Everyone wants to be “financially free,” but few of us are willing to do the slow, unsexy work of financial literacy. We dream of glow-ups without the grind. Of “rich auntie energy” without reading a single article about savings accounts.

    Well, buckle up. Let’s diagnose your money personality, Rwandan-style.

    The money personality quiz you didn’t know you needed

    Impulse spender

    Your brain: “This bag is so cute.”
    Your wallet: “Ha! We have rent.”
    That coffee from Rubia every morning? Those “just a small treat” days? They add up. Suddenly, you’re wondering why you’re skipping your cousin’s dowry ceremony—it’s because you spent that cash on a scented candle.

    Bougie on a budget

    You’re living champagne dreams on an Amstel budget. IG makes you think you deserve the lifestyle—fine dining, imported skincare, luxury loungewear—yet your account is screaming, “Mwafashije koko!”

    Budget avoider

    Budget? That thing you say you’ll start every Sunday but instead binge The Residence? Yeah. You’ve ghosted your budget harder than your sneaky ex.

    Financially illiterate (But cute)

    You think investing is for men in suits or people who earn more than 1M a month. Wrong.
    If you’ve ever handled a household, run a small biz, or simply tried to make RWF 10,000 stretch for two weeks—you are already doing finance. Now imagine doing it smarter.

    So now that we’ve dragged ourselves, let’s get to the fun part: the glow-up.

    Make a budget

    Think of budgeting as writing a love letter to your future self.

    “Dear Me in December, I wanted you to have money for the holiday trip. So I skipped the 3-drink outing with friends this week.”

    Start tracking everything. That airtime top-up? The RWF 1,000 you sent for a WhatsApp group contribution?

    Write. It. Down.

    Here’s a simple starter formula:

    50% for needs

    30% for wants

    20% for savings or paying off debts

    Can’t make it work? That’s your cue to earn more—or spend less. Probably both.

    Set goals that don’t scare you

    Start small. Save 100K and open that BK Capital Aguka Fund. Build a 50K emergency stash.
    Baby steps are still steps—and they’re way better than standing still.

    Invest in yourself

    Not with more clothes. I mean learning.Take a free budgeting class. Listen to podcasts like Africa’s Pocket or Money Movers Society. Ask questions. ChatGPT things. Your dream lifestyle starts with your current habits.

    Own your money

    Money is a tool. Don’t let it use you. If you want financial freedom, you need to make money your employee—not your master. And no, the salary fairy isn’t coming unless you invite her by showing up, asking for more, learning more, and choosing better.

    It won’t always be pretty. Some days you’ll feel like the next Dangote. Other days, you’ll be in your kitchen, eating rice and beans and wondering why you spent all your food money at a brunch in Kiyovu.

    It’s okay.

    Growth isn’t linear. It’s messy. It’s personal. Sometimes it involves saying no to night-outs and yes to financial peace. Sometimes it means talking to friends about money—even when it’s awkward.

    But every single time you choose clarity over confusion, discipline over delay, and ownership over avoidance, you’re rewriting your money story.

    So, what habit are you breaking this month?
    Whether you’re dodging moto taxis in Kimironko or running your beauty salon in Remera, money has this sneaky habit of disappearing faster than airtime during a gossip call. One minute it’s there, the next—puff—gone. But why?
    The writer is a senior copywriter based in Kigali.

  • The day love was weighed on the scale

    Good Friday is a paradox. It remembers the darkest moment in Christian history, the brutal crucifixion of Jesus Christ, yet it is called “good.” How can something so filled with agony bear a name so filled with grace?

    The answer lies in the power of perspective. The cross, once a symbol of shame, was transformed into a symbol of salvation. This is what makes Good Friday so profound: it dares us to see beyond suffering. It teaches that sometimes, the road to healing passes through heartbreak, and that divine love is most visible not in comfort, but in sacrifice.

    This message is timeless and universal, extending far beyond religious boundaries. In a world burdened by war, inequality, and despair, Good Friday reminds us that transformation is possible, even when things look utterly lost. It calls us to believe in goodness, even when surrounded by grief. It tells us that endings can also be beginnings.

    But this day is not only about what Christ did for humanity, it is also about what we are called to do for each other. Good Friday invites us to carry the crosses of the voiceless, to stand beside the suffering, and to build bridges where others see only walls. It calls for quiet courage and loud compassion.

    So today, let us not rush past the pain of the cross. Let us sit with it, reflect on it, and learn from it. For in doing so, we may find within ourselves the capacity to forgive, to persevere, and to love more fully.

    After all, the beauty of Good Friday is not in the silence of the tomb, but in the promise that resurrection always follows.

    Good Friday recalls  the brutal crucifixion of Jesus Christ.

  • BK Group and RSSB announce plans to form new insurance group

    The proposed transaction is expected to strengthen Rwanda’s insurance sector by creating a well-capitalised, diversified, and customer-focused insurance group. By uniting the operational strengths and product offerings of BKGI, SGI, and SLA, the new entity aims to offer greater value to policyholders, enhance innovation in the sector, and support long-term sustainability.

    According to the joint announcement, BKGI and SGI will merge to form the general insurance arm of the group, while SLA will serve as the life insurance subsidiary. Together, the companies will form a forward-looking institution capable of serving both individual and corporate clients in Rwanda and beyond.

    The initiative reflects a broader ambition to boost financial inclusion, improve service delivery, and contribute to the growth of Rwanda’s insurance industry.

    The new group is expected to benefit from an expanded distribution network, digital platforms, and a broader suite of products that respond to evolving customer needs and deliver higher value for shareholders.

    “This partnership brings together trusted names with shared values and complementary strengths—and sets the stage for a transformative insurance group that will drive innovation, expand access, and deliver meaningful value to Rwandans and our shareholders,” said Dr. Uzziel Ndagijimana, Group CEO of BK Group PLC.

    Regis Rugemanshuro, Chief Executive Officer of the Rwanda Social Security Board, described the initiative as part of RSSB’s long-term vision to support inclusive economic growth.

    “By joining forces to form this new insurance group, we are laying the groundwork for a strong, competitive player that is built for the future and committed to serving the needs of Rwandan people,” he said.

    The formation of the new insurance group is subject to shareholder and regulatory approvals, along with the successful completion of legal and procedural requirements.

    BK Group Plc is the holding company of the Bank of Kigali.Regis Rugemanshuro, Chief Executive Officer of the Rwanda Social Security Board, described the initiative as part of RSSB’s long-term vision to support inclusive economic growth.

  • The purpose of remembrance: A personal reflection on Kwibuka

    The day began like any other, and the program followed the familiar structure of Kwibuka events: a time to remember our loved ones. When we arrived at the memorial, we followed the Path of Remembrance, tracing Rwanda’s history—from the peaceful era before colonialism, to the introduction and spread of hatred against the Tutsi, to the massacres that occurred over the years leading to the horror of 1994. We saw how the divisive colonial ideology was planted into Rwandan hearts, and how it culminated in the tragedy that befell our people.

    One aspect of the remembrance path that feels heartwarming, if such a thing can exist in these difficult times, was the video shown at the start. It told the story of two genocide survivors who fell in love through shared grief, married in their pain, and built a new life together. At the end of the path, they appeared again on screen, telling how they healed each other, raised children, and found joy again. That story gave us hope. It gave meaning to the quote, “They tried to bury us, they didn’t know we were seeds.”

    We visited the mass graves and observed a minute of silence to honour everyone who was murdered simply for being Tutsi—especially those laid to rest there. It was a deeply emotional and heartbreaking moment.

    Afterwards, we gathered to hear a survivor’s testimony and reflect on the lessons from this year’s Kwibuka. Fidele, the survivor, spoke in vivid detail. He described how he and his entire family were hunted like animals across valleys and hills. He recounted meeting other families also on the run—sleeping outdoors in the heavy rains, hiding, clinging to hope. Some Rwandans, not targeted themselves, risked their lives to shelter or feed them, though often only temporarily, before fear drove them away again. Fidele watched loved ones being murdered in front of him. Eventually, when all hope seemed lost, he and a few family members were saved by the RPF Inkotanyi.

    Throughout the program, I was strong. I kept myself together. But I was beyond sad. I couldn’t stop wondering how such things could ever happen. I was carrying the pain—not only Fidele’s, but that of all survivors who had endured the unimaginable. Still, I didn’t let my emotions break through. Not yet.

    Then, the head of our institution spoke. He reminded us why we remember: to ensure that such horrors are never repeated. He encouraged us to be kind to one another, to work together in mutual respect—as human beings.

    The guest speaker, Dr. Antoine Rutayisire, spoke to us about Agaciro ko Kwibuka—the purpose of remembrance. I whispered to my friend beside me how inspiring Dr. Antoine always is. This time, he spoke about the peaceful Rwandan society that existed before colonialism, before the Germans and later the Belgians arrived. He explained how Rwandans once prioritised Ubunyarwanda (Rwandanness), Ubwami (the Kingdom), Meritocracy, and Itorero—a concept close to civic education but rooted deeply in patriotism, unity, and community engagement.

    He elaborated on how colonisation disrupted our social fabric. The Belgians, upon finding an organised society with a king who ruled all Rwandans without discrimination, chose to sow division and hatred. With examples from his own life, Dr. Rutayisire traced how that propaganda led to the killings of Tutsi in 1959, 1963, 1973, and ultimately to the 1994 Genocide.

    As he described the persecutions of 1973, including how he and other Tutsi students were hunted down, I couldn’t help but think of my late father, Munyankindi, who fled to Burundi during that time. He too suffered—reduced from a university professor to a high school teacher—until he was finally saved by the RPF in 1994.

    Then came a break, during which Nyiranyamibwa Suzanne was invited to sing. That’s when I lost it. Her voice made me cry instantly. I’ve always been moved by her song “Ese Mbaze Nde?” (“Whom Shall I Ask?”), but this time, after spending over four hours immersed in the pain and memory of the genocide, it hit differently.

    Maybe it was because every time I hear that song, I’m brought back to August 1994, when we returned home from exile in Burundi. I remember the journey through Kirundo into Bugesera, where we saw unspeakable things. I remember adults stopping the car to gently move bodies from the road so we could pass. I remember resting in Nyamata, entering Ntarama Catholic Church and nearby houses looking for survivors… and running out after seeing what no 13-year-old should ever see. My five younger siblings were even smaller. Our young hearts shattered that day.

    We had been told about the beauty of the “Land of a Thousand Hills,” a place of milk and honey. But what we saw… we were not prepared. We arrived in Kigali and stayed with one of our father’s friends in Remera. We were relieved to be surrounded by the Inkotanyi. We felt safe again. But that safety came too late—we had already lost our innocence. We had witnessed the aftermath of one of history’s worst genocides.

    When Nyiranyamibwa sings that line, “Mpingutse i Rwanda, nyoberwa aho ndi…” (“I arrived in Rwanda, and didn’t know where I was”), it breaks me. She sings of roads overgrown with grass, of deserted hills where children used to play, now overtaken by crows. Of churches filled with bodies. Of mothers and fathers, children and babies, all slaughtered. Of machetes used when bullets were too expensive. Of unanswered prayers and swallowed tears.

    Each time I hear her sing, I remember. I think of the scenes from Kirundo to Kigali. I think of the unanswered questions. I think of my little brother, my grandparents, my aunts and uncles I never got to know, the cousins I will never meet. Most were killed in Kibuye—in churches, stadiums, or their homes. Few survived. Only two aunts from Kigali, and one cousin who survived the Kibuye massacres as a child.

    This question “Whom shall I ask?” haunts us. It lingers in my mother’s heart. It lingers in all of ours. If we ever want to know what our loved ones were like, what they loved, what they dreamed of, what made them laugh—we can’t ask. Even the few old photographs that survived don’t fill the void.

    Every year during Kwibuka, I remember them all—even those I never knew existed. My family and I grieve. Our friends grieve. We cry for them. We live for them.

    We also remember the pain of survivors. Those who watched it all, lived it all, and somehow survived. Their trauma cannot be measured. We must grieve with them, honour them, and pray that their lives thrive in spite of the pain.

    As Dr. Rutayisire said, the purpose of Kwibuka is not to live in the past. It is to give thanks for the blessings we now enjoy. To thank the RPF Inkotanyi, and our leader, Paul Kagame, for rescuing survivors and giving us back our dignity. But most of all, we remember to restore the respect that was stolen from our loved ones. We remember to lay them to rest, and to give back their humanity.

    We remember so that when our children ask us why we love our country so deeply, why we cherish our President beyond politics, as one would love a parent, why we revere our Inkotanyi family, why we carry such fierce patriotism and unity despite the divisions our forefathers suffered, we can answer proudly. We remember so that such distortion, hatred, and horror will never ever happen again in our country.

    Francine Umutesi, the author of the article, is a Biomedical Engineer, working as a public servant in the Rwanda health sector, and a Published Author of 'Forgiveness the Rwandan Way'.

  • UAE, DRC top Rwanda’s export markets as revenues reach $4.2 billion

    The rise was driven by strong performances in both goods and services exports, with the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) emerging as the country’s top export destinations.

    Rwanda’s top exports include minerals such as gold, coltan, and wolfram, as well as agricultural products like coffee and tea.

    The UAE led Rwanda’s export market with a 63.9% increase, reaching over $1.5 billion in value. The DRC followed with a 32.3% rise to approximately $229.5 million.

    Exports to Luxembourg surged by an astonishing 243.8%, reaching $55.4 million. Other top markets include China ($83.6 million) and the United Kingdom ($36.1 million).

    According to the report, Rwanda’s export growth has been underpinned by targeted interventions from RDB. In 2024, 243 companies across key sectors—including manufacturing, agro-processing, horticulture, services, and handicrafts—were facilitated to access both regional and international markets, generating $164.1 million in export revenues.

    To enhance the competitiveness of local businesses and boost Rwanda’s participation in international trade, the Rwanda Development Board rolled out a range of targeted support programs in 2024.

    A total of 152 companies received hands-on coaching focused on international trade standards, pricing strategies, product packaging, and compliance with the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) requirements.

    At the same time, 155 businesses enrolled in the E-Commerce Readiness Program, with 15 completing advanced training to expand their digital sales channels. In addition, 124 small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) benefited from business development services that included access to affordable financing, grant opportunities, and tailored advisory support.

    To help firms meet global quality requirements, 52 SMEs were supported in obtaining internationally recognized certifications.

    Furthermore, 112 SMEs took part in trade fairs and expos held in Senegal, South Sudan, and Rwanda, providing them with platforms to showcase their products, generate immediate sales, and forge new business contracts.

    A RwandAir cargo flight. Rwanda's top exports include minerals such as gold, coltan, and wolfram, along with agricultural products like coffee and tea.

  • Rwanda attracted $3.2 billion investment in 2024

    According to an annual report recently published by the Rwanda Development Board (RDB), a total of 612 investment projects were registered throughout the year, reflecting growing investor confidence in the country’s business climate and economic trajectory.

    The manufacturing sector led the way, attracting $1.35 billion. This was followed by the financial and insurance sector, which drew in $811.2 million, and real estate activities, which secured $377.7 million. Together, the three sectors accounted for nearly 78% of all registered investments.

    Notably, Rwanda’s industrial base continues to expand, with manufacturing also generating the highest number of expected jobs. Of the 51,635 jobs projected from 2024’s investments, 22,500 are expected to come from the manufacturing sector alone.

    Among the largest investment projects registered were Bio Usawa Biotechnology Ltd, National Cement Holding Ltd, Parklane Group Ltd, and TTEC CX Solutions Rwanda Ltd, reflecting diversity across biotech, construction, technology, and clean energy. International giants such as Rio Tinto Exploration also featured prominently.

    In terms of foreign direct investment, China and India emerged as top contributors, accounting for $460 million and $445.1 million, respectively. Other key investors came from the USA ($442.3 million), Nigeria ($313 million), the UK ($144.6 million) and the Netherlands ($103.9 million).

    Despite strong foreign participation, Rwandan-origin investments, including joint ventures, represented the largest share by number, accounting for 24.4% of all registrations—highlighting a growing local entrepreneurial ecosystem.

    Beyond manufacturing and finance, notable investment flows were directed toward information and communication technologies, agriculture, accommodation and food services, and mining. While manufacturing topped job creation, the real estate sector also stood out with 6,600 projected jobs, reflecting growing demand for urban infrastructure.

    The financial sector, in particular, recorded rapid expansion, signaling increased investor interest in Rwanda’s fintech landscape and a strong push for financial inclusion and digital finance.

    Broader economic performance

    Rwanda’s broader economic performance in 2024 underpinned the strong investment momentum.

    According to RDB, tourism revenues reached $647 million, with over 1.36 million visitors. The country’s Meetings, Incentives, Conferences, and Exhibitions (MICE) industry generated $84.8 million, welcoming 52,315 delegates across 115 events. Gorilla tourism alone saw a 27% revenue boost.

    Exports rose to $4.2 billion, a 22% increase from 2023, driven by high demand in markets such as the UAE and Luxembourg, along with a 33% increase in cargo exports.

    More than 240 companies were supported to access international markets, generating $164.1 million in export earnings.

    Rwanda’s reform-driven economic agenda earned the country a top ranking in the World Bank’s B-READY Report, placing 1st in Africa and among the top 10 globally for ease of doing business. The recognition underscores Rwanda’s growing reputation as a competitive and innovation-friendly investment destination.

    Looking ahead, RDB is targeting over $3 billion in new investments and $700 million in tourism revenue in 2025.

    Key initiatives will focus on expanding Special Economic Zones, digitizing government services, and promoting innovation, conservation, and entrepreneurship.

    Rwanda is also set to host major international events, including the 20th Kwita Izina ceremony and the UCI Road World Championships. The UCI event, scheduled for September, will be held in Africa for the first time.

    According to an annual report recently published by the Rwanda Development Board (RDB), a total of 612 investment projects were registered throughout the year, reflecting growing investor confidence in the country’s business climate and economic trajectory.

  • An open letter to Belgium from a concerned Rwandan citizen

    Belgium’s role in sowing the seeds of ethnic division in Rwanda is a historical fact that has been highlighted time and again.

    From the colonial era, the policies and actions of your administration did not only divide a united people but laid the foundation for decades of hatred, violence, and suffering, culminating in the Genocide of 1994.

    I was born to Rwandan refugee parents, exiled because of the very divisions Belgium institutionalized. As a child, I often heard the name “Belgium” mentioned not with admiration, but with bitterness.

    My parents, like many others, spoke of your country with deep resentment, as a symbol of betrayal and pain. Yet, Rwanda, under a new vision of unity and reconciliation since 1994, chose to take a different path.

    Belgium, in the eyes of many, became just another former colonizer, a country Rwanda could work with as a development partner. In the spirit of progress, Rwanda put aside much of its anger and chose cooperation, even as more attention was placed on France’s role in the Genocide.

    However, recent developments have forced a reawakening of historical truths. Belgium’s increasingly aggressive stance against Rwanda, particularly in relation to the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, has brought painful memories back to the surface.

    Your alignment with Kinshasa in painting Rwanda as the source of regional instability has not only been unjust but deeply provocative. It is important to state clearly that the conflict in eastern DRC has complex roots, many of which trace back to colonial policies and legacies, including those of Belgium.

    It is, therefore, deeply ironic that Belgium now leads the charge in accusing Rwanda, conveniently ignoring its own historical responsibility in shaping the crises that persist today.

    As a result, a new generation of Rwandans, many of whom knew little about Belgium’s past role, is now awakening to the full picture. What was once a distant chapter is now a relevant and painful reminder.

    The narrative is changing. Belgium is being seen not as a neutral actor, but as one whose legacy and present actions remain deeply entangled in the suffering of Rwandans.

    Let it be clearly known that Rwanda is not a country that turns the other cheek when wronged. The Rwanda of today is resilient, dignified, and fiercely protective of its sovereignty.

    Attempts to isolate or punish us on the global stage will not go unanswered. This is not because we seek conflict, but because we refuse to be demeaned or falsely accused by those who once betrayed us and continue to do so in more sophisticated ways.

    This is not a message of hate, but of truth. If genuine reconciliation and cooperation are to continue between our nations, Belgium must take a hard look at its actions, both past and present, and the enduring impact they have on the people of Rwanda.
    The author is a concerned Rwandan citizen
    Rwanda-Belgium relations have hit the lowest bottom in recent history.