The meeting, held at Urugwiro Village in Kigali, came a day after Grandi also met with Congolese President Félix Tshisekedi in Kinshasa.
In a message posted on X following his talks with President Kagame, Grandi described the exchange as “good,” noting Rwanda’s inclusive and forward-looking refugee policies and the opportunities presented by the Washington peace initiative signed in June between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
“Solving issues related to refugees from DRC and Rwanda is one of them. UNHCR is ready to play its facilitating role,” he added.
According to the Office of the President, the talks focused on strengthening Rwanda–UNHCR collaboration, including Rwanda’s leading role in prioritising refugee protection, integration, and long-term solutions.
Grandi’s trip to Rwanda and the DRC was announced earlier in the week. On August 25, he wrote that ongoing political initiatives could provide an opportunity to end violence and forced displacement in eastern DRC “if all actors cooperate,” pledging UNHCR’s readiness to contribute.
His visit follows a high-level tripartite ministerial meeting held in Addis Ababa on July 24, where Rwanda, the DRC, and UNHCR adopted a 2025–2026 Roadmap for Voluntary Repatriation and Reintegration.
The roadmap, agreed under the framework of the 2010 Tripartite Agreements, sets out concrete steps and timelines to facilitate the voluntary, safe, and dignified return of refugees.
The plan is seen as a cornerstone of post-conflict recovery, building on recent diplomatic milestones, including the Washington Peace Agreement between Rwanda and the DRC in June and the Doha Declaration of Principles signed in July between Kinshasa and the AFC/M23 rebel group.
Key provisions of the roadmap include expedited repatriation of Rwandan refugees from eastern DRC, improved coordination between Kigali, Kinshasa, and UNHCR, and stronger reintegration measures covering housing, education, healthcare, livelihoods, and civil documentation. Donor and partner support is also highlighted as vital to ensuring long-term recovery.
UNHCR has already begun implementing parts of the plan. On August 25, the agency repatriated 533 Rwandan refugees who had been held hostage by the FDLR militia, handing them over to Rwandan authorities.
Grandi’s ongoing consultations with regional leaders are expected to reinforce both humanitarian and diplomatic tracks, particularly in addressing challenges that continue to hinder voluntary returns and sustainable reintegration.
The migrants arrived in mid-August and are being housed with support from an international organisation, while the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and local social services are monitoring their welfare.
Government spokesperson Yolande Makolo said the group had undergone vetting before relocation. Of the seven, four have opted to begin a new life in Rwanda, while the rest have shown interest in eventually returning to their countries of origin. Their nationalities were not disclosed.
“Regardless of their specific needs, all of these individuals will receive appropriate support and protection from the Rwandan government,” Makolo said.
The migration agreement, concluded in June, provides for Rwanda to host up to 250 migrants transferred from the United States, with the possibility of expanding that number following further negotiations. The migrants are not required to remain in Rwanda permanently and may relocate to other countries if they choose.
Rwanda retains the authority to decide who is eligible for relocation. Those accepted will be supported with job training, healthcare services, and accommodation to ease their integration. Individuals currently serving prison terms in the U.S., or those with convictions for child-related offences, are excluded from the scheme.
In a past statement, Makolo noted that Rwanda’s willingness to take part stems from its history of displacement and commitment to reintegration.
“Rwanda has agreed with the United States to accept up to 250 migrants, in part because nearly every Rwandan family has experienced the hardships of displacement, and our societal values are founded on reintegration and rehabilitation.”
The ruling was delivered on August 28, 2025, after the bench considered Ingabire’s application for release. She and her defense lawyer Gatera Gashabana, had argued that her initial 30-day remand order had expired without lawful extension.
On July 18, 2025, the same court had issued a remand order committing Ingabire to 30 days of provisional detention while investigations continued. By statutory calculation, that period ended on August 17, 2025.
Under Rwanda’s Code of Criminal Procedure, a person placed in provisional detention may remain in custody for 30 days, subject to judicial extension. The law permits extensions of up to three months for serious crimes and up to six months for grave offenses. If no extension is granted within the time limit, the accused may petition for release.
Ingabire’s defense submitted that the Prosecution failed to comply with the deadline, since it filed its case on August 18 — one day after the expiration of the 30-day order. On this basis, they requested her immediate release.
The Prosecution countered that its filing was within time, arguing that August 17 fell on a Sunday, a non-working day, and therefore the statutory period lawfully extended to the next working day, Monday, August 18.
In its ruling, the Kicukiro Primary Court considered two issues: whether the Prosecution had filed out of time, and whether Ingabire should be released from custody. The court found that the final day of the 30-day detention was indeed August 17, but that filing on August 18 complied with procedural requirements, as it was the next lawful working day.
On those grounds, the court rejected Ingabire’s application and upheld her remand, ordering that she remain in pre-trial detention. The case has since been referred for further proceedings before the competent judicial body.
Ingabire faces multiple charges, including forming an armed group, incitement to insurrection, undermining state authority, dissemination of false information intended to discredit the Government of Rwanda abroad, spreading rumors, conspiracy to endanger state security, and organizing unauthorized demonstrations.
He made the remarks on August 27, 2025, in Singapore, where he attended the 5th Singapore–Africa Ministerial Exchange Visit (SAMEV).
Through the Rwanda Development Board (RDB), Rwanda also organized an investment forum aimed at attracting investors and showcasing the country’s advantages as an investment destination.
Minister Nduhungirehe emphasized that Rwanda serves as a gateway to the African market.
“By investing in Rwanda, you are not only investing in our market. You are also connecting your business to the 3.4 trillion-dollar large African market, and its 1.3 billion consumers,” Amb. Nduhungirehe said.
He further explained that Rwanda continues to position itself as a hub for investment in Africa, focusing on innovation and technology-driven growth.
Minister Nduhungirehe reaffirmed Rwanda’s long-term development goals: to achieve Upper Middle-Income Country status by 2035 and to become a High-Income Country by 2050.
By 2035, Rwanda aims to be ranked among the top 10 countries in the world for ease of doing business, and among the top 20 countries with the most resilient economies. By 2050, the country aspires to be in the world’s top 10 performing economies.
To meet these ambitions, Rwanda has set a target for its economy to grow at an average annual rate of at least 12% of GDP between 2018 and 2035, and 10% between 2036 and 2050.
An RDB report shows Rwanda registered new investments worth $3.2 billion (about 4.5 trillion Rwandan francs) in 2024, up from $2.4 billion in 2023. Of this, manufacturing, finance and insurance, and real estate constituted 77.9%.
The Kigali International Financial Center (KIFC), a project designed to transform the country into a globally competitive financial hub has been vital to these endeavors.
Since its launch in 2020, the KIFC has attracted 180 investors, of which 70% are African with 30% coming from other regions of the world.
The Bioko Provincial Tribunal delivered the ruling on Tuesday, 26 August, finding Engonga and five other senior government officials guilty of diverting hundreds of thousands of dollars from the public treasury in the oil-rich Central African state.
In addition to embezzlement, Engonga faced charges of abuse of office and misappropriation of funds.
He was ordered to pay a fine of $220,000. According to reports, the court also convicted Ireneo Mangue Monsuy Afana, Rubén Félix Osá Nzang, and Baltasar Ebang Engonga Alú—former directors general in the finance ministry—sentencing each to eight years in prison and imposing heavy fines.
Other government officials, including Rolando Asumu Ndong Oyé, Carmelo Julio Motogo Ndong, and Florentina Ngangá Iñandji, were found guilty as accomplices. They each received three-year prison terms and fines ranging between 16 million and 31 million CFA francs.
Engonga had already been suspended from his post in 2024 after a sex scandal in which hundreds of explicit videos leaked online, allegedly involving him with over 400 women—many of them connected to influential families in the country. The videos, some reportedly filmed in his office, went viral and caused widespread outrage.
Nicknamed “Bello” for his good looks, Engonga was arrested in October 2024 amid accusations of siphoning large sums from the state treasury and concealing the money in offshore accounts in the Cayman Islands. Despite the allegations, he has not publicly commented on the charges.
The newly formed unit has been trained in civilian protection, street-level law enforcement, crowd control, and crime investigation. Officers have also been equipped with the necessary tools to carry out their duties.
Speaking at the launch on Sunday, Gen. Makenga stressed that the unit must operate differently from the Congolese government forces, which he accused of corruption, abuse of authority, and discrimination against citizens.
“I ask you to be a police force different from the others we face, different from those troops who fail in their duties, beat people, kill, steal, are corrupt, and discriminate against citizens. That is not the police,” he said.
Gen. Makenga further emphasised discipline and professionalism, urging officers to act as a mirror of the movement and to earn the trust of local communities.
“Be a people’s police; do not be feared, be approachable, and help them,” he said.
He called on the officers to support citizens who have long suffered under the DRC government, providing assistance without discrimination and demonstrating effective governance.
The AFC/M23 controls large swaths of territory in eastern DRC, including the strategic cities of Goma and Bukavu. Following the establishment of civil administration and the police force, the group plans to set up a judicial system in the future.
According to AFC/M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka, the assaults began on the night of Wednesday, August 27, 2025, when forces from the Congolese army (FARDC), the Burundian military, Imbonerakure militia, FDLR fighters, Mai Mai,Wazalendo militia, and foreign mercenaries launched attacks in Mikenke, Minembwe highlands, and parts of Kalehe Territory.
“Since the night of August 27, the coalition of Kinshasa government forces has been indiscriminately bombing heavily populated areas in Minembwe [Mikenke] and Kalehe [Katana, Kavumu, Katasomwa, Nyabibwe], using CH-4 drones and heavy weapons. The attacks are still ongoing,” Kanyuka said.
The MRDP-Twirwaneho movement confirmed that drones, allegedly operated by mercenaries, first struck Rugezi in southern Minembwe around 1:00 a.m., damaging telecommunication infrastructure.
Additional bombardments were reported in Kahololo village in the Itombwe mountains of Fizi Territory and in Uvira, with reports suggesting Kinshasa had issued direct orders to target Banyamulenge-inhabited villages in Minembwe.
These strikes follow earlier attacks in Kadasomwa on August 26–27 and in Minembwe on August 27, which AFC says resulted in significant civilian casualties.
AFC/M23 argued that the escalation proves President Félix Tshisekedi and his allies have chosen war instead of pursuing negotiations facilitated by Qatar.
The group also reaffirmed that it would continue to “protect and defend civilians” in eastern DRC.
Dr. Kabaasha was appointed CEO of WASAC Group during the Cabinet meeting of July 16, 2025, succeeding Prof. Omar Munyaneza, who had held the position since September 2023.
With more than 10 years of experience in water distribution, Dr. Kabaasha held roles in various government institutions that later merged to form today’s WASAC Group, where he has served since 2007.
In an exclusive interview with IGIHE, he underscored the urgent need to improve water distribution efficiency and reduce the amount of water lost before reaching consumers losses that could otherwise be put to productive use.
{{IGIHE: How prepared are you to take on your new responsibilities?}}
{{Dr. Kabaasha:}}
I am honored to be entrusted with the responsibility of leading WASAC Group. I sincerely thank His Excellency, President Paul Kagame, for the confidence he has placed in me. I accepted these duties with the full understanding that water is life, it is not just another service.
Drawing on my experience and commitment to serving my country, I am fully prepared to deliver on this mandate.
{{What are key areas that require more effort to ensure that Rwandans have reliable access to clean water?}}
In my view, four priorities stand out. First, professional service delivery is key. As WASAC staff, we must enhance the way we work by adopting modern technologies and developing robust water, sanitation, and hygiene infrastructure. This will allow us to provide reliable, high-quality, and customer-friendly services.
Secondly, we need to place citizens at the center. Our people deserve better services. I will focus on listening to their feedback, providing them with accurate and reliable information, explaining the challenges we sometimes face in service delivery, and ensuring timely responses to their concerns.
Integrity and accountability come third. Every decision we make will be guided by wisdom, honesty, and the public interest. Our ultimate goal is to deliver dependable services built on trust.
Lastly, there is a need to invest in employees. WASAC staff are the institution’s greatest asset. They are central to achieving all organizational goals. I will prioritize staff welfare and foster a positive work environment where they can perform with dedication, showcase their talents, and grow professionally.
{{In recent weeks, different parts of the country have been experiencing water shortages. What is causing this?
}}
Indeed, there is currently a significant shortage of water across the country, particularly in Kigali City. Two main factors are responsible.
First, the dry season has led to a drastic reduction in water levels in the River Nyabarongo compared to previous years, which has in turn reduced the supply capacity of the Kanzenze water treatment plant.
Second, the demand for water among residents has sharply increased during this period.
To mitigate the situation, WASAC Group implemented a water rationing program. However, recent assessments have shown that challenges remain. Some neighborhoods have consistent water access, while others especially in Kicukiro District in Kigali go long periods without any supply.
To address this imbalance, WASAC Group is currently reviewing and improving its water distribution strategy to ensure that areas frequently facing shortages can receive a more reliable supply.
{{What measures are being taken to ensure that everyone has access to clean water?}}
Generally, there is still a gap between the demand for water and WASAC Group’s supply capacity. This challenge worsens during prolonged dry seasons.
In the short term, our solutions include revising the water rationing program and reducing losses caused by leakages, so that all water produced actually reaches the population as intended. We also want to ensure rationing is applied fairly across all communities.
Long-term strategies focus on two main aspects: implementing new projects to build additional water treatment plants and upgrading existing ones to expand capacity nationwide. At the same time, we are working to reduce water losses, which currently stand at more than 38%, to at least 25–30%.
{{Water losses along the network are significant. What is being done to address this?}}
Indeed, WASAC currently has a Non-Revenue Water (NRW) level of about 38%. Over the years, we have worked with several development partners to address this issue. For example, in Rwamagana and Nyagatare branches, we partnered with a Dutch organization called VEI, and water losses were significantly reduced.
Similarly, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) supported WASAC in cutting water losses at the Kacyiru branch in Kigali.
These interventions will now be scaled up and applied across other branches in Kigali before the end of this year. We expect this will help bring water losses in the city down from 38% to between 25% and 30%.
{{What progress has been made with the project to install leak detection machines (SCADA)?}}
Currently, SCADA systems are already in use at WASAC’s water treatment plants and in some reservoirs. However, using SCADA specifically to detect damaged water pipelines is still at the pilot stage. We are also seeking partners to help us implement this project at full scale.
What are the major projects currently underway to address Rwanda’s persistent water challenges?
We have several projects across the country aimed at increasing the supply of water and ensuring it reaches the population.
One of these is the project to rehabilitate and expand the Karenge Water Treatment Plant. Once completed, the plant’s capacity will rise from the current 12,000 cubic meters per day to 36,000 cubic meters per day. The water produced will serve the City of Kigali and Rwamagana District.
Another project is the rehabilitation and expansion of the Ntora-Remera water pipeline. This project will rehabilitate and extend 190 kilometers of pipelines in Kigali City, particularly in Gasabo District (Gisozi, Remera, Kinyinya, and Kacyiru Sectors), helping to address the existing water shortages.
There is also a project to rehabilitate the Nzove I Water Treatment Plant, which will then have a capacity of 40,000 cubic meters of water per day.
Outside Kigali, there is the Kivu Belt Water Supply Project. It involves constructing a water treatment plant with a capacity of 13,000 cubic meters per day and laying 125 kilometers of water pipelines. This project is expected to increase water supply in Rubengera and Bwishyura Sectors in Karongi District.
The Muhazi Water Supply Project will establish a water treatment plant with a capacity of 12,000 cubic meters per day and build 256 kilometers of pipelines. This project will benefit residents of five sectors in Gatsibo District (Remera, Rugarama, Kiziguro, Kiramuruzi, and Murambi) and three sectors in Kayonza District (Rukara, Murundi, and Gahini).
There is also the Volcano Belt Water Supply Project, which will rehabilitate and expand the Mutobo Water Treatment Plant, raising its capacity from 12,500 cubic meters per day to 43,000 cubic meters per day, along with constructing 178 kilometers of pipelines. Once completed, the project will increase water supply in Musanze, Nyabihu, and Rubavu Districts.
Finally, we are also focusing on the Huye-Nyaruguru-Gisagara Water Supply Project, which will have a capacity of 24,000 cubic meters per day and involve the construction of 473 kilometers of water pipelines.
{{Do you consider prepaid water systems a sustainable solution?}}
Yes, prepaid water systems are a promising solution. They allow customers to monitor their water usage and avoid accumulating arrears. For WASAC, they ensure faster and more efficient revenue collection.
A pilot program has already started at 200 public water taps in Kigali and the Eastern Province. After proving effective, we are now seeking funding to expand prepaid systems to more public taps nationwide.
Additionally, WASAC has invited companies manufacturing household prepaid meters to conduct a six-month pilot program beginning in October this year. The results will provide key insights for deciding on a large-scale rollout to households.
{{Are smart meters still part of your vision?}}
Yes, smart meters remain part of our future strategy. We plan to test two types: prepaid meters (pay-before-use) and postpaid meters (which automatically transmit usage data without requiring WASAC staff to manually read them monthly). These solutions will improve transparency, minimize errors, and enhance customer service.
{{Why is water pricing for large institutions and industries considered very high?}}
It is often said that industrial water tariffs are too high, but this is not entirely accurate. Water tariffs are determined based on the actual costs of treatment, distribution, and ensuring sustainable service delivery.
For industries, one cubic meter of water (equivalent to 50 jerrycans) costs 736 RWF (excluding VAT). Considering the costs involved in producing and delivering reliable water, this rate is not excessive.
Speaking on Thursday, August 28, 2025, during a Business Leaders’ Roundtable, President Chapo shared that his journey to Kigali required a stopover in Addis Ababa, describing the detour as unnecessary and a hindrance to closer cooperation.
The meeting, organized by the Rwanda Development Board, aimed to explore new avenues for investment and strengthen collaboration between the two countries.
Chapo praised President Paul Kagame for the invitation to Rwanda and commended the role of Rwandan troops in helping to restore peace in Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado Province, urging business leaders to build on that achievement.
He noted that Mozambique has vast fertile land that can feed Rwanda and beyond, as well as opportunities in energy, maritime resources, and industry. He encouraged Rwandan investors to consider Mozambique as a destination for investment.
Using his own travel experience to illustrate Africa’s air transport challenges, President Chapo explained that he had passed through Addis Ababa before landing in Kigali.
He revealed that he had already raised the issue with President Kagame, proposing the establishment of direct flights between the two capitals.
“We face challenges in connecting our countries through air travel. To get here, we first had to pass through Addis Ababa before coming to Kigali. The other possible option was to go through Johannesburg. Yesterday, I told my counterpart, President Kagame, that we need to establish direct flights linking Maputo and Kigali,” he noted.
At present, airlines such as Ethiopian Airlines and Kenya Airways operate on the route (Kigali-Maputo), but passengers are forced to connect through other cities.
President Chapo began his state visit to Rwanda on Wednesday, August 27, 2025, holding talks with President Kagame and visiting the Kigali Genocide Memorial.
The first day was also marked by signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the Rwanda Development Board (RDB) and Mozambique’s Investment and Export Promotion Agency (APIEX), signed by RDB Chief Executive Officer Jean-Guy Afrika and Mozambique’s High Commissioner to Rwanda, Amade Miquidade.
The MoU aims to expand trade and investment in sectors like agriculture, tourism, and industry, building on prior frameworks to drive economic collaboration.
A second pact, a renewed Status of Forces Agreement on the Support to Fight Terrorism in Mozambique, was signed by Rwanda’s Minister of Defence, Juvenal Marizamunda, and Mozambique’s Minister of National Defence, Cristóvão Artur Chume.
The agreement extends Rwanda’s military support in Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado province, where Rwandan forces have been deployed since 2021 to combat Islamist insurgents.
Relations between Rwanda and Mozambique date back to 1990 and gained renewed momentum in 2018 with the creation of a Joint Cooperation Commission.
The verdict was announced on Wednesday by the Prosecutor General’s Office. The charges against the teenager included attempted murder and illegal possession of firearms.
Prosecutors clarified that the case could not be reclassified as homicide, despite Senator Uribe’s death, because Colombian law prohibits modifying charges once a minor has formally accepted them.
The attack took place in June during a campaign rally in a working-class neighbourhood of Bogotá. Senator Uribe was shot in the head while addressing supporters. The horrifying moment, captured on video, left the country stunned.
Immediately after the shooting, the young gunman was detained at the scene, alongside five adults who were also arrested and face ongoing investigations into possible involvement.
Following the attack, Senator Uribe underwent multiple surgeries and remained in intensive care for nearly two months. Despite the best efforts of medical teams, he succumbed to a cerebral haemorrhage on August 11. His death triggered an outpouring of grief and calls for stronger protections for political figures in Colombia.
Miguel Uribe Turbay, aged 37, was a rising political star and one of the country’s most prominent opposition voices. Known for his tough stance on crime and corruption, he had been gaining significant popularity ahead of next year’s presidential elections.
His assassination attempt, and eventual death, drew immediate comparisons to Colombia’s dark history of political violence in the 1980s and 1990s, when several presidential hopefuls, including Luis Carlos Galán and Bernardo Jaramillo, were gunned down during election campaigns.
The sentencing of the teenage shooter has raised debates across Colombia about youth involvement in organised crime and political violence. Legal experts note that under Colombian law, minors cannot face the same sentencing standards as adults, even in cases of grave crimes. Critics argue this leaves a gap in accountability when children are used to carry out politically motivated attacks.
Authorities are continuing to investigate who may have orchestrated the plot against Uribe. The five adults arrested alongside the shooter are expected to face trial on charges that could include conspiracy and complicity in terrorism.
Officials have not ruled out the possibility that criminal groups or political actors may have been behind the assault.
The killing has cast a long shadow over Colombia’s upcoming elections, raising fresh concerns about the safety of candidates and the fragility of the country’s democratic process.
Political leaders from across the spectrum condemned the attack, with President Gustavo Petro calling it “a blow against democracy and national stability.” Vigils and demonstrations honouring Uribe have since been held across Bogotá and other cities, reflecting both sorrow and public anger.
For many Colombians, the tragedy is a reminder that while the country has made strides toward peace following decades of armed conflict, the risks of political violence remain dangerously present.
The sentencing of the teenage shooter brings a measure of judicial closure, but for Uribe’s supporters and the broader public, deep questions remain about accountability, security, and the future of democratic politics in Colombia.
