The most serious disaster happened on Thursday evening on the Congo River near the village of Malange, in Lukolela territory. A whaleboat carrying nearly 500 people caught fire and capsized. The Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs confirmed that 107 people were killed, while 209 survived. At least 146 passengers remain missing.
Just a day earlier, in Basankusu territory, another motorised boat capsized, killing 86 people, most of them students. Local authorities said several more passengers are still unaccounted for.
According to the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, the Thursday accident was caused by “improper loading and night navigation.” Civil society groups in the region warned that the actual death toll could be higher, as many passengers were travelling without being registered.
River transport is a primary means of travel in DR Congo’s remote areas, but accidents are frequent. Boats are often overloaded, poorly maintained, and lack basic safety equipment such as life jackets. Navigation at night, combined with weak rescue infrastructure, makes accidents especially deadly.
Rescue operations are ongoing, with survivors receiving medical treatment and support from local authorities and volunteers. Families of the victims have begun to bury their loved ones, while search teams continue looking for those still missing.
Government officials have pledged assistance to the families of the deceased and survivors who lost their belongings. An investigation into both accidents has been launched, with authorities vowing to hold those responsible accountable.
Deadly boat accidents are common in the DR Congo, where vast rivers cut through remote provinces and road networks are scarce or impassable. With limited alternatives, many communities rely on river transport despite the dangers.
The report, released on 12 September, is based on more than 300 interviews with defectors and escapees. It paints a stark picture of life under one of the world’s most secretive regimes, where surveillance has expanded, punishments have grown harsher, and ordinary citizens live under constant fear.
According to the UN findings, sharing foreign media, particularly South Korean dramas, can now result in the death penalty under laws introduced in recent years.
James Heenan, head of the UN Human Rights Office for North Korea, told reporters in Geneva: “Executions have taken place under these new laws, including for distributing foreign TV shows.”
The report adds that executions have increased for both ordinary crimes and so-called political crimes, marking a wider effort by the regime to block outside influence and reinforce ideological control.
The study describes a state where technology has extended government surveillance into nearly every aspect of daily life. Citizens are monitored “in all parts of life,” the report states, with those suspected of defiance often facing severe punishment.
Testimonies also reveal that children from poor families are being forced into hazardous labour. Many are recruited into “shock brigades” and sent to work in coal mines and construction sites. Families unable to pay bribes face harsher treatment, highlighting the inequality within the system.
The UN report stresses that North Korea remains one of the most repressive states in the world. It documents widespread violations, including public executions, torture, sexual violence, deliberate starvation, and mass imprisonment. Between 80,000 and 120,000 people are estimated to be held in political prison camps.
Although investigators noted minor improvements such as reduced violence by guards in detention and some reforms aimed at strengthening fair trial guarantees they concluded that overall repression has intensified since around 2014.
Volker Türk, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, warned that without change, “the people of the DPRK will continue to live in fear and suffer increasing brutality.”
On Friday, September 12, 2025, UN member states endorsed the New York Declaration, a seven-page framework prepared with the involvement of France and Saudi Arabia.
The declaration, first approved by the UN in July 2025, lays out steps for the implementation of the two-state solution.
The idea of dividing the land between Israelis and Palestinians is not new; it was first endorsed by the UN in 1947. However, repeated challenges have prevented its implementation, leading to renewed debate in recent years.
According to the New York Declaration, the plan should be carried out within 15 months, in phases. It envisions the creation of a sovereign, independent, economically viable, and democratic state of Palestine — but without a standing army.
It also requires Hamas to disarm and transfer governance of Gaza to the Palestinian Authority, while foreign nations would formally recognize Palestine as a state.
On Friday, Rwanda voted in support of this framework, alongside countries such as France, the United Kingdom, Belgium, and Qatar. In total, 142 countries voted in favor, while 10 opposed — including Israel, the United States, Tonga, and Hungary.
Another 12 countries abstained, among them the Democratic Republic of Congo, Guatemala, Ethiopia, Fiji, South Sudan, and Samoa.
Rwanda’s vote came just one day after issuing a statement condemning recent Israeli strikes in Qatar that targeted leaders of Hamas.
The ship carries 2,500 tonnes of food, shelter, and medical supplies, in implementation of the directives of President His Highness Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan.
This comes as part of the UAE’s relief bridge to support the friendly Afghan people following the earthquake that struck the eastern regions of the country.
The Joint Operations Command confirmed that the ship was prepared in cooperation with the UAE Aid Agency with the participation of several charitable and humanitarian organisations and institutions in the UAE, reflecting the spirit of national solidarity and the integration of efforts among various entities to provide urgent relief support to Afghanistan.
The Emirati aid ship comes within the framework of the UAE’s keenness to strengthen the urgent humanitarian response for the friendly Afghan people, helping them overcome the repercussions of these exceptional circumstances and working to meet their basic needs.
This humanitarian support reflects the noble values adopted by the UAE, aimed at enhancing peace and stability in the region, providing aid and assistance to those affected by humanitarian crises, and affirming its commitment to supporting relief efforts around the world.
CRBC was among the first international firms to resume operations in Rwanda after the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, partnering with the government to help rebuild a nation that had been devastated.
Recently, CRBC drew renewed attention in Rwanda after the Ministry of Infrastructure confirmed its partnership with the company to introduce self-flying air taxis in the country.
These electric drones, known as eVTOLs, are manufactured by the Chinese company EHang. They are 100% electric, capable of carrying either two passengers or more than 620 pounds of cargo. Each drone can cover a distance of up to 30 kilometers and sustain a flight of about 25 minutes per charge.
Huang Qilin, Director General of the CRBC Rwanda Office, described the partnership as a bridge between innovation in China and Rwanda.
“We are Rwanda’s steadfast friends. We are a bridge linking innovations from China with those in Rwanda. We want Rwanda to become a model for Africa,” he said.
The company is currently in discussions with the Rwandan government on how this drone technology can be scaled up to support transportation and tourism.
Huang emphasized CRBC’s broader ambition to contribute significantly to Rwanda’s economic growth through the transfer of advanced technologies.
“I call on other companies from China and around the world to invest in Rwanda. This country offers one of the best environments for investment,” he added.
Over the past five decades, CRBC has played a key role in Rwanda’s infrastructure development. According to Huang, the company has been responsible for building 70% of the paved roads in the country.
He said CRBC has already implemented more than 60 major construction projects in Rwanda, with a combined value exceeding $1 billion.
“Just think about the time we have been here. We want Rwanda to achieve its vision of becoming a prosperous nation, and we are determined to play our part. Our ambition is to remain in Rwanda for more than 100 years, with each decade marked by visible achievements,” said Huang Qilin.
Among CRBC’s landmark projects is the Kivu Belt Road, which runs along the shores of Lake Kivu, connecting the districts of Rubavu, Rutsiro, Karongi, Nyamasheke, and Rusizi. The road was completed in 2017.
Over the past 15 years, CRBC has also built 36 kilometers of roads in different parts of Kigali. Seven years ago, it embarked on another project to construct an additional 54 kilometers of road networks.
“Three years ago, we completed the Sonatubes–Gahanga road project. It continues to play an important role in Rwanda’s development,” Huang noted.
Beyond roads, CRBC has made significant contributions to other strategic infrastructure. The company is part of the consortium constructing the Bugesera International Airport, expected to be completed in 2028.
Once operational, the airport will handle up to eight million passengers annually and 150,000 tons of cargo.
Huang said CRBC is also responsible for building the airport’s primary cargo terminal.
“This facility will house equipment capable of processing more than 10,000 tons. It will be the largest steel structure of its kind in Rwanda,” he explained.
Regionally, CRBC is the company behind the 472-kilometer Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) linking the Kenyan cities of Mombasa and Nairobi.
Huang added that the firm is also looking ahead to the possibility of extending the SGR network further to connect Kenya and Uganda.
In Rwanda, one of the most frequently discussed railway projects is the line connecting Rwanda and Tanzania.
An agreement to construct the Isaka–Kigali railway, covering 532 kilometers, was signed on March 9, 2018. The project was initially valued at $3.6 billion.
Tanzania, which borders Rwanda to the east, is expected to serve as the main transit route for the railway line into Rwanda. Markers have already been placed along the proposed route.
Under the agreement, Rwanda is responsible for contributing more than $1.5 billion, while Tanzania, which covers the larger portion of the line, is expected to provide over $2.5 billion.
“What we want is to ensure that, based on our capacity, we fulfill everything required for the construction of a railway in Rwanda. It would be a highly beneficial project,” Huang Qilin said.
CRBC operates in more than 30 African countries, with each branch capable of delivering large-scale national projects.
By 2024, the company had built approximately 1,500 kilometers of roads in West Africa. In Rwanda alone, over its 50 years of presence, CRBC has created more than 500,000 jobs.
The company employs more than 2,200 Rwandans, who represent 96% of its workforce, with women making up around 20%.
Appearing on The Long Form podcast hosted by Sanny Ntayombya, Mugisha spoke candidly about his 2018 Supreme Court petition that sought to decriminalise adultery. He argued that sending spouses to prison for infidelity undermines the family unit.
“You probably have the breadwinner in jail. What happens to that family? You end up with complicated issues of reconciliation—how do you expect reconciliation to happen after that?” he said.
“If the state were to allocate resources to support families, it might be more effective to divert them to counselling services, psychologists, or mediators, rather than criminal prosecution and investigations, which, in my view, do not make the best use of state resources.”
He argued that he still believes the law “satisfies a vendetta” but does little for the family’s long-term well-being.
The petition sparked controversy at the time, with 48 women’s organisations opposing it, arguing it was an attempt to “legalise adultery.” Mugisha insists this was a misinterpretation, noting that most prosecutions involved two married people and that the law remains ineffective due to the difficulty of proving cases.
Although the Supreme Court rejected his arguments, he believes the debate highlighted the need for more effective approaches to family disputes.
{{Law in the age of AI
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Turning to the future, Mugisha noted that AI is revolutionising legal work, particularly research and contract drafting, but said lawyers must sharpen human-centred skills.
“AI will never close a deal. That requires negotiation, understanding clients, and convincing parties,” he said. For young lawyers, he recommended broader education—psychology, philosophy, or history—before specialising in law, to cultivate critical thinking beyond what machines can replicate.
On whether AI could replace judges, he was cautious, noting that while AI can improve efficiency and accuracy, it cannot initiate investigations or examine witnesses. He believes that human judgment will remain indispensable.
{{Free speech and legal reform
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Mugisha also discussed Rwanda’s evolving legal landscape, including his role in challenging laws that criminalised caricatures and writings deemed humiliating to government officials. While the Supreme Court upheld restrictions around depictions of the president, lawmakers later amended the law after President Kagame himself disagreed with the ruling.
“The arguments we were making before the court were that this was just endangering journalists for no good reason, because anyone could overuse the hand of the law to stifle criticism,” he stated.
{{Cross-border practice and regional integration
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As a former president of the East African Law Society, Richard Mugisha has been a vocal advocate for enabling lawyers to practice across East African borders. He expressed frustration with regional “protectionism,” noting that while the “value” of legal integration is widely acknowledged, reluctance to open markets often stalls progress.
During his tenure, Mugisha said, he pushed for collaboration in “non-jurisdiction-specific” areas like construction, mining, and project finance, where legal expertise could be applied regionally without being hindered by local laws. He emphasised that “fear” of losing local opportunities prevents the creation of East Africa-wide law firms, forcing countries to rely on external expertise for specialised legal work.
Mugisha also shared personal stories of growing up as a refugee in Uganda during Idi Amin’s regime, where arbitrary arrests and land dispossessions fuelled his passion for justice.
After studying law in Lesotho and later completing an LLM at New York University, Mugisha returned to Rwanda in 1995, working first in government before co-founding Trust Law Chambers. The decision, he said, was inspired by a desire to contribute to national development through the private sector.
“It wasn’t a hard sell at home,” he said of leaving his government job to start a firm with limited savings. “My wife had a job, we had only one child, and we could live on little while figuring things out. But it was scary, embarking on uncharted territory.”
Beyond his legal work, Mugisha serves as Lithuania’s Honorary Consul in Rwanda, a role he took on in 2019. Though voluntary, he views it as an opportunity to foster business and cultural ties, as well as to support Lithuanian nationals in Rwanda.
“I’ve enjoyed connecting people and solving problems,” he said.
The court’s ruling follows submissions from lawyers representing the DRC government, who informed judges that new witnesses had come forward to testify against Kabila.
Me Richard Bondo, one of the seven government lawyers, told the court that the witnesses would provide evidence on how Kabila allegedly transferred funds to the AFC/M23 rebel coalition and would describe his role as “a foreigner who led the DRC for 18 years.”
The court granted the lawyers’ request, setting the new start date for the trial on September 19, 2025.
Kabila’s trial initially began on July 25, 2025, in his absence. The prosecution charged him with treason, leading an unauthorised armed group, rape, and torture, asserting that the acts were committed in his capacity as a leader of AFC/M23.
Lawyers representing the DRC government argued that Kabila should not face treason charges on the grounds that he is not Congolese, but rather should be prosecuted for espionage on behalf of a foreign country.
The prosecution had sought the death penalty, while the government lawyers requested that Kabila’s assets be seized and that he be fined USD 24 billion. A ruling on the requests was expected on September 12.
Meanwhile, Kabila publicly rejected the proceedings on September 2, asserting that the trial was politically motivated and designed to shield the government from accountability for crimes, including the misappropriation of state funds.
“These politically motivated charges were orchestrated by a government that lost credibility to evade its responsibilities. No concrete evidence has been presented to support these allegations,” he stated.
The Head of State is in the Qatari capital ahead of a scheduled meeting with His Highness Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, the Amir of Qatar, later on Friday.
Further details on the outcomes of the meeting are expected to be shared following discussions between the two leaders.
President Kagame and the Qatari Amir last met on March 18, 2025, during a trilateral meeting that also included President Félix Tshisekedi of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, as part of efforts to de-escalate the situation in eastern DRC.
The latest meeting comes a day after Rwanda condemned Israel’s deadly strike in Doha, which targeted Hamas leaders during a meeting on a US-proposed Gaza ceasefire.
At least seven people were killed in the attack, including two Qatari security officers, according to Doha authorities.
In an official statement on Thursday, Rwanda expressed its condolences to the State of Qatar and the families of the deceased.
The government called the attack a “wanton trampling of foundational norms of interstate relations” and warned that such actions risk creating a “no-rules-based order” with no contemporary precedent.
Through the Office of the Government Spokesperson, Kigali sharply criticised the international community for what it termed as inaction in the face of escalating violence.
“The continued escalation is senseless, and yet the international community seems content to let it continue unchecked. The hypocrisy and complacency evident in such circumstances, especially from the most powerful, leaves the world vulnerable to growing chaos and uncertainty,” the statement reads in part.
Recognising Qatar’s mediation role in the Great Lakes region and beyond, Rwanda emphasised that such efforts merit “universal appreciation and gratitude” rather than violence. The government also urged “a principled, pragmatic, and swift resolution to the ongoing conflict in the region.”
“The Government of Rwanda stands with the State of Qatar in this difficult time and calls for a principled, pragmatic, and swift resolution to the ongoing conflict in the region,” the statement reads.
The Atomic Energy Organization of Iran is assessing whether the materials can be accessed and in what condition, said Araghchi in an interview during his visit to Cairo.
Once the assessment is completed, he said, a report will be submitted to the Supreme National Security Council, which will decide on the next steps based on Iran’s security considerations.
The foreign minister stressed that under Iran’s agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency signed on Tuesday, no inspection has been conducted to date, nor is there any consensus to carry out.
He said the accord recognizes that cooperation with the agency must take place under new conditions, shaped by both security concerns and a law passed by the Iranian parliament.
Araghchi noted that the agreement will remain valid only as long as no hostile action is taken against Iran, including activation of the so-called “snapback” mechanism to reinstate UN sanctions. He warned that should the mechanism be triggered, “the agreement will no longer be valid” and Iran would respond accordingly.
He reiterated that Iran has told its European counterparts that military action and the “snapback” mechanism cannot resolve the nuclear issue, warning such steps would only complicate the situation.
The agreement signed in Cairo on Tuesday aims to establish a new framework for cooperation following Israeli and U.S. attacks on Iranian nuclear facilities in June.
At the centre are Prof. Omar Munyaneza, former Chief Executive Officer of WASAC Group; Umuhumuza Gisèle, Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Infrastructure and former head of WASAC Utility; and Dominique Murekezi, former head of WASAC Development, who were remanded in custody for 30 days, while two other officials were released on provisional bail.
Apart from Prof. Omar Munyaneza, whose arrest had already been reported, the detentions of the others were not widely covered in the media until the case reached court.
The suspects are being prosecuted for a range of offences, including abuse of authority for personal gain; making decisions based on favouritism, friendship, hatred, nepotism, or cronyism; mismanagement of public resources; illicit enrichment; failure to justify assets; and soliciting, accepting, or giving amounts of money beyond what is legally permitted.
Some charges apply to all three officials, while others are specific to each individual. The two charges they all face are abusing authority for personal gain and making decisions based on favouritism, nepotism, and cronyism, particularly regarding the recruitment of 48 employees at WASAC.
When WASAC was restructured into three companies, staff had to be deployed in the two newly created entities, alongside reassignments of existing personnel. Under the leadership of Prof. Munyaneza, WASAC sought to expedite the recruitment process. The Prosecution, however, argues that the process violated the HR policy, as candidates were tested by a panel composed mainly of University of Rwanda lecturers, who were external to WASAC.
It is alleged that each official assisted certain candidates in passing exams and securing jobs. For example, Prof. Munyaneza is accused of favouring Mungwakuzwe Dieudonné, with whom he had previously worked in Parliament.
The Prosecution argues that Prof. Munyaneza himself prepared the exam taken by Mungwakuzwe, and the job advert was tailored to Mungwakuzwe’s qualifications.
Mungwakuzwe reportedly passed the exam and was hired, but received a salary far above the amount allocated for the position. Instead of earning Frw 1.2 million plus a lump sum allowance of Frw 297,000, he was allegedly paid over Frw 1.6 million, along with a lump sum of Frw 1.8 million per month. Similar cases of favouritism were reported for other candidates.
In the case of Umuhumuza Gisèle, the Prosecution alleges that she allowed Rasana Ndahiro Eric to sit for an internal auditor’s exam despite not meeting requirements such as holding a bachelor’s degree (A0) and CCA level 2 or CPA level 2 certification. He passed the exam and was unlawfully hired.
The suspects are also accused of giving jobs to 22 graduates from the University of Rwanda and Ines Ruhengeri, presented as the “best performers,” although evidence later showed they were not the top candidates. They allegedly promoted employees irregularly, reassigned staff unlawfully, and forced others into early retirement before reaching the legal age.
The Prosecution presented evidence, including written notices from Prof. Munyaneza instructing staff to retire early to “make space for younger employees,” as well as call records, text messages, and testimony from affected employees.
In his defence, Prof. Munyaneza denied the accusations, saying recruitment and retirements were handled by the HR office, not him personally. He also argued that the hiring of 48 employees, the recruitment of 22 graduates, and staff reassignments were collective decisions made with the heads of WASAC’s three entities.
Umuhumuza is further charged with mismanagement of public resources. The Prosecution alleges that between 2021, when she served as Acting CEO of WASAC, and 2023, when Prof. Munyaneza took over, she used a company car while also receiving monthly lump sum allowances intended for personal transport, which is not permitted.
Although the car was fully maintained by WASAC, she allegedly received allowances totalling Frw 97 million. In response, she argued she was never informed of the policy and believed the allowances were legitimate. She said all trips were work-related and the vehicle was assigned to the CEO’s office.
Additionally, Umuhumuza, who managed WASAC Utility and oversaw the Group’s budget, is accused of authorising irregular salary payments exceeding Frw 20 million to Mungwakuzwe, who was allegedly paid beyond the scale of his position.
As for Dominique Murekezi, head of WASAC Development, he is accused of complicity in abuse of authority for personal gain in relation to the recruitment of the 48 employees. Both he and Umuhumuza argued that Prof. Munyaneza initiated the decision, presenting it as a proposal that was eventually implemented. Murekezi added that his role was limited to oral interviews, which he claimed were conducted properly.
The Nyamirambo Primary Court ruled that the three officials be remanded in custody for 30 days, citing serious grounds for suspicion of the alleged crimes.
{{Two officials released on bail
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The court ordered the provisional release of Dieudonné Mungwakuzwe, who had been accused of unlawfully receiving inflated salary payments. The court ruled that there were no substantial grounds to keep him in detention. It found that he had not appointed himself, merely signed an employment contract, was not responsible for his own payroll, and had legitimately taken and passed the recruitment exam. As a result, the court concluded there was no strong basis to suspect him of the alleged offence. He was provisionally released on September 3, 2025.
Another official released on bail was Mugwaneza Vincent de Paul, Director of Water Supply at WASAC. He was being tried separately and faced charges including sexual exploitation, making decisions based on favouritism, hatred or nepotism, as well as failing to justify assets.
The Prosecution alleged that Mugwaneza exploited female interns at WASAC, promising them jobs in return for sexual favours. Testimonies were presented from five women, anonymised with codes such as MN, RTC, BIF and MG, who claimed they had sexual relations with him and later received his support in job placements. One witness, MN, testified that Mugwaneza deceived her by saying he was single, while he was in fact married, and that they met during her internship at WASAC.
The Prosecution also submitted evidence, including testimony and messages exchanged between Mugwaneza and the women, which were said to be inappropriate for a supervisor and of a sexual nature.
Additionally, he was accused of failing to explain the origin of Frw 25 million found in his possession. During a closed hearing, Mugwaneza explained that the money had been lent to him by a friend, Bikorimana Aimable, to pay an engineer building his house.
The court found there were no strong grounds to continue suspecting him of illicit enrichment, since Bikorimana’s testimony supported his explanation and the Prosecution had not provided evidence to the contrary. Moreover, it noted that it was not unusual for an employee earning more than Frw 3 million per month to receive such a loan.
On the charge of sexual exploitation, the court ruled that the evidence was insufficient. Witness statements were contradictory; some admitted he was not their supervisor, while others confirmed they had obtained jobs independently despite their personal relationships with him.
Based on these findings, the court ordered Mugwaneza’s provisional release, ruling that there were no strong grounds for continued detention.
