Author: Wycliffe Nyamasege

Within DALFA Umurinzi, Ingabire is known by several nicknames—some members refer to her as “IVU,” an abbreviation of her name, while others call her “Mukecuru” (Old Lady). These aliases appear throughout this report.

This article highlights some of the evidence presented by the Prosecution that led to her arrest. The case centres on messages exchanged between Ingabire and her party members, which are believed to be part of a plot that prompted her detention.

{{Origins of the charges
}}

DALFA Umurinzi is a political party founded by Ingabire following the dissolution of her previous party, FDU-Inkingi, which had been accused of collaborating with former FDLR members.

Within DALFA, Ingabire worked closely with individuals such as Sibomana Sylvain, who, according to information obtained by IGIHE, initially worked as her housekeeper.

In the party structure, Sibomana served as the national coordinator, acting as a link between party members inside and outside Rwanda.

Those familiar with Ingabire’s political activities may recall training sessions organised for party members. These sessions, coordinated by Sibomana and another individual named Assumpta, based in Switzerland, were designed to train party leaders on “how to remove a government without armed conflict—through mass civil resistance.”

Sibomana was responsible for organising these activities, as confirmed by WhatsApp messages presented in court.

{{Who is Sibomana Sylvain?
}}

Born in 1970 to Kinonko François and Mukamisha Immaculée, Sibomana hails from Kabageri Village, Mwendo Sector, Ruhango District, in the Southern Province. He currently lives in Mataba Village, Kigarama Cell, Kigarama Sector, Kicukiro District.

In 2014, he was sentenced to six years in prison by the Rusizi High Council Court for inciting public unrest.

{{Current charges against him
}}

Sibomana now faces a series of serious charges. He is accused of creating or joining a criminal organisation and of conspiring to endanger state security or harm the President. In addition, he stands charged with inciting public unrest, defying the law, and organising or participating in illegal meetings or protests.

Authorities also allege that he spread false information and propaganda aimed at damaging Rwanda’s international image, as well as disseminating unfounded rumours.

As part of DALFA Umurinzi’s activities, Sibomana coordinated English-language training sessions for members.

{{Key dates and events
}}

In August 2021, Sibomana informed members via WhatsApp about upcoming training sessions and shared both a book and a video to help them improve their English and grasp the course content.

August 14–20, 2021: Sibomana instructed trainees to download the Jitsi Meet app and use pseudonyms for anonymity.

August 20: He asked a participant, Nzabandora, to use a fake name, suggesting options like “Turkey,” “Morocco,” or “Egypt.”

August 14: Participants, including Nzabandora, received the English book Blueprint for Revolution and its French translation Comment faire tomber un dictateur… by Serbian activist Srđa Popović.

Popović’s video content was also shared to help participants familiarise themselves with English and prepare for the sessions.

{{Who are Popović and Milošević?
}}

Slobodan Milošević was the President of Serbia from 1989 to 1997 and later the President of Yugoslavia until 2000. He is infamous for his role in the Yugoslav Wars and was overthrown during the 2000 “Bulldozer Revolution.”

Srđa Popović is a Serbian activist and co-founder of the Otpor! youth movement, which played a major role in the peaceful overthrow of Milošević through non-violent protest and creative civil resistance.

{{More evidence from WhatsApp
}}

August 23, 2021: Sibomana sent Nzabandora a link to download Jitsi Meet.

August 28: Using a phone number registered to Leonille Gasengayire, he shared the training schedule—sessions were set for September 13, 16, 20, and 23, from 5:00 to 6:30 PM.

September 2: He sent a YouTube link to help participants study the trainer’s delivery style.

September 8: A reminder was sent for a trial session scheduled for September 9.

September 9: Sibomana shared the meeting link and sent participants Rwf 1,000 via MoMo to purchase internet data.

Participants included: Pepino (moderator), Grace (Sibomana), Flanlin (Rucubanganya Alexis—DALFA representative in Ngoma), Brown, Clever, VD, and Sacha.

The first session, titled Vision for Tomorrow, discouraged violent resistance and instead promoted alternative ways to confront the regime in a country where public protests are not permitted.

The second session, held on September 20, 2021, was led by Sandra and Anna and focused on strategies for removing the government.

During the training sessions, four key strategies were discussed as potential methods to challenge the government. The first involved mobilisation and persuasion, aimed at encouraging citizens to stand up to the regime without provoking a violent response. The second strategy centred on protest, using public demonstrations to show presence and determination in confronting state authority.

The third tactic was non-cooperation, which entailed refusing to pay taxes and boycotting government programmes as well as locally produced goods, including those under the “Made in Rwanda” label.

Lastly, the dilemma tactic was introduced—an approach designed to create scenarios that would compel the government to make difficult or unpopular decisions, particularly as the number of active participants increased.

{{Planned operations to destabilise the government
}}

The participants are said to have organised their activities under a series of planned operations, each aimed at undermining the government through targeted acts of civil resistance.

One such initiative was Operation Shira Ubwoba Udahungetwa Ugahungeta, which focused on street vendors frequently subjected to harassment by law enforcement. The plan involved the use of protest songs as a tool to highlight and amplify the vendors’ grievances.

Another was Operation Serwakira, which sought to mobilise landless citizens. The strategy began with the distribution of blank flyers, intended to spark curiosity. These would later be replaced with flyers bearing messages such as, “We’re tired of police brutality, heavy taxes, and disappearances.” To ensure wide circulation, motorcyclists were to be hired to distribute them across different areas.

The third, Operation Umuturage Imbere, addressed issues like forced evictions, oppressive taxation, and the mistreatment of street vendors. As part of this campaign, participants would wear T-shirts emblazoned with the word Kangondo—a reference to a community evicted in recent years—during court proceedings and large public gatherings, in an effort to draw attention to the plight of affected citizens and stir public sentiment.

This investigation, grounded in intercepted communications and witness testimony, forms the basis for Ingabire’s most recent arrest and prosecution. Prosecutors say more evidence will be unveiled as the case proceeds.

In an exclusive interview with IGIHE, he revealed how he ended up joining the militia group formed by remnants of the perpetrators of the Genocide against the Tutsi, saying he was coerced through persistent harassment by its members, which is one of the tactics used to recruit young people.

“The first time I got involved was because of mistreatment. If you were a capable young man, they would constantly make you carry their loads every day. Whatever you did wouldn’t be appreciated, and they’d say they would stop only if you joined the militia. I got angry and ended up joining the group,” he stated.

He joined the FDLR in 2017, initially believing it was a noble organisation with sound intentions and legitimate goals. But once inside, he realised they were deeply entrenched in genocidal ideology and engaged in destabilising activities. That’s when he started plotting how to escape.

He confirmed that their core activity was combat training and fighting, with the stated goal of overthrowing the Rwandan government because it is led by Tutsis.

The ex-combatant revealed that the group’s collaboration with the Congolese army, FARDC, gave the FDLR a significant role in the DRC during the conflict involving the M23 rebel group, which advocates for the rights of Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese and is opposed by the government of President Félix Antoine Tshisekedi.

“We were on the front lines while FARDC was positioned behind us. Sometimes they would mix us together, especially when we wore FARDC uniforms, making it hard to distinguish us. But when we returned to base, we were housed separately,” he said.

Ntawiheba revealed that battle planning was often led by FDLR senior commanders, who coordinated with FARDC officers in French to strategise combat operations.

A clear sign that the FDLR was leading the front lines was that, during attacks or battles, they were always the first to engage, while FARDC and Wazalendo forces followed behind.

Food supplies during combat missions were provided by FARDC, along with ammunition, weapons, and uniforms distributed to all fighters.

{{Six months of FDLR and FARDC cohabitation in military camps
}}

Officials at various levels of the Congolese government have repeatedly denied cooperating with the FDLR, but their actions and patterns of collaboration often speak louder than their statements.

Ntawiheba said the FDLR–FARDC alliance was kept highly secret, with many fighters on the ground unaware of its existence.

However, after M23 gained ground and advanced toward Sake, a decision was made to station all troops together in the same base.

“It was initially kept secret, but once we reached Sake, it became clear – we were together openly. At Bambiro, we stayed together for six months in the same military facility,” he added.

In addition to providing money, weapons, and other resources to FDLR fighters during combat, the DRC also reportedly promised them that once the M23 was defeated, it would support them in overthrowing the Rwandan government.

In March 2024, M23 initially captured several areas surrounding the town of Sake, located in Masisi territory, as well as parts of Goma in Nyiragongo territory.

The fighting intensified as M23 advanced toward Sake, especially since the opposing forces had been reinforced by troops from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and those from the United Nations special force known as the Force Intervention Brigade (FIB).

Ntawiheba disclosed that entering Sake required M23 to fight a brutal battle that claimed many lives among his comrades, with others seriously injured.

“A day I’ll never forget is when we fought in Madimba. It was an intense and violent battle. Where bullets fly, people are bound to die, and injuries are inevitable. To come out of that place without getting wounded or killed is reason enough to thank God,” he revealed

“What gave M23 an advantage over us was their unity. They prepared and executed their operations together, unlike the disorganised approach on our side, where there was no clear structure.”

He added that witnessing people die around him made him reflect and realise they were not fighting for a meaningful cause, but were simply being used as pawns by senior FDLR leaders.

Ntawiheba called on his former comrades still in the forest to make the decision to return home instead of wasting away in the bush, misled by lies spread by fugitives from justice who participated in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

The FDLR could now be disbanded if the DRC government fully commits to the deal signed on Friday between the DRC and Rwanda to neutralise the group.

The agreement was signed in Washington, D.C., with Rwanda and the DRC represented by their respective foreign ministers, Amb. Olivier Nduhungirehe and Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner, at a ceremony witnessed by U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio.

President Donald Trump later hosted a follow-up presentation of the signed agreement in the Oval Office, accompanied by Secretary Rubio and Vice President Vance, hailing the occasion as a “glorious triumph” after 30 years of conflict.

Describing the accord as a “glorious triumph” for peace, President Trump said the agreement marked the end of one of the world’s most protracted conflicts, which lasted three decades.

“The violence and destruction come to an end today, and the entire region begins a new chapter of hope, opportunity, prosperity, and peace,” he said during the ceremony.

The peace deal was signed by Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Olivier Nduhungirehe and his DRC counterpart Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner. The event was presided over by U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who led the diplomatic push alongside Senior Advisor for African Affairs Massad Boulos.

In his remarks, Trump stressed the importance of holding both nations accountable for implementing the terms of the agreement.

“You’re going to do what’s in the agreement… because if somebody fails to do that, bad things happen,” he warned. “But I have a feeling that after 30 years, you’re all set.”

The agreement is the result of months of quiet diplomacy led by the U.S. State Department, with support from Qatar, the African Union, and the government of Togo.

Boulos, who led the U.S. mediation efforts, confirmed that the accord signed Friday was the final and binding version. He also hinted at further economic agreements and an upcoming Heads of State ceremonial summit at the White House, expected soon.

Under the new agreement, both countries have committed to the formation of a Joint Security Coordination Mechanism to oversee the implementation of peace and stability measures. At the heart of this framework is a plan to neutralise the FDLR, a militia group linked to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

The DRC has committed to dismantling the FDLR and facilitating the safe return of refugees; in return, Rwanda will lift defensive measures at its border.

Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe thanked the Trump administration for its decisive involvement in mediating the agreement.

“This deal is the product of coordinated efforts from multiple actors,” he said, pointing to Qatar’s mediation and the African Union’s role, particularly under the leadership of President Faure Gnassingbé of Togo.

“The first order of business is to implement the concept of operations for the neutralization of the FDLR, accompanied by a lifting of Rwanda’s defensive measures,” Nduhungirehe explained.

“This is grounded in the commitment made here for an irreversible and verifiable end to state support for FDLR and associated militias.”

At the same time, Minister Nduhungirehe noted that in the coming weeks, the focus will shift to ensuring the success of ongoing mediation between the DRC and the AFC/M23 rebel group in Qatar.

“We will lend our full support in the weeks ahead to Qatar’s mediation efforts, led by Minister of State Mohammed Al-Khulaifi, to secure a peace agreement between the DRC government and the AFC/M23,” he said.

He also highlighted economic cooperation as a pillar of the new relationship, noting growing interest from American investors in sectors ranging from mining to energy.

“Shared growth and cross-border cooperation will unlock tangible dividends for both our countries,” he said.

Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner, representing the DRC, echoed the sentiments. “This agreement affirms a shared responsibility to uphold sovereignty, human rights, and international law,” she said. “We, the DRC, will resolutely fight for this agreement to be respected, not with our words but with our deeds.”

Secretary of State Marco Rubio called the agreement a critical step toward lasting stability, adding that it represents a strategic alignment of peace and prosperity in the region. He emphasised that U.S. engagement was motivated not just by diplomacy but by the shared interests in economic development, human rights, and long-term investment.

Boulos added that the U.S. is also negotiating a critical minerals agreement with the DRC and supporting infrastructure projects such as a $1.5 billion electric transmission line from Angola to the DRC. He noted a regional economic integration framework had also been finalised and would be signed at the White House later this year.

The signing comes amid Trump’s wider efforts to broker peace deals in other regions, including between Israel and Iran, and Pakistan and India.