According to the Office of the President, discussions centered on the ICRC’s work in Rwanda and beyond.
The ICRC has been working with the Government of Rwanda since 1963, establishing a permanent presence in the country in 1990.
The organization collaborates closely with government institutions on matters related to policy, law enforcement, and training, aiming to promote adherence to international humanitarian law.
Beyond Rwanda, the ICRC plays a key role in supporting families affected by conflict in the Great Lakes Region, especially in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)—an area long plagued by instability.
Rwanda currently hosts over 130,000 refugees, primarily from the DRC and Burundi, who receive continued support from international partners including the UNHCR and the ICRC, in collaboration with the Rwandan government.
The competitions were part of the We Can Work project, an initiative led by Light for the World and supported by the Mastercard Foundation. The goal of the project is to highlight the talents and contributions of young people with disabilities in the workplace and beyond.
These contests encouraged participants to share stories with the power to inspire and shift perceptions about disability.
Joseph Rugemandinzi, an agronomist with physical and visual impairments, holds a master’s degree in Fertilizer Science and Technology from Morocco. He is also a filmmaker.
Speaking to IGIHE, he said the competition provided a powerful platform to showcase untapped talent and advocate for inclusion.
“It means a lot—especially for someone with a disability—to demonstrate that we can contribute to personal and national development. In my case, I want to contribute to the growth of Rwanda’s film industry because I studied it,” Rugemandinzi said.
His submitted story featured a man who lost his sight later in life but continued working with the same dedication and skill he had before his visual impairment.
“This man used to weave and sell baskets as a child. Even after becoming visually impaired, he kept doing the same job just as well,” Rugemandinzi explained.
Patrick Mfitumukiza, a student of Entrepreneurial Leadership at the African Leadership University, shared his personal journey—navigating the emotional and societal challenges that came with having a physical disability.
“I used to believe that jobs were only given to people without disabilities. These thoughts can trap you and stop you from moving forward,” he told IGIHE.
Both Rugemandinzi and Mfitumukiza received awards, professional internships, and were named ambassadors for the We Can Work initiative, which aims to create one million jobs for youth with disabilities across the participating countries within eight years.
“Today, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) announced a historic opportunity for illegal aliens to receive both financial and travel assistance to facilitate travel back to their home country through the CBP (Customs & Border Protection) Home App,” the department said in a statement.
“Any illegal alien who uses the CBP Home App to self-deport will also receive a stipend of 1,000 dollars, paid after their return to their home country has been confirmed through the app,” the statement read.
The department noted that even with the cost of the stipend, it is projected that self-deportation using the app will decrease the costs of a deportation by around 70 percent. Currently the average cost to arrest, detain, and remove an illegal alien is 17,121 dollars.
“If you are here illegally, self-deportation is the best, safest and most cost-effective way to leave the United States to avoid arrest,” said Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem.
In a recent rally speech in Michigan, U.S. President Donald Trump claimed his first 100 days in office were the most successful of any U.S. administration in history, citing policies like increased deportations of illegal immigrants as key achievements.
Despite Trump claiming victory, mass deportations remain below targets due to logistical, legal, and diplomatic constraints.
“One area where the administration appears to be failing to meet its enforcement goals is in the number of deportations,” according to a recent analysis published by the Brookings Institution.
“The numbers of deportations remain modest, but the chilling effects are potentially severe,” the analysis said.
Meanwhile, many experts expressed concerns about the implications of the administration’s immigration policies.
“Americans worry about immigrants crossing the border illegally, so that has been a good issue for (Trump) politically. But polls show that people don’t like his approach and feel he has been deporting people without any due process,” Brookings Institution Senior Fellow Darrell West told Xinhua.
At Qingdao, automation, artificial intelligence, and green energy converge to create a smart port that is setting new standards for the 21st century.
From the moment a vessel approaches the berth, every move is orchestrated by advanced systems: cranes detect ship contours and unload containers autonomously, guided vehicles (AGVs) glide across the dock using real-time data to avoid collisions, and all cargo is sorted, stored, or dispatched with machine precision.
Two core platforms, A-TOS and A-ECS, drive this seamless performance, directing operations from ship scanning to truck coordination with minimal human input.
Hydrogen-powered machines and 5G-enabled logistics boost the speed and sustainability of port activities, while automated gates ensure quick customs clearance without the need for paper documentation or long waits.
As the port transitions toward full reliance on clean energy, it leverages solar, wind, and storage systems to reduce emissions. All of this makes Qingdao a pioneering model of how modern infrastructure can be built not only for efficiency but also for sustainability.
Yet the true significance of Qingdao Port extends far beyond its technical sophistication. It lies in how the port serves as a backbone of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), weaving Africa into a broader web of trade, infrastructure, and diplomacy.
Acting as a launch point for China-Europe rail corridors and maritime routes to Africa, Qingdao has become a logistical hub where oceans and continents meet. Africa’s role in this system is growing rapidly. Apparently more of Qingdao’s container traffic now involves BRI countries, with Kenya, Egypt, Senegal, and Morocco emerging as key trading partners.
Cold chain systems at the port handle 15% of China’s frozen seafood imports, much of it from Africa, while agricultural exports from East Africa are seamlessly routed through Qingdao’s integrated customs platforms.
As Chinese companies expand their footprint through African port infrastructure deals, often under debt-for-infrastructure frameworks, Qingdao serves as the operational command center linking those distant nodes into a single trade ecosystem.
By the numbers, Qingdao’s 2024 performance reflects its growing global role. The port handled 30.87 million TEUs in container traffic, a 7.3 percent rise from the previous year, securing its spot as China’s fourth busiest container terminal.
Total cargo volume reached 712 million tons, buoyed by strong flows of bulk commodities like iron ore and oil. The Qianwan Automated Terminal alone processed 9 million TEUs using AI-powered systems.
Qingdao added 12 new international shipping routes in 2024, including direct links to Egypt’s Sokhna Port and Greece’s Piraeus, strengthening access to both African and European markets.
The port is poised to boost container capacity by another 10 million TEUs annually by 2025, largely to accommodate rising trade with BRI partners. It also expanded its energy handling capacity by acquiring key oil assets, reinforcing its strategic role as a regional energy hub.
On the environmental front, Qingdao joined hands with the Port of Long Beach in the U.S. to launch a green shipping corridor, while upgrading its own logistics with innovations like monorail container systems and next-gen smart grids.
In the grand scheme, Qingdao Port is not just moving cargo—it is reshaping global trade routes and tightening the links between China and the Global South, particularly Africa.
In a post on his Truth Social platform, Trump wrote, “The Movie Industry in America is DYING a very fast death.”
“Other Countries are offering all sorts of incentives to draw our filmmakers and studios away from the United States. Hollywood, and many other areas within the U.S.A., are being devastated,” Trump said in the post, calling the situation “a National Security threat.”
“Therefore, I am authorizing the Department of Commerce, and the United States Trade Representative, to immediately begin the process of instituting a 100 percent Tariff on any and all Movies coming into our Country that are produced in Foreign Lands. WE WANT MOVIES MADE IN AMERICA, AGAIN!” he added.
Trump’s announcement caused a stir nationwide, especially in the film industry. The Hollywood Reporter, a major Hollywood industry magazine, wrote that it “could shake up the entertainment industry.”
“There are a number of expensive tentpoles due out in the coming months that filmed overseas. Would they be grandfathered in via a grace period or hit with a tariff?” the news outlet asked.
Variety, another major industry news outlet, also said that it’s “a move that sent shockwaves through Hollywood.”
“Studio executives convened emergency calls after Trump issued his declaration, though there is enormous uncertainty about whether the president has the authority to institute these tariffs, as well as how they would work practically,” Variety reported. “It was also unclear what the impact would be on the many films that shoot overseas.”
“Trump has complained about trade deficits as he has imposed tariffs on other countries, but the movie industry has been a bright spot,” said Deadline, a premier publication for Hollywood business, adding that the industry generated a positive balance of trade in every major market in the world, with exports 3.1 times that of imports.
“Other countries also could respond to the 100 percent tariff with their own duties on U.S. films, which would have an impact on international box office returns, which are a huge chunk of major studio revenue,” the news outlet warned.
The raids targeted 38 suspects tied to the Gulen movement, the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office said in a statement, without specifying the time frame of the operations.
The Turkish government has blamed the movement for a 2016 coup attempt and has classified it as a terrorist organization since then.
The prosecutor’s office said that 20 of those detained are active public sector employees and that efforts to locate and arrest five other suspects were ongoing.
The suspects allegedly sought to nest in the General Directorate of Security (or Turkish National Police), recruiting and coding police personnel under their internal system while monitoring their loyalty to the group.
According to President Donald Trump’s senior advisor for Africa, Massad Boulos, these agreements will pave the way for billions of dollars in investments from American and Western companies into both countries.
“When we sign the peace agreement … the minerals deal with the DRC [Democratic Republic of Congo] will be signed on that day, and then a similar package, but of a different size, will be signed on that day with Rwanda,” Massad Boulos told Reuters recently during an interview in Doha, the capital of Qatar.
However, the path to signing these agreements involves preconditions. For instance, the DRC is requested to address security threats that affect Rwanda, particularly neutralizing the FDLR militia.
On Rwanda’s side, the conditions involve the request to end alleged support for the M23 rebel group, claims Rwanda has repeatedly denied.
At the same time, the DRC is expected to implement domestic reforms that ensure equitable resource distribution across its regions and promote decentralized governance.
Once these steps are completed, the U.S. will proceed with bilateral economic agreements focused on trade and investment.
Since Donald Trump returned to office, business-driven diplomacy has been at the heart of his foreign policy, with his Senior Advisor on African Affairs, Massad Boulos, leading negotiations.
While the DRC, with its vast natural wealth, will be the principal recipient of U.S. investments, Rwanda is not overlooked. The U.S. has acknowledged Rwanda’s mineral reserves, technical expertise in extraction and refining, and its efficient global export systems.
“The [agreement] with the D.R.C. is at a much bigger scale, because it’s a much bigger country and it has much more resources, but Rwanda also has a lot of resources and capacities and potential in the area of mining as well … not just the upstream, but also midstream and downstream to processing and refining and trading,” Boulos said.
According to Boulos, U.S. companies will invest in both countries. Some firms are already in talks to invest at least $1.5 billion in the DRC’s mining sector. Oversight of the U.S. contribution to these partnerships will be handled by the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC).
{{Infrastructure and energy at the center}}
A major component of the negotiations has been infrastructure. The U.S. believes the DRC’s mineral wealth cannot be fully tapped without better transport and energy systems.
This includes the Lobito Corridor, a 1,300-kilometer railway linking Angola, the DRC, and Zambia. The project is expected to expand and protect critical mineral supply chains, increase rail transport capacity, and reduce freight transit times and costs.
The United States has pledged funding for the infrastructure project, which is expected to be completed by 2029.
Another high-priority project is the Ruzizi III Hydropower Plant, a regional energy initiative expected to produce 147 megawatts (MW) of electricity.
Funded by the World Bank, European Union, and African Development Bank (AfDB), the $450 million project was launched in 2016 but delayed, with completion now expected by 2030.
Once operational, Rwanda will receive 47 MW, with the remaining energy shared between the DRC and Burundi.
{{Rwanda’s role in mineral processing}}
A particularly notable topic is the possibility of processing DRC’s minerals in Rwanda.
Rwanda already has well-established refining facilities, including Gasabo Gold Refinery, Power X Refinery (tantalum), and LuNa Smelter (tin).
Exporting raw minerals often results in lost economic value. For instance, when coltan is processed, it yields tantalum—but also produces valuable by-products such as niobium (used in steel and electronics) and phosphate (used in fertilizer).
When countries export unprocessed coltan, they lose all potential gains from these by-products, which are only extracted in refineries.
Gold refined in Rwanda reaches 99% purity, and its tailings—silver—is a valuable metal commonly used in jewelry.
Because Rwanda processes these materials locally, it avoids refinery charges and captures revenue from every by-product.
This dual benefit, saving costs and adding value,is a strategic advantage that Rwanda is set to expand.
As part of the upcoming trade agreements with the U.S., Rwanda is positioned to become a regional hub for mineral transformation.
This means minerals extracted from the DRC may increasingly be transported to Rwanda for processing, before being exported to global markets under Rwandan trade infrastructure.
The U.S. has also recognized Rwanda’s efforts to create industrial zones dedicated to mineral processing.
These zones could soon host new facilities built to handle imports from countries including the DRC.
He made the disclosure on May 4, 2025, in an interview with the Rwanda Broadcasting Agency (RBA).
Minister Nduhungirehe confirmed that diplomatic talks are ongoing and noted that whenever he meets his Burundian counterpart, both sides express a shared willingness to address their differences and strengthen bilateral relations.
“The problem we face is that, sometimes, the President of Burundi gives interviews to international media accusing Rwanda, and this jeopardizes the progress we are trying to make. It’s not just Rwandans—Burundians too want to see good relations between our two countries,” he stated.
He specifically referred to recent interviews where President Ndayishimiye accused Rwanda of attempting to invade Burundi—an allegation that Rwanda has repeatedly denied as baseless.
“These kinds of statements delay our efforts,” Nduhungirehe said, “but they will not discourage us from continuing to pursue peace and a renewed relationship with Burundi.”
To move forward, Minister Nduhungirehe emphasized that Rwanda is ready to continue security cooperation with Burundi but stressed the need for reduced inflammatory statements.
“These accusations are not based on facts. When someone says that Rwanda is planning to invade Burundi, it’s simply not true—and even Burundians know that. We hope these kinds of comments decrease, especially from the Burundian side, so that we can continue working together and restore relations in the right time.”
On March 10, 2025, intelligence delegations from both nations met in Burundi’s Kirundo Province to address security issues, including the reopening of borders closed by Burundi in January 2024.
The closure followed Ndayishimiye’s 2023 year-end speech, where he had suggested Rwanda supported the RED Tabara rebel group—a claim Rwanda rejects, noting the group’s activities occur far from its border.
Despite the border closure, Ndayishimiye has continued to accuse Rwanda of destabilizing Burundi, allegations Rwanda refutes.
The first group, consisting of 57 soldiers and 13 military vehicles, departed eastern DRC on April 29, 2025, to prepare for the remaining forces’ withdrawal.
The second group left Rubavu, at the Rwanda-DRC border, on May 4, 2025, with a convoy of approximately 34 vehicles, mostly carrying military equipment, observed by IGIHE. The first truck, loaded with SADC military equipment, reached Mahoko around 19:20 p.m.
South African Army Chief Gen Rudzani Maphwanya, speaking to the press on May 4, 2025, confirmed that the first group had arrived at the Tanzania assembly point.
He noted that all SADC troops exiting the DRC will travel by land through Rwanda to Tanzania, a journey initially expected to be lengthy but now achievable in one day.
Gen Maphwanya expressed satisfaction with the troops’ conduct during their deployment in eastern DRC and stated that the withdrawal would be completed by the end of May 2025.
However, critics have highlighted that the mission faced challenges, with troops confined to bases guarded by the M23 rebel group—whom they were intended to confront—for nearly four months.
Upon reaching Tanzania, troops will be repatriated. South Africa plans to airlift its soldiers while shipping equipment by sea. Tanzanian troops will return to local bases, and Malawi is yet to confirm its repatriation method.
His comments follow Belgium’s Foreign Minister Maxime Prévot’s recent regional tour, which included visits to Uganda, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
During his stop in Uganda, Prévot reportedly asked President Yoweri Museveni to mediate reconciliation between Belgium and Rwanda, according to media reports.
Speaking to the Rwanda Broadcasting Agency (RBA) on Sunday, Nduhungirehe said Rwanda was not officially informed of this request.
“We saw the reports in the press — we were never contacted by the Ugandan government or any other party,” he clarified.
He stressed that Rwanda’s current focus is addressing the conflict in eastern DRC, with Belgium-related matters to be handled later.
“Our priority is resolving the serious conflict in eastern DRC. That’s where our efforts are directed. Issues with Belgium will be addressed at a later time,” he said.
When asked if Rwanda would consider re-engaging with Belgium if approached sincerely, Nduhungirehe responded, “That time has not yet come. We are focused on pressing regional issues. When the time comes for those other matters, we will decide then.”
In March 2025, Rwanda cut diplomatic ties with Belgium, ordering all Belgian diplomats to leave within 24 hours.
The move accompanied the suspension of over €95 million in Belgian development projects and a ban on all NGOs, faith-based organizations, and public-interest groups in Rwanda from cooperating with Belgium or its affiliates.
Rwanda’s actions were in response to Belgium’s calls for international sanctions against Rwanda, accusing it of supporting the M23 armed group in the DRC.
Rwanda has consistently denied these allegations, condemning Belgium for what it calls a “historically harmful role” in the Great Lakes region since the colonial period.
