In an interview with NBC News, Vance rejected the notion that Moscow was stringing President Donald Trump along, saying the Russians have been “flexible” on some of their demands.
“I think the Russians have made significant concessions to President Trump for the first time in three and a half years of this conflict,” Vance said. “They’ve actually been willing to be flexible on some of their core demands. They’ve talked about what would be necessary to end the war.”
“Of course, they haven’t been completely there yet, or the war would be over. But we’re engaging in this diplomatic process in good faith,” he added.
“We’re going to keep on doing what we have to do to bring this thing to a close,” Vance said. “I don’t think it’s going to happen overnight.”
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said Friday that a meeting between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky is not being planned.
Intense diplomatic efforts have been underway in recent weeks to end the conflict in Ukraine. Following the Trump-Putin meeting in the U.S. state of Alaska, Trump held talks with Zelensky and European leaders on Monday.
Sixty juniors, ranging from 4 to 16 years old, competed across four divisions, bringing a mix of excitement, composure, and raw talent that left parents, coaches, and spectators convinced Rwanda is nurturing players who could soon compete on the continental stage.
The 18-hole advanced category proved the highlight of the day, delivering a commanding performance from Mukabwa Murenjekha, whose precision and calmness under pressure earned him a net 65 to secure first place.
His younger sister, Wambui Murenjekha, followed closely with a sharp short game and impressive course management, finishing with a net 70. Hannah Murenzi joined them on the podium with an equally composed net 70. Their consistency and strategic play sent a clear message: Rwanda’s junior golf program is producing athletes with the skill and temperament to excel regionally and beyond.
In the 9-hole intermediate division, six-year-old Joey Zane Wimfura Mutaboba stole the spotlight, claiming victory with a composed 49. Yao Yao and Cyibil Wambui weren’t far behind, with scores of 51 and 52, respectively, proving the depth of talent emerging in Rwanda’s youth golf scene.
The energy carried into the younger categories, where the 6-hole beginners put on a spirited performance led by Rodney Rwivanga at 35 strokes. In the 3-hole contest, Sine Saro and Travis Yuhi Emile tied for top honors with 17 strokes each. Even at these early levels, discipline and skill were evident, demonstrating that this tournament is more than just an event—it’s a vital pipeline for Rwanda’s future golf stars.
“This series isn’t simply about competition; it’s about building a pathway,” said Ambassador Bill Kayonga, Chairman of the Rwanda Golf Union. “We now have a structure for young golfers to develop their skills and feed directly into Rwanda’s national team. We thank NCBA for making this possible.”
“We’re proud to offer a glimpse into the next generation of African golf,” said Maurice Toroitich, Managing Director of NCBA Bank Rwanda. “Our investment in junior golf reflects our commitment to ‘Change the Story’ and build opportunities where they matter most.”
The event’s success was also a testament to the meticulous planning by Kigali Golf Resort & Villas, which has invested heavily in its junior academy. “Seeing these kids take the course with professionalism and joy proves that consistent coaching and opportunities pay off,” said Gaston Gasore, Acting CEO of Kigali Golf Resort & Villas.
As competition wrapped up, the tournament transformed into a lively family celebration. A poolside prize-giving ceremony featured grand trophies, giveaways, and a cake-cutting ceremony, with music, swimming, food, and ice cream courtesy of the sponsors. Families, golfers, and guests celebrated not only a successful tournament but also the bright future of Rwandan golf.
With strong partnerships, rising talent, and a clear development pathway, Rwanda’s next generation of golfers is swinging confidently toward a future filled with possibility.
Ndikuriyo made these remarks during a recent media briefing in Butanyerere District, Buye, which addressed several national issues, including widespread poverty, fuel shortages, refugee returns, border closures, and prospects for restoring ties with Rwanda.
When journalists asked about the potential reopening of borders and the restoration of bilateral relations, Ndikuriyo was unequivocal. He stated that Burundi is not prepared to live in harmony with Rwanda until those involved in the 2015 coup attempt are surrendered.
“Rwanda must hand over those who attempted the coup d’état. If they continue to refuse, we will not back down because Burundians respect themselves and their dignity,” he stated.
Burundi closed its borders in January 2024, after repeatedly accusing Rwanda of supporting the RED Tabara rebel group following an attack in the Gatumba area of Bujumbura. At the time, the Rwandan government dismissed the claims, saying they were false and that Rwanda had no connection to any armed group in Burundi.
Rwanda has also made clear that it cannot hand over the individuals involved in the coup attempt, as doing so would violate international refugee law.
Bilateral relations between Rwanda and Burundi deteriorated sharply in 2015 during an attempted coup against Nkurunziza. The coup, led by soldiers including Gen. Maj. Godefroid Niyombare, unfolded while Nkurunziza was attending an East African Community summit in Tanzania.
On May 15, 2015, forces loyal to Nkurunziza regained control, prompting Niyombare and other coup participants—soldiers, police, and politicians—to flee. Burundi claims many sought refuge in Kigali, and has repeatedly requested their extradition, which Rwanda has refused on legal grounds.
On March 10, 2025, intelligence officials from both countries met in Kirundo Province to discuss security issues that have exacerbated tensions. While talks also addressed potential pathways for restoring relations, progress has been stalled by Burundi’s continued accusatory stance towards Rwanda.
The border closure has significantly disrupted travel and trade between the two countries.
{{FDLR presence complicates reconciliation
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While Burundi focuses on accusations against Rwanda and demands the extradition of coup plotters as a precondition for better ties, experts warn that its tolerance of the FDLR militia group linked to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda could hinder the restoration of relations.
The collaboration between Burundian troops and the FDLR has been evident in eastern DRC, where they have worked alongside the Kinshasa administration in efforts to neutralise the AFC/M23 rebel coalition.
Analysts also warn that if military operations targeting the FDLR are carried out as part of the DRC–Rwanda agreement signed in June, its members may seek refuge in Burundi.
The FDLR remains a major security threat to Rwanda, having contributed to instability in eastern DRC for the past three decades. Rwanda has consistently affirmed that as long as the group exists, it will maintain defensive measures to protect its security.
As part of this initiative, RURA has engaged lecturers, researchers, university administrators, and students—especially those involved in technology, telecommunications, and broadcasting—to contribute ideas for the law’s revision.
The discussions took place on August 22, 2025, at the University of Rwanda, College of Science and Technology, and were attended by senior officials from telecom companies and internet service providers.
RURA’s Director General, Evariste Rugigana, stated that universities should play a visible role in decisions across different sectors through research or input on desired directions, which is why they were brought together.
The Vice Chancellor of the University of Rwanda, Dr. Didas Muganga, emphasised the importance of giving universities the opportunity to participate in development-focused decision-making, noting that they house experts in various fields. He also highlighted that universities conduct research aimed at societal transformation, and giving them a platform in certain changes provides a valuable contribution.
Charles Gahungu, General Manager of ICT Regulation at RURA, told IGIHE that the law governing service quality standards is currently under revision.
“We are bringing all relevant stakeholders together to determine how these regulations should be designed so they are fair for everyone—both service providers and users,” he said.
“That’s why we convened here at the University of Rwanda. We brought RURA, universities, and service providers together to share ideas—researchers give their input and hear the challenges faced by service providers, and providers also hear these ideas. We then combine them to benefit citizens.”
He noted that the revisions will consider new technologies such as 5G and 4G, which were not adequately addressed in the existing law.
“New technologies have emerged that the old laws did not cover. For example, 5G is now being deployed in Kigali, but its services did not previously have clear regulations regarding standards. There is also VoLTE technology, which allows calls over 4G internet and was launched last year by Airtel. Our old laws did not cover these new services, and as technology evolves, so do the standards.”
On challenges faced by investors that the revised law could address, Gahungu noted that older standards like 2G and 3G remain expensive to maintain because they require additional equipment, while technology continues to advance and older services gradually exit the market.
“At RURA, we look at both sides: ensuring citizens can continue to access services without disruption or poor quality, while also implementing measures that encourage users to transition to modern technologies,” he said.
MTN Rwanda’s CEO, Ali Monzer, said the company is committed to providing quality services but investment should prioritise advanced technologies such as 4G and 5G rather than 2G and 3G, which could limit progress.
“Providing quality services is essential, but it must align with our long-term vision. If we continue to focus heavily on maintaining 2G and 3G networks, it will reduce our capacity to accelerate investment in 4G and 5G,” he said, adding: “Allow us to align quality service delivery with investment.”
Airtel Rwanda’s Managing Director, Emmanuel Hamez, echoed this view, noting that investing heavily in 2G and 3G is increasingly costly and inefficient, as these networks may soon become obsolete.
CanalBox CEO, Aimé Abizera, praised the ongoing progress, emphasising the importance of contributing to initiatives that improve internet use and transform the lives of Rwandans.
Dr Migiro succeeds Dr Emmanuel Nchimbi, who has been nominated to run alongside President Samia Suluhu Hassan as her vice-presidential candidate in the upcoming October general election.
The announcement of Migiro’s appointment was made by CCM’s Secretary for Ideology, Publicity and Training, Amos Makalla, after a round of nomination meetings chaired by President Samia in her capacity as party chair.
At 69, Dr Migiro brings to the role decades of political, diplomatic and academic experience. She is best known globally for serving as the United Nations Deputy Secretary-General from 2007 to 2012 under Ban Ki-moon, the first Tanzanian and only the third person ever to hold the post.
Her political career at home has been equally trailblazing. She became Tanzania’s first female Minister of Foreign Affairs in 2006, after five years leading the Ministry of Community Development, Gender and Children. In those roles, she was at the forefront of regional diplomacy, chairing the Great Lakes Region peace process and guiding Southern African Development Community (SADC) efforts to support elections in countries emerging from conflict.
{{From academia to politics
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Dr Migiro began her career in academia, teaching law at the University of Dar es Salaam and later heading key departments in the Faculty of Law. She also served on Tanzania’s Law Reform Commission and the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women before fully venturing into politics.
Her path within CCM has been steady, starting at grassroots ward leadership level in the 1990s before rising through the regional structures. Although she unsuccessfully sought the party’s presidential nomination in 2015, she later represented Tanzania abroad as High Commissioner to the United Kingdom.
{{A historic first for CCM
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Founded in 1977, CCM has been the dominant political force in Tanzania since independence, but leadership at its highest ranks has long been male-dominated. Dr Migiro’s elevation to Secretary-General marks a milestone for the party and is seen as further cementing President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s push to open more leadership spaces for women.
Born in Songea in 1956, Dr Migiro studied law at the University of Dar es Salaam before earning a doctorate in Germany. She is married to Professor Cleophas Migiro and is a mother of two. In addition to Kiswahili and English, she speaks basic French and German.
The convicts were part of a gang accused of operating between April and August 2025, targeting shops, cooperatives, and money transfer outlets across the volatile Beni region.
Prosecutors said their most audacious strike occurred on the night of August 8–9, when they raided the Païdek cooperative, making off with over $100,000 and 76 million Congolese francs. Security forces intercepted the Ugandan group the following day as they tried to return home, recovering $54,350 and 36 million Congolese francs.
Alongside the death sentences for criminal association, the tribunal imposed 10-year prison terms for the theft charges. Two minors implicated in the case were acquitted. In a related proceeding, a man arrested in Dindi with an AK-47 rifle received a death sentence for armed robbery, while his alleged accomplice was acquitted due to lack of evidence.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo retains capital punishment, though no executions have been carried out since 2003, creating a de facto moratorium. Nevertheless, death sentences remain frequent in military tribunals handling armed violence or organised crime. In March 2024, Kinshasa indicated plans to resume executions to curb insurgencies in the east.
The Beni region has long suffered from armed group violence, including attacks by the Ugandan-origin Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), which has displaced at least 500,000 people since early 2025.
The minister is accompanied by Army Commander Maj Gen André Rafael Mahunguane and CP Fabião Pedro Nhancololo, Commander of the Law and Order Service of Mozambique’s National Police.
During the visit, Minister Chume and his delegation on Saturday, August 24, 2025, visited the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) Headquarters, where they held talks with Rwanda’s Minister of Defence, Juvenal Marizamunda, and RDF Chief of Defence Staff, General MK Mubarakh. The discussions focused on enhancing bilateral defence collaboration and regional security coordination.
The Mozambican delegation was briefed on Rwanda’s contributions to peace and security across Africa. Speaking to the media, Minister Chume said the visit aimed to reinforce defence and security ties, noting that Rwanda is a key partner to Mozambique not only in defence but also in socio-economic development.
He highlighted the joint operations conducted by Mozambican forces alongside the RDF in Cabo Delgado, which have contributed to stabilising the region and enabling displaced communities to return home.
He emphasised that the operations will further degrade the insurgency. He commended the courage and sacrifice of the Rwanda Security Forces in support of the Mozambican people.
Minister Chume also emphasised other areas of cooperation, including training programs and intelligence sharing, underlining that terrorism remains a common regional threat.
In addition to defence discussions, the Mozambican delegation paid tribute to the victims of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi at the Kigali Genocide Memorial and toured the Campaign against Genocide Museum.
Rwanda first deployed a joint RDF and Rwanda National Police force to Cabo Delgado in July 2021, at the request of the Mozambican government. Since then, Rwandan forces have played a crucial role in counterterrorism operations, helping to liberate and stabilise areas previously held by insurgents.
The Ramba Hills project, led by Investment Africa Holdings Ltd. through its subsidiary Ramba Real Estate, is under construction in Gasabo District, near King Faisal Hospital, extending toward Vision City and the Kigali Golf Course.
According to the master plan, Ramba Hills will feature two high-rise towers—one 26 floors and the other 24—alongside four additional towers ranging from 10 to 16 floors. One of the tallest towers will serve as an office block, while the other will be dedicated to residential apartments.
Complementing the skyline will be ten single-storey residential buildings facing the golf course, landscaped gardens, a large swimming pool, and extensive internal road networks. The development will also include a hotel, modern retail outlets, and parking space for more than 1,400 vehicles.
The design allows professionals to live and work within the same development, with convenient access to on-site retail outlets and other essential as well as recreational amenities.
Ramba Real Estate has confirmed that the entire project will cost approximately Frw 115.7 billion ($80 million). Construction is expected to run for four years, with residential houses to be completed within the first 18 months, apartments in two and a half to three years, and the office tower by the fourth year.
Kigali City Mayor Samuel Dusengiyumva, speaking in June 2025, hailed Ramba Hills as one of the flagship projects set to transform the city’s urban landscape.
“Compared to Vision City and the existing apartments, Kacyiru is about to change significantly,” said Dusengiyumva. “Relocating residents sparked much debate, but this project reflects the President’s vision and the city’s clear development plan.”
With its blend of luxury apartments, business facilities, leisure spaces, and green design, Ramba Hills is being positioned as a defining symbol of Kigali’s next phase of urban development.
General Lucien René Likulia, representing the public prosecutor’s office, called on the High Military Court to sentence Kabila to death for “war crimes,” “treason,” and “organising an insurrectional movement.” The prosecution also requested 20 years in prison for “glorifying war crimes” and 15 years for “conspiracy.”
Kabila, who has been living abroad for over two years, returned briefly to eastern Congo in May, visiting Goma and Bukavu—cities under the control of the M23 group. There, he held consultations with political and civil society representatives, which he said were intended to “contribute to the return of peace” in the country. His visits, however, were viewed by the government in Kinshasa as attempts to legitimise the rebel movement.
Eastern Congo has been plagued by conflict for over 30 years. Violence escalated early this year when M23 seized control of Goma and Bukavu, capitals of North Kivu and South Kivu. The prosecution argued that Kabila bears “criminal and individual responsibility” for the “harm” caused by the rebel group.
According to General Likulia, Kabila allegedly planned a coup against President Félix Tshisekedi, who succeeded him in 2019 following a contested election. Prosecutors claim he intended to “overthrow the constitutional regime by force” with support from figures such as Corneille Nangaa, former head of the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI), before joining M23 in 2023 and heading its political branch, the Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC).
Prior to his May visit, Kabila released a 12-point peace proposal, calling for disbanding armed groups, national dialogue, engagement with neighbouring countries, and ending authoritarian rule. While his supporters hailed the plan as a step toward peace, authorities deemed it a threat to national stability.
The trial, which opened on July 25 in Kinshasa, marks the first time a former Congolese president has faced prosecution before a military court. Kabila is not expected to appear in person, but the hearings will continue in his absence.
A moratorium on the death penalty had been in place in the DRC since 2003 and was lifted in 2024, though no executions have occurred since.
In a statement issued on Friday, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation described the claims as “sensational, baseless, and lacking evidence,” pointing out that even HRW acknowledged it had not independently verified the alleged killings of Hutu civilians said to have occurred over nearly two weeks in July.
“These salacious claims, which raise more questions than answers, are not the result of any credible investigation,” the Rwandan government said. “Rather, they have been hastily released through media leaks in an attempt to entrench a pre-determined narrative. Only an independent investigation will shed light on these allegations.”
Rwanda accused HRW of a “long history of implausible claims” against the country, often timed to coincide with critical political moments. The government noted that the latest report comes as parties to the conflict in eastern DRC prepare to resume negotiations and as the June 27 Washington DC Peace Agreement — which includes the neutralisation of the DRC-backed FDLR militia — is being implemented. Kigali reiterated its commitment to regional peace efforts, including the Doha process.
The Allied Forces Coalition/M23 (AFC/M23) rebel group also dismissed the HRW report recently, calling it “fake, politically motivated, and an instrument of propaganda.”
In a statement released on Wednesday, the group’s spokesperson, Lawrence Kanyuka, criticised HRW’s methodology, saying it relied on “unverified telephone testimonies and satellite imagery without on-the-ground verification.”
“The Human Rights Watch report of August 20th, 2025, is fake and a falsification of reality. Its methodology is fraudulent, its sources are corrupt, and its context is truncated,” the statement read.
AFC/M23 further accused HRW of ignoring atrocities allegedly committed by other armed groups allied with the Kinshasa government, including the FDLR, Nyatura, PARECO, and Wazalendo. The rebels maintain that the report is intended to cover up “military failures and crimes against humanity” by government forces.
